---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 91 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/91/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 91. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/91/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 91. Book XXX · chapters 1–9

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/91/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/91/#p-N

[¶0] 1. ATTALUS, brother of king Eumenes, came to Rome this year, pretending that, even if the disaster of the Gallic rising had not happened to the kingdom, he should have come to Rome, to congratulate the Senate, and to receive some mark of its approval for having been actively engaged on their side and loyally shared in all their dangers; but, as it happened, he had been forced to come at that time to Rome owing to the danger from the Gauls. Upon finding a general welcome from everybody, owing to the acquaintance formed with him on the campaign, and the belief that he was well disposed to them, and meeting with a reception that surpassed his expectation, the young man’s hopes were extraordinarily raised, because he did not know the true reason of this friendly warmth. The result was that he narrowly escaped ruining his own and his brother’s fortunes, and indeed the entire kingdom. The majority at Rome were thoroughly angry with king Eumenes, and believed that he had been playing a double game during the war, keeping up communications with Perseus, and watching his opportunity against them: and accordingly some men of high rank got Attalus under their influence, and urged him to lay aside the character of ambassador for his brother, and to speak in his own behalf; as the Senate was minded to secure a separate kingdom and royal government for him, because of their displeasure with his brother. This excited the ambition of Attalus still more, and in private conversation he signified his assent to those who advised this course. Finally, he arranged with some men of position that he would actually appear before the Senate and deliver a speech on the subject.

> Greek: 1. ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἦλθε παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους ἀδελφὸς Ἄτταλος, ἔχων μὲν πρόφασιν, εἰ καὶ μὴ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς Γαλάτας ἐγεγόνει σύμπτωμα περὶ τὴν βασιλείαν, ὅμως ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἕνεκεν τοῦ συγχαρῆναι τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τυχεῖν τινος ἐπισημασίας διὰ τὸ συμπεπολεμηκέναι καὶ πάντων εὐμενῶς σφίσι μετεσχηκέναι τῶν κινδύνων· τότε δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν Γαλατικὴν περίστασιν ἠναγκασμένος ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. πάντων δὲ φιλοφρόνως αὐτὸν ἀποδεχομένων διά τε τὴν ἐν τῇ στρατείᾳ γεγενημένην συνήθειαν καὶ διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν εὔνουν αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν, καὶ γινομένης τῆς ἀπαντήσεως ὑπὲρ τὴν προσδοκίαν, μετέωρος ἐγενήθη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, οὐκ εἰδὼς τὴν ἀληθινὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποδοχῆς. διὸ καὶ παρʼ ὀλίγον ἦλθε τοῦ λυμήνασθαι τὰ σφέτερα πράγματα καὶ τὴν ὅλην βασιλείαν. τῶν γὰρ πλείστων Ῥωμαίων ἀπηλλοτριωμένων τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους εὐνοίας καὶ πεπεισμένων αὐτὸν πλάγιον ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ γεγονέναι, λαλοῦντα τῷ Περσεῖ καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύοντα τοῖς κατʼ αὐτῶν, ἔνιοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν λαμβάνοντες εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸν Ἄτταλον παρεκάλουν τὴν μὲν ὑπὲρ τἀδελφοῦ πρεσβείαν ἀποθέσθαι, περὶ δʼ ἑαυτοῦ ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς λόγους· βούλεσθαι γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν σύγκλητον συγκατασκευάζειν ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν διὰ τὴν ἀλλοτριότητα τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν. ἐφʼ οἷς συνέβαινε τὸν Ἄτταλον ἐπὶ πολὺ μετεωρίζεσθαι καὶ συγκατανεύειν ἐν ταῖς κατʼ ἰδίαν ὁμιλίαις τοῖς εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος αὐτὸν παρορμῶσι. τέλος δὲ πρὸς ἐνίους τῶν ἀξιολόγων ἀνδρῶν συνέθετο καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ποιήσεσθαι τοὺς περὶ τούτων λόγους.

