--- title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι" author: "Polybius" translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh" languages: [grc, en] shelf: "Classical Greek" section: 90 of 103 url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/90/ cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 90. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/90/" --- # The Histories · Ἱστορίαι *Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh* How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage. > Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 90. Book XXIX · chapters 14–27 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/90/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/90/#p-N [¶0] 14. The first man to volunteer to make the outflanking movement was Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, who afterwards became the most influential man in the Senate, and who now undertook to lead the party. The second was Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of the consul Aemilius Paulus, still quite a young man, who stood forward and offered to join with great enthusiasm. Aemilius was therefore delighted and assigned them a body of soldiers.... > Greek: 14. δεύτερος δὲ Φάβιος Μάξιμος ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν Αἰμιλίου παίδων, ἔτι μειράκιον ὤν, ἀνέστη προθυμούμενος. ἡσθεὶς οὖν ὁ Αἰμίλιος δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς οὐχ ὅσους Πολύβιος εἴρηκεν, ἀλλʼ ὅσους αὐτὸς ὁ Νασικᾶς λαβεῖν φησι, γεγραφὼς περὶ τῶν πράξεων τούτων ἐπιστόλιον πρός τινα τῶν βασιλέων. — τῇ δυνάμει τῆς πάρμης καὶ τῶν Λιγυστικῶν θυρεῶν ἀντεῖχον ἐρρωμένως οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι. — τῷ δὲ Περσεῖ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀτρεμοῦντα κατὰ χώραν ὁρῶντι καὶ μὴ λογιζομένῳ τὸ γινόμενον, ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ Κρὴς αὐτόμολος ἧκε μηνύων τὴν περίοδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων. [¶1] 15. The Romans offered a gallant resistance by aid of their strong targets or Ligurian shields.... Perseus saw that Aemilius had not moved, and did not reckon on what was taking place, when suddenly a Cretan, who had deserted from the Roman army on its march, came to him with the information that the Romans were getting on his rear. Though thrown into the utmost panic he did not strike his camp, but despatched ten thousand mercenaries and two thousand Macedonians under Milo, with orders to advance with speed and seize the heights. The Romans fell upon these as they were lying asleep.... > Greek: 15. ὁ δὲ συνταραχθεὶς τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἐκίνησε, μυρίους δὲ μισθοφόρους ξένους καὶ δισχιλίους Μακεδόνας Μίλωνι παραδοὺς ἐξαπέστειλε, παρακελευσάμενος ταχῦναι καὶ καταλαβεῖν τὰς ὑπερβολάς. τούτοις ὁ μὲν Πολύβιος φησιν ἔτι κοιμωμένοις ἐπιπεσεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ὁ δὲ Νασικᾶς ὀξὺν ἀγῶνα περὶ τοῖς ἄκροις γενέσθαι καὶ κίνδυνον. — Πολύβιος· [¶2] 16. An eclipse of the moon occurring, the report went abroad, and was believed by many, that it signified an eclipse of the king. And this circumstance raised the spirits of the Romans and depressed those of the Macedonians. So true is the common saying that “war has many a groundless scare.”... The consul Lucius Aemilius had never seen a phalanx until he saw it in the army of Perseus on this occasion; and he often confessed to some of his friends at Rome subsequently, that he had never beheld anything more alarming and terrible than the Macedonian phalanx: and yet he had been, if any one ever had, not only a spectator but an actor in many battles.... Many plans which look plausible and feasible, when brought to the test of actual experience, like base coins when brought to the furnace, cease to answer in any way to their original conceptions.... When Perseus came to the hour of trial his courage all left him, like that of an athlete in bad training. For when the danger was approaching, and it became necessary to fight a decisive battle, his resolution gave way.... As soon as the battle began, the Macedonian king played the coward and rode off to the town, under the pretext of sacrificing to Hercules,—who certainly does not accept craven gifts from cravens, nor fulfil unworthy prayers.... > Greek: 16. ὅτι τῆς σελήνης ἐκλειπούσης ἐπὶ Περσέως τοῦ Μακεδόνος ἐκράτησεν ἡ φήμη παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ὅτι βασιλέως ἔκλειψιν σημαίνει. καὶ τοῦτο τοὺς μὲν Ῥωμαίους εὐθαρσεστέρους ἐποίησε, τοὺς δὲ Μακεδόνας ἐταπείνωσε ταῖς ψυχαῖς. οὕτως ἀληθές ἐστι τὸ περιφερόμενον ὅτι πολλὰ κενὰ τοῦ πολέμου. — Λεύκιος δὲ ὁ ὕπατος οὐχ ἑωρακὼς φάλαγγα τὸ παράπαν ἀλλὰ τότε πρῶτον ἐπὶ τοῦ Περσέως πρός τινας πολλάκις ἀνθωμολογεῖτο τῶν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ μετὰ ταῦτα μηδὲν ἑωρακέναι φοβερώτερον καὶ δεινότερον φάλαγγος Μακεδονικῆς, καίτοι