--- title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι" author: "Polybius" translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh" languages: [grc, en] shelf: "Classical Greek" section: 88 of 103 url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/88/ cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 88. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/88/" --- # The Histories · Ἱστορίαι *Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh* How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage. > Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 88. Book XXVIII · chapters 12–23 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/88/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/88/#p-N [¶0] 12. Upon Perseus designing to come into Thessaly and there decide the war by a general engagement, as he probably would have done, Archon and his colleagues resolved to defend themselves against the suspicions and slanders that had been thrown upon them, by taking some practical steps. They therefore brought a decree before the Achaean congress, ordering an advance into Thessaly, with the full force of the league, to co-operate energetically with the Romans. The decree being confirmed, the Achaeans also voted that Archon should superintend the collection of the army and the necessary preparations for the expedition, and should also send envoys to the Consul in Thessaly, to communicate to him the decree of the Achaeans, and to ask when and where their army was to join him. Polybius and others were forthwith appointed, and strictly instructed that, if the Consul approved of the army joining him, they should at once send some messengers to communicate the fact, that they might not be too late on the field; and meanwhile, that Polybius himself should see that the whole army found provisions in the various cities through which it was to pass, and that the soldiers should have no lack of any necessaries. With these instructions the envoys started. The Achaeans also appointed Telocritus to conduct an embassy to Attalus, bearing the decree concerning the restoration of the honours of Eumenes. And as news arrived about the same time that king Ptolemy had just celebrated his anacleteria, the usual ceremony when the kings come of age, they voted to send some ambassadors to confirm the friendly relations existing between the league and the kingdom of Egypt, and thereupon appointed Alcithus and Pasiadas for this duty. > Greek: 12. ὅτι τοῦ Περσέως βουλομένου ἥξειν μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν καὶ λήψεσθαι τὰ ὅλα κρίσιν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον, ἔδοξε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπολογεῖσθαι πάλιν πρὸς τὰς ὑπονοίας καὶ διαβολάς. εἰσήνεγκαν οὖν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς δόγμα διότι δεῖ πανδημεὶ ποιησαμένους τὴν ἔξοδον εἰς Θετταλίαν κοινωνῆσαι τῶν πραγμάτων ὁλοσχερῶς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. καὶ τούτου κυρωθέντος ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν Ἄρχωνα γίνεσθαι περὶ τὴν συναγωγὴν τοῦ στρατεύματος καὶ περὶ τὰς εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον παρασκευάς, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ὕπατον πρεσβευτὰς πέμπειν εἰς Θετταλίαν τοὺς τὰ δεδογμένα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς διασαφήσοντας καὶ πευσομένους πότε καὶ ποῦ δεῖ συμμιγνύειν αὐτῷ τὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς παραχρῆμα Πολύβιον καὶ ἄλλους καὶ ἐνετείλαντο τῷ Πολυβίῳ φιλοτίμως, ἐὰν ὁ στρατηγὸς εὐδοκῇ τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, τοὺς μὲν συμπρεσβευτὰς ἐξ αὐτῆς πέμπειν διασαφήσοντας, ἵνα μὴ καθυστερῶσι τῶν καιρῶν, αὐτὸν δὲ φροντίζειν ἵνα τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀγορὰς ἔχῃ, διʼ ὧν ἂν πορεύηται, καὶ μηδὲν ἐλλείπῃ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τοὺς στρατιώτας. ταύτας μὲν οὖν ἔχοντες οἱ προειρημένοι τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐξώρμησαν· κατέστησαν δὲ καὶ πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς Ἄτταλον τοὺς περὶ Τηλόκριτον, ἀποκομίζοντας τὸ δόγμα τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀποκαταστάσεως τῶν Εὐμένους τιμῶν. καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου προσπεσόντος τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς διότι γέγονεν αὐτῷ τὰ νομιζόμενα γίνεσθαι τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, ὅταν εἰς ἡλικίαν ἔλθωσιν, ἀνακλητήρια, νομίσαντες σφίσι καθήκειν ἐπισημήνασθαι τὸ γεγονός, ἐψηφίσαντο πέμπειν πρεσβευτὰς ἀνανεωσομένους τὰ προϋπάρχοντα τῷ ἔθνει φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν, καὶ παραυτίκα