[¶1] 2. While Attalus was engaged on this intrigue, Eumenes, fearing what would happen, sent his physician Stratius to Rome, putting him in possession of the facts, and charging him to employ every means to prevent Attalus from following the advice of those who wished to ruin their kingdom. On arriving at Rome and getting Attalus by himself, he used a great variety of arguments to him (and he was a man of great sense and powers of persuasion), and at length, with much trouble, succeeded in his object, and in recalling him from his mad project. He represented to him that “he was already practically joint-king with his brother, and only differed from him in the fact that he wore no diadem, and was not called king, though in everything else he possessed an equal and identical authority: that in the future he was the acknowledged heir to the crown, and with no very distant prospect of possession; as the king, from the weak state of his health, was in constant expectation of his departure, and being childless could not, even if he wished it, leave the crown to any one else.” (For in fact that natural son of his, who afterwards succeeded to the crown, had not as yet been acknowledged.) “Above all, he was surprised at the hindrance Attalus was thus interposing to the measures necessary at that particular crisis. For they ought to thank heaven exceedingly if they proved able, even with hearty co-operation and unanimity, to repel the threatened attack of the Gauls; but if he should at such a time quarrel with and oppose his brother, it was quite clear that he would ruin the kingdom, and deprive himself both of his present power and his future expectations, and his other brothers also of the kingdom and the power they possessed in it.” By these and similar arguments Stratius dissuaded Attalus from taking any revolutionary steps.

> Greek: 2. τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης τῆς διαθέσεως περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον, ὀττευσάμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸ μέλλον ἐπιπέμπει Στρατίον τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ὃς μεγίστην παρʼ αὐτῷ πίστιν εἶχε, τὰ μὲν ὑποδείξας, τὰ δʼ ἐντειλάμενος πᾶσαν εἰσενέγκασθαι μηχανὴν πρὸς τὸ μὴ κατακολουθῆσαι τὸν Ἄτταλον τοῖς βουλομένοις λυμήνασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῶν. ὁ δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ λαβὼν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸν Ἄτταλον πολλοὺς μὲν καὶ ποικίλους διέθετο λόγους· καὶ γὰρ ἦν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἔχων τι νουνεχὲς καὶ πειστικόν· μόγις δὲ καθίκετο τῆς προθέσεως καὶ μετεκάλεσε τὸν Ἄτταλον ἀπὸ τῆς ἀλόγου φορᾶς, θεὶς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ὅτι κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν συμβασιλεύει τἀδελφῷ, τούτῳ διαφέρων ἐκείνου τῷ μὴ διάδημα περιτίθεσθαι μηδὲ χρηματίζειν βασιλεύς, τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν ἴσην καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχων ἐξουσίαν, εἰς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ὁμολογουμένως καταλείπεται διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς, οὐ μακρὰν ταύτης τῆς ἐλπίδος ὑπαρχούσης, ἅτε τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ μὲν τὴν σωματικὴν ἀσθένειαν αἰεὶ προσδοκῶντος τὴν ἐκ τοῦ βίου μετάστασιν, διὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπαιδίαν οὐδʼ εἰ βουληθείη δυναμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν ἄλλῳ καταλιπεῖν· οὐδέπω γὰρ ἀναδεδειγμένος ἐτύγχανεν κατὰ φύσιν υἱὸς ὢν αὐτῷ τις ὁ μετὰ ταῦτα διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἀρχήν. τὸ δὲ συνέχον, θαυμάζειν ἔφη πόσα βλάπτει τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιρούς. μεγάλην γὰρ δεῖν ἔχειν πᾶσι τοῖς θεοῖς χάριν, εἰ συμπνεύσαντες καὶ μιᾷ γνώμῃ χρώμενοι δύναιντο τὸν ἀπὸ Γαλατῶν φόβον ἀπώσασθαι καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ τούτων ἐφεστῶτα κίνδυνον. εἰ δὲ νῦν εἰς στάσιν καὶ διαφορὰν ἥξει πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν, πρόδηλον εἶναι διότι καταστρέψει τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ στερήσει μὲν αὑτὸν καὶ τῆς παρούσης ἐξουσίας καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδος, στερήσει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ δυναστείας. ταῦτα δὴ καὶ τούτοις ἕτερα παραπλήσια διατιθέμενος ὁ Στρατίος ἔπεισε τὸν Ἄτταλον μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων.