γε πολλοὺς οὐ μόνον θεασάμενος ἀλλὰ καὶ χειρισάμενος ἀγῶνας, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος. — ὅτι πολλὰ τῶν ἐπινοημάτων κατὰ μὲν τὸν λόγον φαίνεται πιθανὰ καὶ δυνατά, παραγενόμενα δʼ εἰς τὴν χρείαν, καθάπερ τὰ κίβδηλα τῶν νομισμάτων εἰς τὸ πῦρ, οὐκέτι ποιεῖ τἀκόλουθον ταῖς πρώταις ἐπινοίαις. — Πολύβιος· ὁ δὲ Περσεὺς μίαν ἔχων πρόληψιν ἢ νικᾶν ἢ θνήσκειν, τότε οὐχ ὑπέμεινε τῇ ψυχῇ ἀλλʼ ἀπεδειλία, καθάπερ οἱ προόπται τῶν ἱππέων. — Πολύβιος· ὁ δὲ Περσεὺς προσαγόμενος τὸν χρόνον καὶ τὸν πόνον ἐξελύετο τῇ ψυχῇ, καθάπερ οἱ καχεκτοῦντες τῶν ἀθλητῶν· ὅτε γὰρ τὸ δεινὸν ἐγγίζοι καὶ δέοι κρίνεσθαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, οὐχ ὑπέμεινε τῇ ψυχῇ. — ὁ δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεύς, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος, τῆς μάχης ἀρχὴν λαμβανούσης ἀποδειλιάσας εἰς πόλιν ἀφιππάσατο, σκηψάμενος Ἡρακλεῖ θύειν, δειλὰ παρὰ δειλῶν ἱερὰ μὴ δεχομένῳ μηδʼ εὐχὰς ἀθεμίτους ἐπιτελοῦντι. [¶3] 18. He was then very young, and it was his first experience of actual service in the field, and having but recently begun to taste the sweets of promotion, he was keen, ambitious, and eager to be first.... > Greek: 18. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρόν, ἐν ᾧ Περσεὺς ἡττηθεὶς ἀνεδίδρασκεν, ἔδοξε τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Ῥοδίων πρεσβευτὰς παραγεγονότας ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαλύειν τὸν πρὸς Περσέα πόλεμον προσκαλέσασθαι, τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἀναβιβαζούσης ἐπὶ σκηνὴν τὴν τῶν Ῥοδίων ἄγνοιαν, εἰ χρὴ Ῥοδίων λέγειν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τῶν ἐπιπολασάντων ἀνθρώπων τότε κατὰ τὴν Ῥόδον. [¶4] 19. Just when Perseus had been beaten and was trying to save himself by flight, the Senate determined to admit the ambassadors, who had come from Rhodes to negotiate a peace, to an audience: Fortune thus appearing designedly to parade the folly of the Rhodians on the stage,—if we may say “of the Rhodians,” and not rather “of the individuals who were then in the ascendant at Rhodes.” When Agesipolis and his colleagues entered the Senate, they said that “They had come to arrange an end to the war; for the people of Rhodes,—seeing that the war was become protracted to a considerable length of time, and seeing that it was disadvantageous to all the Greeks, as well as to the Romans themselves, on account of its enormous expenses,—had come to that conclusion. But as the war was already ended, and the wish of the Rhodians was thus fulfilled, they had only to congratulate the Romans.” Such was the brief speech of Agesipolis. But the Senate seized the opportunity of making an example of the Rhodians, and produced an answer of which the upshot was that “They did not regard this embassy as having been sent by the Rhodians in the interests either of the Greeks or themselves, but in those of Perseus. For if they had meant to send an embassy in behalf of the Greeks, the proper time for doing so was when Perseus was plundering the territory and cities of Greece, while encamped for nearly two years in Thessaly. But to let that time pass without notice, and to come now desiring to put an end to the war, at a time when the Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and Perseus was closely beleagured and almost at the end of his hopes, was a clear proof to any one of observation that the Rhodians had sent their embassy, not with the desire of ending the war, but to rescue and save Perseus to the best of their ability. Therefore they deserved no indulgence at the hands of the Romans at this time, nor any favourable reply.” Such was the Senate’s answer to the Rhodians.... > Greek: 19. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν εἰσπορευθέντες ἐλθεῖν μὲν ἔφασαν διαλύσοντες τὸν πόλεμον· τὸν γὰρ δῆμον τῶν Ῥοδίων, ἑλκομένου τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πλείω χρόνον, θεωροῦντα διότι πᾶσιν μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀλυσιτελὴς καὶ αὐτοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν δαπανημάτων, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν γνώμην· νῦν δὲ λελυμένου τοῦ πολέμου κατὰ τὴν τῶν Ῥοδίων βούλησιν συγχαίρειν αὐτοῖς. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν εἰπόντες βραχέως ἐπανῆλθον. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος χρωμένη τῷ καιρῷ καὶ βουλομένη παραδειγματίσαι τοὺς Ῥοδίους ἀπόκρισιν ἐξέβαλεν, ἧς ἦν τὰ συνέχοντα ταῦτα, διότι τὴν πρεσβείαν ταύτην οὔτε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἕνεκεν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν ἐσταλκέναι τοὺς Ῥοδίους οὔθʼ ἑαυτῶν, ἀλλὰ Περσέως. εἰ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων χάριν ἐπρέσβευον, ἐκεῖνον οἰκειότερον εἶναι τὸν καιρόν, ὅτε Περσεὺς τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων χώραν ἐπόρθει καὶ τὰς πόλεις, στρατοπεδεύων μὲν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ σχεδὸν ἐπὶ δύʼ ἐνιαυτοὺς τὸ δὲ παρέντας ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν νῦν παρεῖναι σπουδάζοντας διαλύειν τὸν πόλεμον, ὅτε παρεμβεβληκότων τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατοπέδων εἰς Μακεδονίαν συγκεκλεισμένος ὁ Περσεὺς ὀλίγας παντάπασιν ἐλπίδας εἶχε τῆς σωτηρίας, προφανὲς εἶναι τοῖς ὀρθῶς σκοπουμένοις διότι τὰς πρεσβείας ἐξέπεμψαν οὐ διαλύειν ἐθέλοντες τὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ ἐξελέσθαι τὸν Περσέα καὶ σῶσαι, καθʼ ὅσον εἰσὶν δυνατοί. διʼ ἃς αἰτίας οὔτʼ εὐεργετεῖν οὔτε φιλανθρώπως αὐτοῖς ἀποκρίνεσθαι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ὀφείλειν ἔφασαν. ταῦτα μὲν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐχρημάτισε τοῖς παρὰ τῶν Ῥοδίων πρεσβευταῖς. — ὁ δὲ μεταλαβὼν τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ βλέποντας εἰς τὰ παρόντα, δεικνὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὸν Περσέα, μήτε μεγαλαυχεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασι παρὰ τὸ δέον μήτε βουλεύεσθαι μηδὲν ὑπερήφανον μηδʼ ἀνήκεστον περὶ μηδενός, μήτε καθόλου πιστεύειν μηδέποτε ταῖς παρούσαις εὐτυχίαις· [¶5] 20. Then Aemilius Paulus speaking once more in Latin bade the members of his council, “With such a sight before their eyes,”—pointing to Perseus,—“not to be too boastful in the hour of success, nor to take any extreme or inhuman measures against any one, nor in fact ever to feel confidence in the permanence of their present good fortune. Rather it was precisely at the time of greatest success, either private or public, that a man should be most alive to the possibility of a reverse. Even so it was difficult for a man to exhibit moderation in good fortune. But the distinction between fools and wise was that the former only learnt by their own misfortunes, the latter by those of others.”... > Greek: 20. ἀλλʼ ὅτε μάλιστά τις κατορθοίη κατὰ τὸν ἴδιον βίον καὶ κατὰ τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις, τότε μάλιστα παρεκάλει τῆς ἐναντίας τύχης ἔννοιαν λαμβάνειν. καὶ γὰρ οὕτω μόλις ἂν ἐν ταῖς εὐκαιρίαις ἄνθρωπον μέτριον ὄντα φανῆναι. τοῦτο γὰρ διαφέρειν ἔφη τοὺς ἀνοήτους τῶν νοῦν ἐχόντων, διότι συμβαίνει τοὺς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις ἀτυχίαις παιδεύεσθαι, τοὺς δʼ ἐν ταῖς τῶν πέλας. — ὥστε πολλάκις καὶ λίαν μνημονεύειν τῆς Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως φωνῆς. [¶6] 21. One is often reminded of the words of Demetrius of Phalerum. In his treatise on Fortune, wishing to give the world a distinct view of her mutability, he fixed upon the period of Alexander, when that monarch destroyed the Persian dynasty, and thus expresses himself: “If you will take, I don’t say unlimited time or many generations, but only these last fifty years immediately preceding our generation, you will be able to understand the cruelty of Fortune. For can you suppose, if some god had warned the Persians or their king, or the Macedonians or their king, that in fifty years the very name of the Persians, who once were masters of the world, would have been lost, and that the Macedonians, whose name was before scarcely known, would become masters of it all, that they would have believed it? Nevertheless it is true that Fortune, whose influence on our life is incalculable, who displays her power by surprises, is even now I think, showing all mankind, by her elevation of the Macedonians into the high prosperity once enjoyed by the Persians, that she has merely lent them these advantages until she may otherwise determine concerning them.” And this has now come to pass in the person of Perseus; and indeed Demetrius has spoken prophetically of the future as though he were inspired. And as the course of my history brought me to the period which witnessed the ruin of the Macedonian kingdom, I judged it to be right not to pass it over without proper remark, especially as I was an eye-witness of the transaction. It was a case I thought both for enlarging on the theme myself, and for recalling the words of Demetrius, who appeared to me to have shown something more than mere human sagacity in his remarks; for he made a true forecast of the future almost a hundred and fifty years before the event.... > Greek: 21. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς τύχης ὑπομνήματι βουλόμενος ἐναργῶς ὑποδεικνύναι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὸ ταύτης εὐμετάβολον, ἐπιστὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον καιρούς, ὅτε κατέλυσε τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχήν, λέγει ταῦτα· " εἰ γὰρ λάβοιτʼ ἐν νῷ μὴ χρόνον ἄπειρον μηδὲ γενεὰς πολλάς, ἀλλὰ πεντήκοντα μόνον ἔτη ταυτὶ τὰ πρὸ ἡμῶν, γνοίητʼ ἂν ὡς τὸ τῆς τύχης χαλεπὸν ἐνταῦθα. πεντηκοστῷ γὰρ ἔτει πρότερον οἴεσθʼ ἂν ἢ Πέρσας ἢ βασιλέα τῶν Περσῶν ἢ Μακεδόνας ἢ βασιλέα τῶν Μακεδόνων, εἴ τις θεῶν αὐτοῖς προύλεγε τὸ μέλλον, πιστεῦσαί ποτʼ ἂν ὡς εἰς τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Περσῶν μὲν οὐδʼ ὄνομα λειφθήσεται τὸ παράπαν, οἳ πάσης σχεδὸν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐδέσποζον, Μακεδόνες δὲ καὶ πάσης κρατήσουσιν, ὧν οὐδʼ ὄνομα πρότερον ἦν γνώριμον. ἀλλʼ ὅμως ἡ πρὸς τὸν βίον ἡμῶν ἀσύνθετος τύχη καὶ πάντα παρὰ τὸν λογισμὸν τὸν ἡμέτερον καινοποιοῦσα καὶ τὴν αὑτῆς δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς παραδόξοις ἐνδεικυμένη καὶ νῦν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, δείκνυσι πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, Μακεδόνας εἰς τὴν Περσῶν εὐδαιμονίαν εἰσοικίσασα, διότι καὶ τούτοις ταῦτα τἀγαθὰ κέχρηκεν, ἕως ἂν ἄλλο τι βουλεύσηται περὶ αὐτῶν. " ὃ νῦν γέγονε κατὰ Περσέα. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Δημήτριος ὡσανεὶ θείῳ τινὶ στόματι περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀποπεφοίβακεν. ἐγὼ δὲ κατὰ τὴν γραφὴν ἐπιστὰς τοῖς καιροῖς καθʼ οὓς συνέβη καταλυθῆναι τὴν Μακεδόνων βασιλείαν, οὐκ ἔκρινον ἀνεπιστάτως παραδραμεῖν, ἅτε γεγονὼς αὐτόπτης τῆς πράξεως, ἀλλʼ αὐτός τε τὸν πρέποντα λόγον ἐπιφθέγξασθαι καὶ Δημητρίου μνησθῆναι· δοκεῖ γάρ μοι θειοτέραν ἢ κατʼ ἄνθρωπον τὴν ἀπόφασιν ποιήσασθαι σχεδὸν γὰρ ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πρότερον ἔτεσι τἀληθὲς ἀπεφήνατο περὶ τῶν ἔπειτα συμβησομένων. [¶7] 22. After the conclusion of the battle between Perseus and the Romans, king Eumenes found himself in what people call an unexpected and extraordinary trouble, but what, if we regard the natural course of human concerns, was quite an everyday affair. For it is quite the way of Fortune to confound human calculations by surprises; and when she has helped a man for a time, and caused her balance to incline in his favour, to turn round upon him as though she repented, throw her weight into the opposite scale, and mar all his successes. And this was the case now with Eumenes. He imagined that at last his own kingdom was safe, and that he might look forward to a time of ease, now that Perseus and the whole kingdom of Macedonia were utterly destroyed; yet it was then that he was confronted with the gravest dangers, by the Gauls in Asia seizing the opportunity for an unexpected rising.... > Greek: 22. ὅτι Εὐμένης ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς Περσέως καὶ Ῥωμαίων μάχης συντετελεσμένης εἰς παράλογον ἐνέπεσε διάθεσιν, ὡς οἱ πολλοί φασιν, ὡς δὲ τἀνθρώπινα πράγματα φύσιν ἔχει γίνεσθαι κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον, εἴς τι τῶν εἰωθότων συμβαίνειν· ἱκανὴ γὰρ ἡ τύχη τοῖς παρὰ λόγον τὰ κατὰ λόγον ἐπιτρῖψαι, κἄν τινι συνεργήσῃ καὶ προσθῆται τὴν αὑτῆς ῥοπήν, αὖθις οἷον ἐκ μεταμελείας ἀντισηκοῦν καὶ λυμαίνεσθαι τὰ κατορθώματα παρὰ πόδας. ὃ καὶ τότε περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη γενέσθαι συνέπεσε· δόξας γὰρ μάλιστα τότε τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ βεβηκέναι καὶ πολλὴν ἐπιφέρειν ῥᾳστώνην τὸν ἑξῆς χρόνον, ἅτε τοῦ Περσέως καὶ καθόλου τῆς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλείας ἄρδην ἀνῃρημένης, τότε μεγίστοις ἐνεκύρησε κινδύνοις τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Γαλατῶν ἀνυπονοήτως συνεξαναστάντων τοῖς καιροῖς. [¶8] 23. In the Peloponnesus a mission arrived before the end of the winter from the two kings, Ptolemy (Philometor) and Ptolemy (Physcon), asking for help. This gave rise to repeated and animated discussions. The party of Callicrates and Diophanes were against granting the help; while Archon, Lycortas, and Polybius were for sending it to the kings in accordance with the terms of their alliance. For by this time it had come to pass that the younger Ptolemy had been proclaimed king by the people (at Alexandria), owing to the danger which threatened them; and that the elder had subsequently returned from Memphis, and was reigning jointly with his sister. As they stood in need of every kind of assistance, they sent Eumenes and Dionysodorus to the Achaeans, asking a thousand foot and two hundred horse, with Lycortas to command the foot and Polybius the horse. They sent a message also to Theodoridas of Sicyon, urging him to hire them a thousand mercenaries. For the kings chanced to have become intimately acquainted with these particular men, owing to the transactions I have related before. The ambassadors arrived when the Achaean congress was in session in Corinth. They therefore came forward, and after recalling the many evidences of friendship shown by the Achaeans to the kingdom of Egypt, and describing to them the danger in which the kings then were, they entreated them to send help. The Achaeans generally were ready enough to go to the help of the kings (for both now wore the diadem and exercised regal functions), and not only with a detachment, but with their full levy. But Callicrates and his party spoke against it; alleging that they ought not to meddle in such affairs at all, and certainly not at that time, but should reserve their undivided forces for the service of Rome. For there was a general expectation just then of a decisive battle being fought, as Q. Philippus was wintering in Macedonia. > Greek: 23. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἔτι κατὰ χειμῶνα πρεσβείας παραγενομένης παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων ἀμφοτέρων [Πτολεμαίου καὶ Πτολεμαίου] περὶ βοηθείας, ἐγενήθη διαβούλια καὶ πλείω, πολλὴν ἔχοντα φιλοτιμίαν. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὸν Καλλικράτην καὶ Διοφάνην καὶ σὺν τούτοις Ὑπέρβατον οὐκ ἤρεσκε διδόναι βοήθειαν, τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα καὶ Λυκόρταν καὶ Πολύβιον ἤρεσκε τὸ διδόναι τοῖς βασιλεῦσι κατὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν συμμαχίαν. ἤδη γὰρ συνέβαινε τότε τὸν νεώτερον Πτολεμαῖον ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχλων ἀναδεδεῖχθαι βασιλέα διὰ τὴν περίστασιν, τὸν δὲ πρεσβύτερον ἐκ τῆς Μέμφεως καταπεπορεῦσθαι καὶ συμβασιλεύειν τἀδελφῷ. καὶ δεόμενοι παντοδαπῆς ἐπικουρίας ἐξαπέστειλαν πρεσβευτὰς Εὐμένη καὶ Διονυσόδωρον πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, αἰτοῦντες πεζοὺς μὲν χιλίους ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους, ἡγεμόνα δὲ τῆς ὅλης συμμαχίας Λυκόρταν, τῶν δʼ ἱππέων Πολύβιον. πρὸς δὲ Θεοδωρίδαν τὸν Σικυώνιον διεπέμψαντο, παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν συστήσασθαι ξενολόγιον χιλίων ἀνδρῶν. συνέβαινε δὲ τοὺς μὲν βασιλεῖς τὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον σύστασιν ἔχειν πρὸς τοὺς εἰρημένους ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν πράξεων ὧν εἰρήκαμεν. τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν παραγενομένων, τῆς συνόδου τῶν Ἀχαιῶν οὔσης ἐν Κορίνθῳ, καὶ τά τε φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν ἀνανεωσαμένων ὄντα μεγάλα καὶ τὴν περίστασιν τῶν βασιλέων ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ἀγόντων καὶ δεομένων σφίσι βοηθεῖν, τὸ μὲν πλῆθος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἕτοιμον ἦν οὐ μέρει τινί, πανδημεὶ δὲ συγκινδυνεύειν, εἰ δέοι, τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν· ἀμφότεροι γὰρ εἶχον τό τε διάδημα καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Καλλικράτην ἀντέλεγον, φάσκοντες δεῖν καθόλου μὲν μὴ πραγματοκοπεῖν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς παροῦσι καιροῖς μηδʼ ὅλως, ἀλλʼ ἀπερισπάστους ὑπάρχοντας Ῥωμαίοις παρέχεσθαι χρείας· μάλιστα γὰρ ἦν τότε προσδόκιμος ὁ περὶ τῶν ὅλων κίνδυνος, ἅτε τοῦ Κοΐντου τοῦ Φιλίππου τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ ποιουμένου. [¶9] 24. The people were alarmed lest they should be thought to fail the Romans in any way: and accordingly Lycortas and Polybius rose in their turn, and, among other advice which they impressed upon them, argued that “When in the previous year the Achaeans had voted to join the Roman army with their full levy, and sent Polybius to announce that resolution, Quintus Marcius, while accepting the kindness of their intention, had yet stated that the assistance was not needed, since he had won the pass into Macedonia. Their opponents therefore were manifestly using the need of helping the Romans merely as a pretext for preventing this aid being sent to Alexandria. They entreated the Achaeans, in view of the greatness of the danger surrounding the king of Egypt, not to neglect the right moment for acting; but keeping in mind their mutual agreement and good services, and above all their oaths, to fulfil the terms of their agreement.” The people were once more inclined to grant the aid when they heard this: but Callicrates and his party managed to prevent the decree being passed, by staggering the magistrates with the assertion that it was unconstitutional to discuss the question of sending help abroad in public assembly. But a short time afterwards a meeting was summoned at Sicyon, which was attended not only by the members of the council, but by all citizens over thirty years of age; and after a lengthened debate, Polybius especially dwelling on the fact that the Romans did not require assistance,—in which he was believed not to be speaking without good reason, as he had spent the previous summer in Macedonia at the headquarters of Marcius Philippus,—and also alleging that, even supposing the Romans did turn out to require their active support, the Achaeans would not be rendered incapable of furnishing it by the two hundred horse and one thousand foot which were to be despatched to Alexandria,—for they could, without any inconvenience, put thirty or forty thousand men into the field,— the majority of the meeting were convinced, and were inclined to the idea of sending the aid. Accordingly, on the second of the two days on which, according to the laws, those who wished to do so were bound to bring forward their motions, Lycortas and Polybius proposed that the