κατέστησαν Ἀλκίθον καὶ Πασιάδαν. [¶1] 13. Polybius and his colleagues found the Romans moved from Thessaly, and encamped in Perrhaebia, between Azorium and Doliche. They therefore postponed communication with the Consul, owing to the critical nature of the occasion, but shared in the dangers of the invasion of Macedonia. When the Roman army at length reached the district of Heracleum, it seemed the right moment for their interview with Q. Marcius, because he considered that the most serious part of his undertaking was accomplished. The Achaean envoys therefore took the opportunity of presenting the decree to Marcius, and declaring the intention of the Achaeans, to the effect that they wished with their full force to take part in his contests and dangers. In addition to this they demonstrated to him that every command of the Romans, whether sent by letter or messenger, had been during the present war accepted by the Achaeans without dispute. Marcius acknowledged with great warmth the good feeling of the Achaeans, but excused them from taking part in his labours and expenses, as there was no longer any need for the assistance of allies. The other ambassadors accordingly returned home; but Polybius stayed there and took part in the campaign, until Marcius, hearing that Appius Cento asked for five thousand Achaean soldiers to be sent to Epirus, despatched Polybius with orders to prevent the soldiers being granted, or such a heavy expense being causelessly imposed on the Achaeans; for Appius had no reason whatever for asking for these soldiers. Whether he did this from consideration for the Achaeans, or from a desire to prevent Appius from obtaining any success, it is difficult to say. Polybius, however, returned to the Peloponnese and found that the letter from Epirus had arrived, and that the Achaean congress had been soon afterwards assembled at Sicyon. He was therefore in a situation of great embarrassment. When Cento’s demand of soldiers was brought before the Congress he did not think it by any means proper to reveal the charge which Q. Marcius had given him privately: and on the other hand to oppose the demand, without some clear pretext, was exceedingly dangerous. In this difficult and delicate position he called to his aid the decree of the Roman Senate, forbidding compliance with the written demands of commanders unless made in accordance with its own decree, Now, no mention of such a decree occurred in the despatch from Appius. By this argument he prevailed with the people to refer the matter to the Consul, and by his means to get the nation relieved of an expense which would amount to over a hundred and twenty talents. Still he gave a great handle to those who wished to denounce him to Appius, as having thwarted his design of obtaining a reinforcement.... > Greek: 13. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πολύβιον καταλαβόντες τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐκ μὲν τῆς Θετταλίας κεκινηκότας, τῆς δὲ Περραιβίας στρατοπεδεύοντας Ἀζωρίου μεταξὺ καὶ Δολίχης, τὴν μὲν ἔντευξιν ὑπερέθεντο διὰ τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς, τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον τὴν εἰς Μακεδονίαν κινδύνων μετεῖχον. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος κατάραντος ἐπὶ τοὺς καθʼ Ἡράκλειον τόπους ἔδοξε καιρὸς εἶναι πρὸς ἔντευξιν, ἅτε τοῦ στρατηγοῦ δοκοῦντος ἠνύσθαι τὸ μέγιστον τῶν προκειμένων, τότε λαβόντες καιρὸν τὸ ψήφισμα τῷ Μαρκίῳ προσήνεγκαν καὶ διεσάφουν τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν προαίρεσιν διότι βουληθεῖεν αὐτῷ πανδημεὶ τῶν αὐτῶν μετασχεῖν ἀγώνων καὶ κινδύνων. καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ὑπέδειξαν διότι πᾶν τὸ γραφὲν ἢ παραγγελθὲν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον ἀναντίρρητον γέγονεν. τοῦ δὲ Μαρκίου τὴν μὲν προαίρεσιν ἀποδεχομένου τὴν Ἀχαιῶν μεγαλωστί, τῆς δὲ κακοπαθείας αὐτοὺς καὶ τῆς δαπάνης παραλύοντος διὰ τὸ μηκέτι χρείαν ἔχειν τοὺς καιροὺς τῆς τῶν συμμάχων βοηθείας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν, ὁ δὲ Πολύβιος αὐτοῦ μείνας μετεῖχε τῶν ἐνεστώτων πραγμάτων, ἕως ὁ Μάρκιος ἀκούσας Ἄππιον τὸν Κέντωνα πεντακισχιλίους στρατιώτας αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εἰς Ἤπειρον, ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν προειρημένον, παρακαλέσας φροντίζειν ἵνα μὴ δοθῶσιν οἱ στρατιῶται μηδὲ τηλικοῦτο δαπάνημα μάταιον γένηται τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς· πρὸς οὐδένα γὰρ λόγον αἰτεῖν τοὺς στρατιώτας τὸν Ἄππιον. πότερα δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐποίει κηδόμενος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἢ τὸν Ἄππιον ἀπραγεῖν βουλόμενος