[¶2] 3. Accordingly, when Attalus appeared before the Senate, he congratulated it on what had happened; expatiated on the loyalty and zeal shown by himself in the war with Perseus; and urged at some length that the Senate should send envoys to restrain the audacity of the Gauls, and compel them to confine themselves once more to their original boundaries. He also said something about the cities of Aeneus and Maronea, desiring that they might be given as a free gift to himself. But he said not a single word against the king, or about the partition of the kingdom. The senators, supposing that he would interview them privately on a future occasion upon these points, promised to send the envoys, and loaded him lavishly with the customary presents, and, moreover, promised him these cities. But when, after receiving these marks of favour, he at once left Rome without fulfilling any of its expectations, the Senate, though foiled in its hopes, had nothing else which it could do; but before he had got out of Italy it declared Aeneus and Maronea free cities,—thus rescinding its promise,—and sent Publius Licinius at the head of a mission to the Gauls. And what instructions these ambassadors had given to them it is not easy to say, but it may be guessed without difficulty from what subsequently happened. And this will be rendered clear from the transactions themselves.

> Greek: 3. διόπερ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ὁ προειρημένος συνεχάρη μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν καὶ περὶ τῆς καθʼ αὑτὸν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας, ἣν παρέσχετο κατὰ τὸν πρὸς Περσέα πόλεμον, ἀπελογίσατο· παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ πέμψαι πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς παρακαθέξοντας τὴν τῶν Γαλατῶν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς αὐτοὺς ἀποκαταστήσοντας διάθεσιν παρεκάλεσε διὰ πλειόνων. ἐποιήσατο δὲ λόγους καὶ περὶ τῆς Αἰνίων καὶ τῆς Μαρωνειτῶν πόλεως, ἀξιῶν αὑτῷ δοθῆναι ταύτας ἐν δωρεᾷ. τὸν δὲ κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως λόγον καὶ τὸν περὶ τοῦ μερισμοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς τέλος παρεσιώπησεν. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ὑπολαμβάνουσα πάλιν αὐτὸν ἰδίᾳ περὶ τούτων εἰσπορεύσεσθαι, τούς τε πρεσβευτὰς συμπέμψειν ὑπέσχετο καὶ τοῖς εἰθισμένοις δώροις ἐτίμησεν αὐτὸν μεγαλομερῶς· ἐπηγγείλατο δὲ καὶ τὰς προειρημένας πόλεις δώσειν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ παραυτὰ τυχὼν τῶν φιλανθρώπων ὥρμησεν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης οὐδὲν ποιήσας τῶν προσδοκωμένων, διαψευσθεῖσα τῶν ἐλπίδων ἡ σύγκλητος ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν εἶχε ποιεῖν, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὄντος αὐτοῦ τὴν μὲν Αἶνον καὶ τὴν Μαρώνειαν ἠλευθέρωσεν, ἀθετήσασα τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον Λικίννιον ἔπεμψε πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας. οἷς ποίας μὲν ἔδωκεν ἐντολὰς εἰπεῖν οὐ ῥᾴδιον, στοχάζεσθαι δʼ ἐκ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα συμβάντων οὐ δυσχερές. τοῦτο δʼ ἔσται δῆλον ἐκ τῶν πράξεων αὐτῶν.