aid should be sent. Callicrates, on the other hand, proposed to send ambassadors to reconcile the two Egyptian kings with Antiochus. So once more, on these two motions being put, there was an animated contest; in which, however, Lycortas and Polybius got a considerable majority on their side. For there was a very wide distinction between the claims of the two kingdoms. There were very few instances to be found in past times of any act of friendship on the part of Syria to the Greeks,—though the liberality of the present king was well known in Greece,—but from Egypt the acts of kindness in past times to the Achaeans had been as numerous and important as any one could possibly expect. By dwelling on this point Lycortas made a great impression, because the distinction between the two kingdoms in this respect was shown to be immense. For it was as difficult to count up all the benefactions of the Alexandrine kings, as it was impossible to find a single act of friendship done by the dynasty of Antiochus to the Achaeans.... > Greek: 24. τῶν δὲ πολλῶν εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐμπιπτόντων, μὴ δόξωσι Ῥωμαίων ἀστοχεῖν, μεταλαβόντες τοὺς λόγους οἱ περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν καὶ Πολύβιον ἐδίδασκον, ἄλλα τε καὶ πλείω προφερόμενοι καὶ διότι, τῷ πρότερον ἔτει ψηφισαμένων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πανδημεὶ συστρατεύειν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ πεμψάντων πρεσβευτὴν τὸν Πολύβιον, ὁ Κόιντος ἀποδεξάμενος τὴν προθυμίαν ἀπείπατο μὴ χρείαν ἔχειν τῆς βοηθείας, ἐπεὶ κεκράτηκε τῆς εἰς Μακεδονίαν εἰσβολῆς. ἐξ ὧν ἀπεδείκνυσαν σκῆψιν οὖσαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων χρείαν πρὸς τὸ διακωλῦσαι βοηθεῖν. διὸ παρεκάλουν τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ὑποδεικνύοντες τὸ μέγεθος τῆς περιστάσεως, ἐν ᾗ συνέβαινε τότε τὴν βασιλείαν ὑπάρχειν, μὴ παριδεῖν τὸν καιρόν, ἀλλὰ μνημονεύοντας τῶν ὁμολογιῶν καὶ τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν ὅρκων, ἐμπεδοῦν τὰς συνθήκας. τῶν δὲ πολλῶν ἐπιφερομένων πάλιν βοηθεῖν, τότε μὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Καλλικράτην ἐξέβαλον τὸ διαβούλιον, διασείσαντες τοὺς ἄρχοντας, ὡς οὐκ οὔσης ἐξουσίας κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἐν ἀγορᾷ βουλεύεσθαι περὶ βοηθείας. μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον συγκλήτου συναχθείσης εἰς τὴν τῶν Σικυωνίων πόλιν, ἐν ᾗ συνέβαινε μὴ μόνον συμπορεύεσθαι τὴν βουλὴν ἀλλὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀπὸ τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν, καὶ λόγων γινομένων πλειόνων, καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ Πολυβίου διοριζομένου πρῶτον μὲν περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρείαν ἔχειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους τῆς βοηθείας καὶ δοκοῦντος οὐκ εἰκῇ ταῦτα λέγειν διὰ τὸ γεγονέναι τὴν παρελθοῦσαν θερείαν ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ, δεύτερον δὲ φάσκοντος, ἐὰν καὶ δέωνται Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς συμμαχίας, οὐ διὰ τοὺς διακοσίους ἱππεῖς καὶ χιλίους πεζοὺς τοὺς ἀποσταλησομένους εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἀδυνατήσειν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς βοηθεῖν Ῥωμαίοις· καλῶς γὰρ ποιοῦντας αὐτοὺς καὶ τρεῖς ἄγειν καὶ τέτταρας μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων· εὐδοκοῦντες τοῖς λεγομένοις ἔρρεπον οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὸ πέμπειν τὴν συμμαχίαν. τῇ δὲ δευτέρᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν, ἐν ᾗ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἔδει τὰ ψηφίσματα προσφέρειν τοὺς βουλομένους, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν προσήνεγκαν διότι δεῖ πέμπειν τὴν βοήθειαν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Καλλικράτην διότι δεῖ πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαποστέλλειν τοὺς διαλύσοντας τοὺς βασιλεῖς πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον. πάλιν δὲ τῶν διαβουλίων προτεθέντων ἀγὼν ἐγίνετο νεανικός· πολύ γε μὴν ὑπερεῖχον οἱ περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν. αἵ τε γὰρ βασιλεῖαι συγκρινόμεναι μεγάλην εἶχον διαφοράν· ὑπὸ μὲν γὰρ τῆς Ἀντιόχου σπάνιον ἦν εὑρεῖν οἰκεῖόν τι γεγονὸς καθόλου πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔν γε τοῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις· καὶ γὰρ ἡ τοῦ τότε βασιλεύοντος μεγαλοψυχία διάδηλος ἐγένετο τοῖς Ἕλλησιν· ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς Πτολεμαίου τοσαῦτα καὶ τηλικαῦτα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐγεγόνει φιλάνθρωπα κατὰ τοὺς ἀνώτερον χρόνους ὥστʼ ἂν μηδένα πλεῖον ἀξιοῦν. ἃ διατιθέμενος ὁ Λυκόρτας μεγάλην ἐποιεῖτο φαντασίαν, ἅτε τῆς παραθέσεως ὁλοσχερῆ τὴν διαφορὰν ἐχούσης· καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ οὐκ ἐξαριθμήσασθαι ῥᾴδιον ἦν τὰς τῶν ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ βασιλέων εὐεργεσίας, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἁπλῶς οὐδὲν ἦν εὑρεῖν φιλάνθρωπον ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιόχου βασιλείας ἀπηντημένον εἰς πραγμάτων λόγον τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. — ὅτι ἕως μέν τινος οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδρωνίδαν καὶ Καλλικράτην ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς διαλύσεως λόγοις, οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτοῖς ἐπεισήγαγον μηχανήν. [¶10] 25. For a time Andronidas and Callicrates kept on arguing in support of the plan of putting an end to the war: but as no one was persuaded by them, they employed a stratagem. A lettercarrier came into the theatre (where the meeting was being held), who had just arrived with a despatch from Quintus Marcius, urging those Achaeans who were of the proRoman party to reconcile the kings; for it was a fact that the Senate had sent a mission under T. Numisius to do so. But this really made against their argument: for Titus Numisius and his colleagues had been unable to effect the pacification, and had returned to Rome completely unsuccessful in the object of their mission. However, as Polybius and his party did not wish to speak against the despatch, from consideration for Marcius, they retired from the discussion: and it was thus that the proposal to send an aid to the kings fell through. The Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to effect the pacification: and Archon of Aegeira, and Arcesilaus and Ariston of Megalopolis were appointed to the duty. Whereupon the envoys of Ptolemy, being disappointed of obtaining the help, handed over to the magistrate the despatch from the kings, in which they asked that they would send Lycortas and Polybius to take part in the war.... > Greek: 25. παρῆν γὰρ ἐκ πορείας εἰς τὸ θέατρον γραμματηφόρος φέρων ἐπιστολὴν παρὰ Κοΐντου Μαρκίου, διʼ ἧς παρεκάλει τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀκολουθοῦντας τῇ Ῥωμαίων προαιρέσει πειρᾶσθαι διαλύειν τοὺς βασιλεῖς· συνέβαινε γὰρ καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπεσταλκέναι πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ Νεμέσιον διαλύσοντας τοὺς βασιλεῖς. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ τῆς ὑποθέσεως· οἱ γὰρ περὶ τὸν Τίτον ἀδυνατήσαντες τοῦ διαλύειν ἀνακεχωρήκεισαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἄπρακτοι τελείως. ἀλλʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Πολύβιον οὐ βουλόμενοι διὰ τὸν Μάρκιον πρὸς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀντιλέγειν ἀνεχώρησαν ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βοήθειαν οὕτω διέπεσε τοῖς βασιλεῦσι, τοῖς δʼ Ἀχαιοῖς ἔδοξε πρεσβευτὰς ἀποστέλλειν τοὺς διαλύσοντας· καὶ κατεστάθησαν Ἄρχων Αἰγειράτης, Ἀρκεσίλαος Ἀρίστων Μεγαλοπολῖται. οἱ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβευταὶ διαψευσθέντες τῆς συμμαχίας ἀνέδωκαν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἑτοίμας ἔχοντες, ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων, διʼ ὧν ἠξίουν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐκπέμπειν Λυκόρταν καὶ Πολύβιον ἐπὶ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον. — ἐπιλαθόμενος δὲ τῶν γεγραμμένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Ἀντίοχος καὶ τῶν εἰρημένων ἐξήρτυε πόλεμον κατὰ Πτολεμαίου, ὥστε καὶ λίαν ἀληθὲς φαίνεσθαι τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπὸ Σιμωνίδου "χαλεπὸν ἐσθλὸν ἔμμεναι. [¶11] 26. Forgetful of all he had written and said Antiochus began preparing for a renewal of the war against Ptolemy. So true are the words of Simonides,—“’tis hard to be good.” For to have certain impulses towards virtue, and even to hold to it up to a certain point, is easy; but to be uniformly consistent, and to allow no circumstances of danger to shake a resolute integrity, which regards honour and justice as the highest considerations, is indeed difficult.... > Greek: 26. " ἔχειν μὲν γὰρ ὁρμὰς ἐπὶ τὰ καλὰ καὶ μέχρι τινὸς ἀντιποιήσασθαι τούτων εὐμαρές, ὁμαλίσαι δὲ καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν περίστασιν ἐπίμονον γενέσθαι τῇ γνώμῃ, μηδὲν τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ τοῦ δικαίου προυργιαίτερον τιθέμενον, δυσχερές. — ὅτι τοῦ Ἀντιόχου πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἕνεκεν τοῦ Πηλούσιον κατασχεῖν ἀφικομένου, ὁ Ποπίλιος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, τοῦ βασιλέως πόρρωθεν ἀσπαζομένου διὰ τῆς φωνῆς καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν προτείνοντος, πρόχειρον ἔχων τὸ δελτάριον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα κατετέτακτο, προύτεινεν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐκέλευσε πρῶτον ἀναγνῶναι τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μὴ πρότερον ἀξιώσας τὸ τῆς φιλίας σύνθημα ποιεῖν πρὶν ἢ τὴν προαίρεσιν