χαλεπὸν εἰπεῖν. πλὴν ὅ γε Πολύβιος ἀναχωρήσας εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ἤδη τῶν γραμμάτων ἐκ τῆς Ἠπείρου προσπεπτωκότων καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ συναχθέντων εἰς Σικυῶνα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, εἰς πρόβλημα παμμέγεθες ἐνέπεσε. τοῦ γὰρ διαβουλίου προτεθέντος ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ Κέντων ᾐτεῖτο στρατιωτῶν, ἃ μὲν ὁ Μάρκιος αὐτῷ φροντίζειν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐνετείλατο, ταῦτα φωτίζειν οὐδαμῶς ἔκρινεν· τὸ δὲ μηδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ὑπαρχούσης φανερῶς ἀντιλέγειν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τελείως ἦν ἐπισφαλές. δυσχρήστου δὲ καὶ ποικίλης οὔσης τῆς ὑποθέσεως, ἐχρήσατο βοηθήματι πρὸς τὸ παρὸν τῷ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματι τῷ κελεύοντι μηδένα προσέχειν τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν γραφομένοις, ἐὰν μὴ τοῦτο ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὸ δόγμα τῆς συγκλήτου. τοῦτο δʼ οὐκ ἦν προσκείμενον τοῖς γράμμασι. διὸ καὶ κατεκράτησε τοῦ τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὸν ὕπατον γενέσθαι καὶ διʼ ἐκείνου παραλυθῆναι τῆς δαπάνης τὸ ἔθνος, οὔσης ὑπὲρ ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τάλαντα μεγάλα. τοῖς γε μὴν βουλομένοις διαβάλλειν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν Ἄππιον ἀφορμὰς ἔδωκεν, ὅτι διακόψαι τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν περὶ τῆς βοηθείας. — ὅτι οἱ Κυδωνιᾶται κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐποίησαν πρᾶγμα δεινὸν καὶ παράσπονδον ὁμολογουμένως. [¶2] 14. The people of Cydon at this time committed a shocking act of indisputable treachery. Though many such have occurred in Crete, yet this appeared to go beyond them all. For though they were bound to Apollonia, not only by the ties of friendship, but by those of common institutions also, and in fact by everything which mankind regard as sacred, and though these obligations were confirmed by a sworn treaty engraved and preserved in the temple of Idaean Zeus, yet they treacherously seized Apollonia, put the men to the sword, plundered the property, and divided among themselves the women, children, city, and territory.... > Greek: 14. καίπερ γὰρ πολλῶν τοιούτων γενομένων κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην, ὅμως ἔδοξεν ὑπεραίρειν τὴν συνήθειαν τὸ τότε γενόμενον. ὑπαρχούσης γὰρ αὐτοῖς οὐ μόνον φιλίας, ἀλλὰ συμπολιτείας πρὸς Ἀπολλωνιάτας καὶ καθόλου κοινωνίας πάντων τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις νομιζομένων δικαίων, καὶ περὶ τούτων κειμένης ἐνόρκου συνθήκης παρὰ τὸν Δία τὸν Ἰδαῖον, παρασπονδήσαντες τοὺς Ἀπολλωνιάτας κατελάβοντο τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας κατέσφαξαν, τὰ δʼ ὑπάρχοντα διήρπασαν, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν διανειμάμενοι κατεῖχον. — ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην δεδιότες Κυδωνιᾶται τοὺς Γορτυνίους διὰ τὸ καὶ τῷ πρότερον ἔτει παρʼ ὀλίγον κεκινδυνευκέναι τῇ πόλει τῶν περὶ Νοθοκράτην ἐπιβαλομένων αὐτὴν κατασχεῖν, ἐξέπεμψαν πρέσβεις πρὸς Εὐμένη, βοήθειαν αἰτούμενοι κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν. [¶3] 15. Afraid of the Gortynians, because they had narrowly escaped losing their city in the previous year by an attack led by Nothocrates, the Cydonians sent envoys to Eumenes demanding his assistance in virtue of their alliance with him. The king selected Leon and some soldiers, and sent them in haste to Crete; and on their arrival the Cydonians delivered the keys of their city to Leon, and put the town entirely in his hands.... > Greek: 15. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς προχειρισάμενος Λέοντα καὶ στρατιώτας σὺν τούτῳ τριακοσίους ἐξαπέστειλε κατὰ σπουδήν. ὧν παραγενομένων οἱ Κυδωνιᾶται τάς τε κλεῖς τῶν πυλῶν τῷ Λέοντι παρέδωκαν καὶ καθόλου τὴν πόλιν ἐνεχείρισαν. — ὅτι ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ τὰ τῆς ἀντιπολιτείας αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ἐπέτεινεν. [¶4] 16. The factions in Rhodes kept continually becoming more and more violent. For when the decree of the Senate, directing that they should no longer conform to the demands of the military magistrates but only to those contained in the Senate’s decrees, was communicated to them, and the people at large expressed satisfaction at the care of the Senate for their interests; Philophron and Theaetetus seized the occasion to carry out their policy further, declaring that they ought to send envoys to the Senate, and to Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul, and Gaius Marcius Figulus, the commander of the