[¶3] 4. There also came embassies from Rhodes, the first headed by Philocrates, the second by Philophron and Astymedes. For when the Rhodians received the answer given to the embassy of Agesipolis immediately after the battle of Pydna, they understood the anger and threatening attitude of the Senate towards them, and promptly despatched these embassies. Astymedes and Philophron, observing in the course of public and private conversations the suspicions and anger entertained towards them at Rome, were reduced to a state of great discouragement and distress. But when one of the praetors mounted the Rostra and urged the people to declare war against Rhodes, then indeed they were beside themselves with terror at the danger that threatened their country. They assumed mourning garments, and in their various interviews with their friends dropped the tone of persuasion or demand, and pleaded instead, with tears and prayers, that they would not adopt any measure of supreme severity towards them. A few days afterwards Antony, one of the tribunes, introduced them to the Senate, and dragged the praetor who advised the war down from the Rostra. Philophron spoke first, and was followed by Astymedes; and, having thus uttered the proverbial “swan’s song,” they received an answer which, while freeing them from actual fear of war, conveyed a bitter and stern rebuke from the Senate for their conduct. Now Astymedes considered himself to have made a good speech on behalf of his country, but did not at all satisfy the Greeks visiting or residing at Rome. For he afterwards published the speech containing his argument in defence, which, to all those into whose hands it fell, appeared absurd and quite unconvincing. For he rested his plea not alone on the merits of his country, but still more on an accusation of others. Comparing the good services done and the co-operation undertaken by the others, he endeavoured to deny or minimise them; while he exaggerated those of Rhodes as far above their actual amount as he could. The errors of others, on the contrary, he inveighed against in bitter and hostile terms, while those of the Rhodians he attempted to cloak and conceal, in order that, by this comparison, those of his own country might appear insignificant and pardonable, those of others grave and beyond excuse, “all of whom,” he added, “had already been pardoned before.” But this sort of pleading can in no circumstances be considered becoming to a statesman. Take the case of the betrayal of secrets. It is not those who, for fear or gain, turn informers that we commend; but those who endure any torture and punishment rather than involve an accomplice in the same misfortune. These are the men whom we approve and consider noble. But a man who, from some undefined alarm, exposes to the view of the party in power all the errors of others, and who recalls what time had obliterated from the minds of the ruling people, cannot fail to be an object of dislike to all who hear of it.