ἐπιγνῶναι τοῦ δεξιουμένου, πότερα φίλιος ἢ πολέμιός ἐστιν. [¶12] 27. When Antiochus had advanced to attack Ptolemy in order to possess himself of Pelusium, he was met by the Roman commander Gaius Popilius Laenas. Upon the king greeting him from some distance, and holding out his right hand to him, Popilius answered by holding out the tablets which contained the decree of the Senate, and bade Antiochus read that first: not thinking it right, I suppose, to give the usual sign of friendship until he knew the mind of the recipient, whether he were to be regarded as a friend or foe. On the king, after reading the despatch, saying that he desired to consult with his friends on the situation, Popilius did a thing which was looked upon as exceedingly overbearing and insolent. Happening to have a vine stick in his hand, he drew a circle round Antiochus with it, and ordered him to give his answer to the letter before he stepped out of that circumference. The king was taken aback by this haughty proceeding. After a brief interval of embarrassed silence, he replied that he would do whatever the Romans demanded. Then Popilius and his colleagues shook him by the hand, and one and all greeted him with warmth. The contents of the despatch was an order to put an end to the war with Ptolemy at once. Accordingly a stated number of days was allowed him, within which he withdrew his army into Syria, in high dudgeon indeed, and groaning in spirit, but yielding to the necessities of the time. Popilius and his colleagues then restored order in Alexandria; and after exhorting the two kings to maintain peaceful relations with each other, and charging them at the same time to send Polyaratus to Rome, they took ship and sailed towards Cyprus, with the intention of promptly ejecting from the island the forces that were also gathered there. When they arrived, they found that Ptolemy’s generals had already sustained a defeat, and that the whole island was in a state of excitement. They promptly caused the invading army to evacuate the country, and remained there to keep watch until the forces had sailed away for Syria. Thus did the Romans save the kingdom of Ptolemy, when it was all but sinking under its disasters. Fortune indeed so disposed of the fate of Perseus and the Macedonians, that the restoration of Alexandria and the whole of Egypt was decided by it; that is to say, by the fate of Perseus being decided previously: for if that had not taken place, or had not been certain, I do not think that Antiochus would have obeyed these orders. > Greek: 27. ἐπεὶ δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀναγνοὺς ἔφη βούλεσθαι μεταδοῦναι τοῖς φίλοις ὑπὲρ τῶν προσπεπτωκότων, ἀκούσας ὁ Ποπίλιος ἐποίησε πρᾶγμα βαρὺ μὲν δοκοῦν εἶναι καὶ τελέως ὑπερήφανον· ἔχων γὰρ πρόχειρον ἀμπελίνην βακτηρίαν περιέγραφε τῷ κλήματι τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐν τούτῳ τε τῷ γύρῳ τὴν ἀπόφασιν ἐκέλευσε δοῦναι περὶ τῶν γεγραμμένων· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ξενισθεὶς τὸ γινόμενον καὶ τὴν ὑπεροχήν, βραχὺν χρόνον ἐναπορήσας ἔφη ποιήσειν πᾶν τὸ παρακαλούμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ποπίλιον τότε τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτοῦ λαμβάνοντες ἅμα πάντες ἠσπάζοντο φιλοφρόνως. ἦν δὲ τὰ γεγραμμένα λύειν ἐξ αὐτῆς τὸν πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον πόλεμον. διὸ καὶ δοθεισῶν αὐτῷ τακτῶν ἡμερῶν, οὗτος μὲν ἀπῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς τὴν Συρίαν, βαρυνόμενος καὶ στένων, εἴκων δὲ τοῖς καιροῖς κατὰ τὸ παρόν· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ποπίλιον καταστησάμενοι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν καὶ παρακαλέσαντες τοὺς βασιλεῖς ὁμονοεῖν, ἅμα δὲ προστάξαντες αὐτοῖς Πολυάρατον ἀναπέμπειν εἰς Ῥώμην, ἀνέπλευσαν ἐπὶ τῆς Κύπρου, βουλόμενοι καὶ τὰς ἐκεῖ καθυπαρχούσας δυνάμεις ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς νήσου κατὰ σπουδήν. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ καὶ καταλαβόντες ἡττημένους μάχῃ τοὺς τοῦ Πτολεμαίου στρατηγοὺς καὶ καθόλου φερόμενα τὰ κατὰ τὴν Κύπρον ἄνω καὶ κάτω ταχέως ἀνέστησαν τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐκ τῆς χώρας καὶ παρήδρευσαν, ἕως ἀπέπλευσαν αἱ δυνάμεις ἐπὶ Συρίας. καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ὅσον οὔπω καταπεπονημένην τὴν Πτολεμαίου βασιλείαν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διέσωσαν, τῆς τύχης οὕτω βραβευούσης τὰ κατὰ τὸν Περσέα πράγματα καὶ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ὥστε καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἔσχατον καιρὸν ἐλθόντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν καὶ τὴν ὅλην Αἴγυπτον παρὰ τοῦτο πάλιν ὀρθωθῆναι, παρὰ τὸ φθάσαι κριθέντα τὰ κατὰ τὸν Περσέα πράγματα· μὴ γὰρ γενομένου τούτου καὶ πιστευθέντος, οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ πειθαρχῆσαι τοῖς ἐπιταττομένοις Ἀντίοχος.