fleet. For it was by that time known to everybody which of the magistrates designate in Rome were to come to Greece. The proposal was loudly applauded, though some dissent was expressed: and at the beginning of the summer Agesilochus, son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras, son of Nicander, were sent to Rome; Agepolis, Ariston, and Pancrates to the Consul and commander of the fleet, with instructions to renew the friendship of the Cretans with Rome, and to make their defence against the accusations that were being uttered against their state; while Agesilochus and his colleagues were at the same time to make a proposal about a license to export corn from the Roman dominions. The speech made by these envoys to the Senate, and the reply made by the Senate, and the successful termination of their mission, I have already mentioned in the section devoted to Italian affairs. But it is useful to repeat such points, as I am careful to do, because I am obliged frequently to record the actual negotiations of ambassadors before mentioning the circumstances attending their appointment and despatch. For since I am recording under each year the contemporary events in several countries, and endeavouring to take a summary review of them all together at the end, this must of necessity form a feature in my history. > Greek: 16. προσπεσόντος γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματος, ἐν ᾧ διεσάφει μηκέτι προσέχειν τοῖς τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπιτάγμασιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς αὑτῆς δόγμασι, καὶ τῶν πολλῶν ἀποδεχομένων τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου πρόνοιαν, οἱ περὶ τὸν Φιλόφρονα καὶ Θεαίδητον ἐπιλαβόμενοι τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης ἐξειργάζοντο τἀκόλουθα, φάσκοντες δεῖν ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ τὸν Κόιντον Μάρκιον τὸν ὕπατον καὶ πρὸς Γάιον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ. τότε γὰρ ἤδη γνώριμον ἦν ἅπασιν οἵτινες τῶν καθεσταμένων ἀρχόντων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ παραγίνεσθαι μέλλουσιν εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους. κροτηθείσης δὲ τῆς ὑποθέσεως, καίπερ ἀντιρρήσεως γενομένης, ἀπεστάλησαν εἰς μὲν τὴν Ῥώμην ἀρχομένης θερείας Ἁγησίλοχος Ἁγησίου, Νικαγόρας, Νίκανδρος, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ὕπατον καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατηγὸν Ἁγέπολις, ἀρίστων, Πασικράτης, ἐντολὰς ἔχοντες ἀνανεοῦσθαι τὰ φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ πρὸς τὰς διαβολὰς ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὰς λεγομένας ὑπό τινων κατὰ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἁγησίλοχον ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ περὶ σιτικῆς ἐξαγωγῆς ποιησόμενοι λόγους. τὰ μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ῥηθέντα πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ τὰς δοθείσας αὐτοῖς ἀποκρίσεις ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ διότι πάντων τῶν φιλανθρώπων τυχόντες ἐπανῆλθον, ἐν τοῖς Ἰταλικοῖς εἴπομεν. περὶ δὲ τούτου τοῦ μέρους χρήσιμόν ἐστι πλεονάκις ὑπομιμνήσκειν, ὃ δὴ καὶ πειρώμεθα ποιεῖν, διότι πολλάκις ἀναγκαζόμεθα τὰς ἐντεύξεις τῶν πρεσβειῶν καὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς προτέρους ἐξαγγέλλειν τῆς καταστάσεως καὶ τῆς ἐξαποστολῆς. ἐπεὶ γὰρ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος τὰς καταλλήλους πράξεις γράφοντες πειρώμεθʼ ἐν ἑνὶ καιρῷ συγκεφαλαιοῦσθαι τὰς παρʼ ἑκάστοις πράξεις, δῆλον ὡς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν τοῦτο συμβαίνειν περὶ τὴν γραφήν. [¶5] 17. Agepolis and his colleagues found Q. Marcius himself encamped near Heracleum in Macedonia, and delivered their commission to him there. In answer, he said that “He himself paid no attention to those calumnies, and advised them not to pay any to those who ventured to speak against Rome.” He added many other expressions of kindness, and even wrote them in a despatch to the people of Rhodes. Agepolis was much charmed by his whole reception; and observing this, the Consul took him aside and said to him privately that “He wondered at the Rhodians not trying to put an end to the war, which it would be eminently in their interests to do.” Did the Consul act thus because he was suspicious of Antiochus, and was afraid, if he conquered Alexandria, that he would prove a formidable second enemy to themselves, seeing that the war with Perseus was becoming protracted, and the war for Coele-Syria had already broken out? Or was it because he saw that the war with Perseus was all but decided, now that the Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and