> Greek: 4. ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις, πρῶτον μὲν οἱ περὶ Φιλοκράτην, μετὰ δὲ τούτους οἱ περὶ Φιλόφρονα καὶ Ἀστυμήδην. οἱ γὰρ Ῥόδιοι κομισάμενοι τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, ἣν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν ἔλαβον εὐθέως μετὰ τὴν παράταξιν, καὶ θεωροῦντες ἐκ ταύτης τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ὀργὴν καὶ τὴν ἀνάτασιν τῆς συγκλήτου παραυτίκα τὰς προειρημένας πρεσβείας ἐξέπεμψαν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀστυμήδην καὶ Φιλόφρονα κατανοοῦντες ἐκ τῶν ἐντεύξεων καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν τὴν ὑφόρασιν καὶ τὴν ἀλλοτριότητα τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς εἰς ἀθυμίαν ὁλοσχερῆ καὶ δυσχρηστίαν ἐνέπιπτον. ὡς δὲ καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τις ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους παρεκάλει τοὺς ὄχλους ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Ῥοδίων πόλεμον, τότε δὴ παντάπασιν ἔξω τοῦ φρονεῖν γενόμενοι διὰ τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος κίνδυνον εἰς τοιαύτην ἦλθον διάθεσιν ὥστε καὶ φαιὰ λαβεῖν ἱμάτια καὶ κατὰ τὰς παρακλήσεις μηκέτι παρακαλεῖν μηδʼ ἀξιοῦν τοὺς φίλους, ἀλλὰ δεῖσθαι μετὰ δακρύων μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεύσασθαι περὶ αὑτῶν. μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας εἰσαγαγόντος αὐτοὺς Ἀντωνίου τοῦ δημάρχου, τοῦ καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τὸν παρακαλοῦντα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον κατασπάσαντος ἀπὸ τῶν ἐμβόλων, ἐποιεῖτο τοὺς λόγους πρῶτον μὲν Φιλόφρων, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Ἀστυμήδης. ὅτε δὴ κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν τὸ κύκνειον ἐξηχήσαντες ἔλαβον ἀποκρίσεις τοιαύτας, διʼ ὧν τοῦ μὲν ὁλοσχεροῦς φόβου τοῦ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐδόκουν παραλελύσθαι, περὶ δὲ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐγκλημάτων αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος πικρῶς καὶ βαρέως ὠνείδισεν. ἦν δʼ ὁ νοῦς τῆς ἀποκρίσεως τοιοῦτος, ὅτι εἰ μὴ διʼ ὀλίγους ἀνθρώπους τοὺς αὑτῶν φίλους, καὶ μάλιστα διʼ αὐτούς, ᾔδεισαν καλῶς καὶ δικαίως ὡς δέον ἦν αὐτοῖς χρήσασθαι. ὁ δʼ Ἀστυμήδης αὑτῷ μὲν ἐδόκει καλῶς εἰρηκέναι περὶ τῆς πατρίδος, οὐ μὴν τοῖς γε παρεπιδημοῦσιν οὐδὲ τοῖς οἴκοι μένουσιν τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐδαμῶς ἤρεσκεν. ἐξέβαλε γὰρ ἔγγραπτον μετὰ ταῦτα ποιήσας τὴν σύνταξιν τῆς δικαιολογίας, ἣ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν ἀναλαμβανόντων εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἄτοπος ἐφαίνετο καὶ τελέως ἀπίθανος. συνεστήσατο γὰρ τὴν δικαιολογίαν οὐ μόνον ἐκ τῶν τῆς πατρίδος δικαίων, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων κατηγορίας. τὰ μὲν γὰρ εὐεργετήματα καὶ συνεργήματα παραβάλλων καὶ συγκρίνων τὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἐπειρᾶτο ψευδοποιεῖν καὶ ταπεινοῦν, τὰ δὲ τῶν Ῥοδίων ηὔξανε, πολλαπλασιάζων καθʼ ὅσον οἷός τʼ ἦν· τὰ δʼ ἁμαρτήματα κατὰ τοὐναντίον τὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἐξωνείδιζε πικρῶς καὶ δυσμενικῶς, τὰ δὲ τῶν Ῥοδίων ἐπειρᾶτο περιστέλλειν, ἵνα κατὰ τὴν παράθεσιν τὰ μὲν οἰκεῖα μικρὰ καὶ συγγνώμης ἄξια φανῇ, τὰ δὲ τῶν πέλας μεγάλα καὶ ἀπαραίτητα τελέως, ἐφʼ οἷς ἔφη συγγνώμης τετευχέναι τοὺς ἡμαρτηκότας ἅπαντας. τὸ δὲ γένος τοῦτο τῆς δικαιολογίας οὐδαμῶς ἂν πρέπειν ἀνδρὶ πολιτικῷ δόξειεν, ἐπείτοι καὶ τῶν κοινοπραγησάντων περί τινων ἀπορρήτων οὐ τοὺς διὰ φόβον ἢ πόρον μηνυτὰς γενομένους τῶν συνειδότων ἐπαινοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς πᾶσαν ἐπιδεξαμένους βάσανον καὶ τιμωρίαν καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν συνειδότων παραιτίους γενομένους τῆς αὐτῆς συμφορᾶς, τούτους ἀποδεχόμεθα καὶ τούτους ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς νομίζομεν. ὁ δὲ διὰ τὸν ἄδηλον φόβον πάντα τὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἁμαρτήματα τιθεὶς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τοῖς κρατοῦσιν καὶ καινοποιήσας, ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ χρόνος εἰς λήθην ἀγηόχει τοὺς ὑπερέχοντας, πῶς οὐκ ἔμελλε δυσαρεστήσειν τοῖς ἱστορήσασιν;

[¶4] 5. After receiving the above answer Philocrates and his colleagues immediately started home; but Astymedes and his fellows stayed where they were and kept on the watch, that no report or observation against their country might be made unknown to them. But when this answer of the Senate was reported at Rhodes, the people, considering themselves relieved of the worst fear—that, namely, of war— made light of the rest, though extremely unfavourable. So true it ever is that a dread of worse makes men forget lighter misfortunes. They immediately voted a complimentary crown worth ten thousand gold pieces to Rome, and appointed Theaetetus at once envoy and navarch to convey it at the beginning of summer, accompanied by an embassy under Rhodophon, to attempt in every possible way to make an alliance with the Romans. They acted thus because they wished that, if the embassy failed by an adverse answer at Rome, the failure might take place without the people having passed a formal decree, the attempt being made solely on the initiative of the navarch, and the navarch having by the law power to act in such a case. For the fact was that the republic of Rhodes had been administered with such consummate statesmanship, that, though it had for nearly a hundred and forty years been engaged in conjunction with Rome in actions of the greatest importance and glory, it had never yet made an alliance with her. Nor ought I to omit stating the reason of this policy of the Rhodians. They wished that no ruler or prince should be entirely without hope of gaining their support or alliance; and they therefore did not choose to bind or hamper themselves beforehand with oaths and treaties; but, by remaining uncommitted, to be able to avail themselves of all advantages as they arose. But on this occasion they were much bent upon securing this mark of honour from Rome, not because they were anxious for the alliance, or because they were afraid of any one else at the time except the Romans, but because they wished, by giving an air of special importance to their design, to remove the suspicions of such as were inclined to entertain unfavourable thoughts of their state. For immediately after the return of the ambassadors under Theaetetus, the Caunians revolted and the Mylassians seized on the cities in Euromus. And about the same time the Roman Senate published a decree declaring all Carians and Lycians free who had been assigned to the Rhodians after the war with Antiochus. The Caunian and Mylassian revolts were speedily put down by the Rhodians; for they compelled the Caunians, by sending Lycus with a body of soldiers, to return to their allegiance, though the people of Cibyra had come to their assistance; and in an expedition into Euromus they conquered the Mylassians and Alabandians in the field, these two peoples having combined their forces to attack Orthosia. But when the decree concerning the Lycians and Carians was announced they were once more in a state of dismay, fearing that their gift of the crown had proved in vain, as well as their hopes of an alliance....