because he had confident hopes of its result; and therefore wished, by instigating the Rhodians to interfere between the kings, to give the Romans a pretext for taking any measures they might think good concerning them? It would not be easy to say for certain; but I am inclined to believe that it was the latter, judging from what shortly afterwards happened to the Rhodians. However, Agepolis and his colleagues immediately afterwards proceeded to visit Gaius Marcius Figulus: and, having received from him still more extraordinary marks of favour than from Quintus Marcius, returned with all speed to Rhodes. When they received the report of the embassy, and knew that the two commanders had vied with each other in warmth, both by word of mouth and in their formal answers, the Rhodians were universally elated and filled with pleasing expectation. But not all in the same spirit: the sober-minded were delighted at the good feeling of the Romans towards them; but the restless and fractious calculated in their own minds that this excessive complaisance was a sign that the Romans were alarmed at the dangers in which they found themselves, and at their success not having answered to their expectations. But when Agepolis communicated to his friends that he had a private message from Q. Marcius to the Cretan Council about putting an end to the war (in Syria), then Deinon and his friends felt fully convinced that the Romans were in a great strait; and they accordingly sent envoys also to Alexandria to put an end to the war then existing between Antiochus and Ptolemy.... > Greek: 17. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν ἀφικόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Κόιντον, καταλαβόντες αὐτὸν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πρὸς Ἡράκλειον στρατοπεδεύοντα διελέγοντο περὶ ὧν εἶχον τὰς ἐντολάς. ὁ δὲ διακούσας οὐχ οἷον αὐτὸς ἔφη προσέχειν ταῖς διαβολαῖς, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνους παρεκάλει μηδενὸς ἀνέχεσθαι τῶν λέγειν τι τολμώντων κατὰ Ῥωμαίων, καὶ πολλὰ καθόλου τῶν εἰς φιλανθρωπίαν ἡκόντων ἐπεμέτρησεν. ἔγραψε δὲ ταῦτα καὶ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ῥοδίων. τοῦ δʼ Ἁγεπόλιδος ἐψυχαγωγημένου κατὰ τὴν ὅλην ἀπάντησιν ἰσχυρῶς, λαβὼν αὐτὸν κατʼ ἰδίαν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ὁ Κόιντος θαυμάζειν ἔφη πῶς οὐ πειρῶνται διαλύειν οἱ Ῥόδιοι τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον, μάλιστα τοῦ πράγματος ἐκείνοις καθήκοντος. πότερα δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐποίει τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὑποπτεύων μή ποτε κρατήσας τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας βαρὺς ἔφεδρος αὐτοῖς γένηται, τοῦ πρὸς τὸν Περσέα πολέμου χρόνον λαμβάνοντος· ἤδη γὰρ τότε συνέβαινε συγκεχύσθαι τὸν περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας πόλεμον· ἢ θεωρῶν ὅσον οὔπω κριθησόμενα τὰ κατὰ τὸν Περσέα, τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ παραβεβληκότων, καὶ καλὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχων ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀποβησομένων ἐβούλετο τοὺς Ῥοδίους προνύξας μεσίτας ἀποδεῖξαι, καὶ τοῦτο πράξαντας δοῦναι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀφορμὰς εὐλόγους εἰς τὸ βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν ὡς ἂν αὐτοῖς φαίνηται, τὸ μὲν ἀκριβὲς οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἰπεῖν, δοκῶ δὲ μᾶλλον τὸ τελευταῖον εἰρημένον, ἐξ ὧν ἐμαρτύρησε τὰ μετʼ ὀλίγον συμβάντα τοῖς Ῥοδίοις. οἵ γε μὴν περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν ἐξ αὐτῆς βαδίσαντες πρὸς τὸν Γάιον καὶ πάντων τυχόντες τῶν φιλανθρώπων ὑπερβολικώτερον ἢ παρὰ τῷ Μαρκίῳ ταχέως εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον ἀνεχώρησαν. γινομένης δὲ τῆς ἀποπρεσβείας, καὶ τῆς τε διὰ τῶν λόγων φιλανθρωπίας καὶ τῆς διὰ τῶν ἀποκρίσεων εὐνοίας ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐφαμίλλου γενομένης, ὀρθοὶ καὶ μετέωροι ταῖς διανοίαις ἐγενήθησαν οἱ Ῥόδιοι πάντες, οὐ μὴν ὡσαύτως. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑγιαίνοντες περιχαρεῖς ἦσαν ἐπὶ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δὲ κινηταὶ καὶ καχέκται συνελογίζοντο παρʼ αὑτοῖς σημεῖον εἶναι τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς φιλανθρωπίας τοῦ δεδιέναι τὴν περίστασιν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ μὴ χωρεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰ πράγματα κατὰ λόγον. ὅτε δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν συνέβη παραφθέγξασθαι πρός τινας τῶν φίλων, ὅτι παρὰ τοῦ Μαρκίου κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντολὰς εἴληφε μνημονεύειν πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαλύειν τὸν πόλεμον, τότε δὴ τελέως οἱ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα συνέθεσαν ἐν κακοῖς μεγάλοις εἶναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους. ἀπέστειλαν δὲ καὶ πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν τοὺς διαλύσοντας τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ. [¶6] 18. King Antiochus was a man of ability in the field and daring in design, and showed himself worthy of the royal name, except in regard to his manœuvres at Pelusium.... When Antiochus was actually in occupation of Egypt, Comanus and Cineas, after consultation with king Ptolemy Physcon, determined upon summoning a conference of the most distinguished Egyptian nobles to consult about the danger which threatened them. The first resolution the conference came to was to send the Greek envoys who were then at Alexandria as envoys to Antiochus to conclude a pacification. There were at that time in the country two embassies from the Achaean league, one which had been sent to renew the alliance between the league and Egypt, and which was composed of Alcithus of Aegium, son of Xenephon, and Pasiodes, and another sent to give notice of the festival of the Antigoneia. There was also an embassy from Athens led by Demaratus on the subject of some present, and two sacred embassies, one in connexion with the Panathenaea under the presidency of Callias the pancratiast, and the other on the subject of the mysteries, of which Cleostratus was the active member and spokesman. There were also there Eudemus and Hicesius from Miletus, and Apollonides and Apollonius from Clazomenae. The king also sent with them Tlepolemus and Ptolemy the rhetorician as envoys. These men accordingly sailed up the river to meet Antiochus.... > Greek: 18. ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἦν καὶ πρακτικὸς καὶ μεγαλεπίβολος καὶ τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας προσχήματος ἄξιος, πλὴν τῶν κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον στρατηγημάτων. — ὅτι μετὰ τὸ παραλαβεῖν Ἀντίοχον τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔδοξε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κομανὸν καὶ Κινέαν συνεδρεύσασιν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως κοινοβούλιον καταγράφειν ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἡγεμόνων τὸ βουλευσόμενον περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. πρῶτον οὖν ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παρεπιδημήσαντας πέμπειν πρεσβευτὰς ὡς τὸν Ἀντίοχον κοινολογησομένους ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως. ἦσαν δὲ τότε παρὰ μὲν τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρεσβεῖαι διτταί, μία μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀνανεώσεως, ἣν ἐπρέσβευον Ἀλκίθος Ξενοφῶντος Αἰγιεὺς καὶ Πασιάδας, ἄλλη δὲ περὶ τοῦ τῶν Ἀντιγονείων ἀγῶνος. ἦν δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρεσβεία περὶ δωρεᾶς, ἧς ἡγεῖτο Δημάρατος, καὶ θεωρίαι διτταί, μία μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν Παναθηναίων, ἧς προειστήκει Καλλίας ὁ παγκρατιαστής, ἡ δʼ ἄλλη περὶ μυστηρίων, ὑπὲρ ἧς Κλεόστρατος ἐποιεῖτο τὸν χρηματισμὸν καὶ τοὺς λόγους. ἐκ δὲ Μιλήτου παρῆσαν Εὔδημος καὶ Ἱκέσιος, ἐκ δὲ Κλαζομενῶν Ἀπολλωνίδης καὶ Ἀπολλώνιος. ἐξαπέστειλε δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ βασιλεὺς Τληπόλεμον καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ῥήτορα πρεσβευτάς. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἔπλεον ἀνὰ τὸν ποταμὸν εἰς τὴν ἀπάντησιν. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρόν, ὅτε Ἀντίοχος τὴν Αἴγυπτον παρέλαβε, συνῆψαν τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρεσβευτῶν οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις. [¶7] 20. While Antiochus was occupying Egypt, he was visited by the Greek envoys sent to conclude terms of peace. He received them courteously, devoted the first day to giving them a splendid entertainment, and on the next granted them an interview, and bade them deliver their instructions. The first to speak were the Achaeans, the next the Athenian Demaratus, and after him Eudemus of Miletus. And as the occasion and subject of their speeches were the same, the substance of them was also nearly identical. They all laid the blame of what had occurred on Eulaeus, and referring to Ptolemy’s youth and his relationship to himself, they intreated the king to lay aside his anger. Thereupon Antiochus, after acknowledging the general truth of their remarks, and even supporting them by additional arguments of his own, entered upon a defence of the justice of his original demands. He attempted to establish the claim of the king of Syria on Coele-Syria, “Insisting upon the fact that Antigonus, the founder of the Syrian kingdom, exercised authority in that country; and referring to the formal cession of it to Seleucus, after the death of Antigonus, by the sovereigns of Macedonia. Next he dwelt on the last conquest of it by his father Antiochus; and finally he denied that any such agreement was made between the late king Ptolemy and his father as the Alexandrian ministers asserted, to the effect that Ptolemy was to take Coele-Syria as a dowry when he married Cleopatra, the mother of the present king.” Having by these arguments not only persuaded himself, but the envoys also, of the justice of his claim, he sailed down the river to Naucratis. There he treated the inhabitants with humanity, and gave each of the Greeks living there a gold piece, and then advanced towards Alexandria. He told the envoys that he would give them an answer on the return of Aristeides and Thesis, whom he had sent on a mission to Ptolemy; and he wished, he said, that the Greek envoys should all be cognisant and witnesses of their report.... > Greek: 20. ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας φιλανθρώπως τὴν μὲν πρώτην ὑποδοχὴν αὐτῶν ἐποιήσατο μεγαλομερῆ, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἑξῆς ἔδωκεν ἔντευξιν καὶ λέγειν ἐκέλευσεν περὶ ὧν ἔχουσι τὰς ἐντολάς. πρῶτοι μὲν οὖν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐποιήσαντο λόγους, τούτοις δʼ ἑξῆς Δημάρατος ὁ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Εὔδημος ὁ Μιλήσιος. πάντων δὲ πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεγομένων, παραπλησίους εἶναι συνέβαινε καὶ τοὺς κατὰ μέρος αὐτῶν λόγους. τὴν μὲν γὰρ αἰτίαν τῶν συμβεβηκότων πάντες ἀνέφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐλαῖον, τὴν δὲ συγγένειαν καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου προφερόμενοι παρῃτοῦντο τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως. Ἀντίοχος δὲ πᾶσι τούτοις ἀνθομολογησάμενος καὶ προσαυξήσας τὴν ἐκείνων ὑπόθεσιν ἤρξατο λέγειν [τὴν] ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς δικαίων, διʼ ὧν ἐπειρᾶτο συνιστάνειν τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλέων ὑπάρχουσαν τὴν κτῆσιν τῶν κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν τόπων, ἰσχυροποιῶν μὲν τὰς ἐπικρατείας τὰς Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ πρώτου κατασχόντος τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, προφερόμενος δὲ τὰ συγχωρήματα τὰ γενόμενα Σελεύκῳ διὰ τῶν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας βασιλέων μετὰ τὸν Ἀντιγόνου θάνατον· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἀπερειδόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν τελευταίαν κατὰ πόλεμον Ἀντιόχου τοῦ πατρὸς ἔγκτησιν, ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσιν ἐξαρνούμενος τὴν ὁμολογίαν, ἣν ἔφασαν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν γενέσθαι Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ νεωστὶ μετηλλαχότι πρὸς Ἀντίοχον τὸν ἐκείνου πατέρα, διότι δεῖ λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν φερνῇ Κοίλην Συρίαν, ὅτʼ ἐλάμβανε Κλεοπάτραν τὴν τοῦ νῦν βασιλεύοντος μητέρα. πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεχθεὶς καὶ πείσας οὐ μόνον αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀπηντηκότας ὡς δίκαια λέγει, τότε μὲν διέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν Ναύκρατιν. χρησάμενος δὲ καὶ τούτοις φιλανθρώπως καὶ δοὺς ἑκάστῳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῶν κατοικούντων χρυσοῦν προῆγεν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας. τοῖς δὲ πρεσβευταῖς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ὑπέσχετο δώσειν, ὅταν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀριστείδην καὶ Θῆριν ἀνακάμψωσιν ὡς αὐτόν. ἐξαπεσταλκέναι γὰρ ἐκείνους ἔφη πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, βούλεσθαι δὲ πάντων συνίστορας εἶναι καὶ μάρτυρας τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρεσβευτάς. — ὅτι Εὐλαῖος ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἔπεισε Πτολεμαῖον ἀναλαβόντα τὰ χρήματα, τὴν βασιλείαν προιέμενον τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ὑποχωρεῖν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην· [¶8] 21. The eunuch Eulaeus persuaded Ptolemy to collect his money, give up his kingdom to his enemies, and retire to Samothrace. This will be to any one who reflects upon it a convincing proof of the supreme mischief done by evil companions of boyhood. That a monarch so entirely out of reach of personal danger and so far removed from his enemies, should not make one effort to save his honour, while in possession too of such abundant resources, and master over such wide territory and such numerous subjects, but should at once without a blow surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,—is not this the sign of a spirit utterly effeminate and corrupted? And if this had been Ptolemy’s natural character, we must have laid the blame upon nature and not upon any external influence. But since by his subsequent achievements his natural character has vindicated itself, by proving Ptolemy to be sufficiently resolute and courageous in the hour of danger, we may clearly, without any improbability, attribute to this eunuch, and his companionship with the king in his boyhood, the ignoble spirit displayed by him on that occasion, and his idea of going to Samothrace.... > Greek: 21. ἐφʼ ἃ τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐπιστήσας ὁμολογήσειεν ὅτι μέγιστα κακὰ ποιοῦσιν αἱ κακαὶ συντροφίαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους; τὸ γὰρ μηδʼ, ἐκτὸς γενόμενον τῶν δεινῶν καὶ τοσοῦτον τόπον ἀποστάντα τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ὁρμῆσαι πρός τι τῶν καθηκόντων, ἄλλως τε καὶ τηλικαύτας ἀφορμὰς ἔχοντα καὶ τοιούτων τόπων κυριεύοντα καὶ τοσούτων πληθῶν, ἀλλʼ εὐθέως αὐτόθεν ἀκονιτὶ παραχωρῆσαι βασιλείας τῆς ἐπιφανεστάτης καὶ μακαριωτάτης, πῶς οὐκ ἄν τις εἶναι φήσειε ψυχῆς ἐκτεθηλυμμένης καὶ διεφθαρμένης ὁλοσχερῶς; ἣν εἰ μὲν συνέβαινε φύσει περὶ Πτολεμαῖον ὑπάρχειν, τὴν φύσιν ἔδει καταμέμψασθαι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἐκτὸς αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρειν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ διὰ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεων ἡ φύσις ὑπὲρ αὑτῆς ἀπελογήθη, δείξασα τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ στάσιμον ἱκανῶς καὶ γενναῖον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ὑπάρχοντα, δῆλον ὡς εἰκότως ἄν τις τῆς τότε περὶ αὐτὸν γενομένης ἀγεννίας καὶ τῆς ὁρμῆς τῆς εἰς τὴν Σαμοθρᾴκην τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τὸν σπάδωνα καὶ τὴν τούτου συντροφίαν ἀναφέροι. — ὅτι Ἀντίοχος μετὰ τὸ καταλιπεῖν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πολιορκεῖν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπεν· [¶9] 22. After raising the siege of Alexandria, Antiochus sent envoys to Rome, whose names were Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides, agreeing to pay one hundred and fifty talents, fifty as a complimentary present to the Romans, and the rest as a gift to be divided among certain cities in Greece.... > Greek: 22. οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Μελέαγρος, Σωσιφάνης, Ἡρακλείδης· συνθεὶς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα, πεντήκοντα μὲν στέφανον Ῥωμαίοις, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τῶν χρημάτων εἰς δωρεάν τισιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων. — ὅτι κατὰ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας κατέπλευσαν ἐκ Ῥόδου πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις οἱ περὶ Πράξωνα καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ παρῆσαν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον. [¶10] 23. In the course of these same days envoys sailed in from Rhodes to Alexandria, headed by Pration, to negotiate a pacification; and a few days afterwards presented themselves at the camp of Antiochus. Admitted to an interview, they argued at considerable length, mentioning their own country’s friendly feelings to both kingdoms, and the ties of blood existing between the two kings themselves, and the advantage which a peace would be to both. But the king interrupted the envoy in the middle of his speech by saying that there was no need of much talking, for the kingdom belonged to the elder Ptolemy, and with him he had long ago made terms, and they were friends, and if the people wished now to recall him Antiochus would not prevent them. And he kept his word.... > Greek: 23. γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἐντεύξεως, πολλοὺς διετίθεντο λόγους, τήν τε τῆς ἰδίας πατρίδος εὔνοιαν προφερόμενοι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας τὰς βασιλείας καὶ τὴν αὐτῶν τῶν βασιλέων ἀναγκαιότητα πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸ συμφέρον ἑκατέροις ἐκ τῆς διαλύσεως. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἔτι λέγοντα τὸν πρεσβευτὴν ἐπιτεμὼν οὐκ ἔφη προσδεῖσθαι πολλῶν λόγων. τὴν μὲν γὰρ βασιλείαν εἶναι Πτολεμαίου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, πρὸς δὲ τοῦτον καὶ διαλελύσθαι πάλαι καὶ φίλους ὑπάρχειν, καὶ νῦν βουλομένων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει κατάγειν τοῦτον μὴ κωλύειν Ἀντίοχον. καὶ δὴ πεποίηκεν.