> Greek: 5. τὴν δὲ προειρημένην ἀπόκρισιν οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Φιλοκράτην λαβόντες ἐξ αὐτῆς ὥρμησαν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλόφρονα καὶ Ἀστυμήδην αὐτόθι μένοντες παρήδρευον χάριν τοῦ μηδὲν αὐτοὺς λανθάνειν τῶν προσπιπτόντων ἢ λεγομένων κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος. προσπεσούσης δὲ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ταύτης εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον, δόξαντες ἀπολελύσθαι τοῦ μεγίστου φόβου τοῦ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, τἄλλα καίπερ ἀκμὴν ὄντα δυσχερῆ ῥᾳδίως ἔφερον. οὕτως αἰεὶ τὰ μείζω τῶν προσδοκωμένων κακῶν λήθην ποιεῖ τῶν ἐλαττόνων συμπτωμάτων. διὸ καὶ παραχρῆμα ψηφισάμενοι τῇ Ῥώμῃ στέφανον ἀπὸ μυρίων χρυσῶν καὶ καταστήσαντες πρεσβευτὴν ἅμα καὶ ναύαρχον Θεαίδητον ἐξέπεμπον θερείας ἀρχομένης ἄγοντα τὸν στέφανον καὶ μετὰ τούτου τοὺς περὶ Ῥοδοφῶντα, πειρασομένους κατὰ πάντα τρόπον συμμαχίαν συνθέσθαι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. τοῦτο δʼ ἐποίησαν οὐ βουλόμενοι διὰ τοῦ ψηφίσματος καὶ πρεσβείας ἀποτυχεῖν, ἐὰν ἄλλως δόξῃ Ῥωμαίοις, διʼ αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς τοῦ ναυάρχου προαιρέσεως τὴν κατάπειραν ποιήσασθαι· τὴν γὰρ ἐξουσίαν εἶχε ταύτην ὁ ναύαρχος ἐκ τῶν νόμων. οὕτως γὰρ ἦν πραγματικὸν τὸ πολίτευμα τῶν Ῥοδίων ὡς σχεδὸν ἔτη τετταράκοντα πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν κεκοινωνηκὼς ὁ δῆμος Ῥωμαίοις τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καὶ καλλίστων ἔργων οὐκ ἐπεποίητο πρὸς αὐτοὺς συμμαχίαν. τίνος δὲ χάριν οὕτως ἐχείριζον οἱ Ῥόδιοι τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς οὐκ ἄξιον παραλιπεῖν. βουλόμενοι γὰρ μηδένα τῶν ἐν ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς καὶ δυναστείαις ἀπελπίζειν τὴν ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐπικουρίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν, οὐκ ἐβούλοντο συνδυάζειν οὐδὲ προκαταλαμβάνειν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὅρκοις καὶ συνθήκαις, ἀλλʼ ἀκέραιοι διαμένοντες κερδαίνειν τὰς ἐξ ἑκάστων ἐλπίδας. τότε δὲ μεγάλην ἐποιοῦντο φιλοτιμίαν, βουλόμενοι ταύτης τῆς τιμῆς τυχεῖν παρὰ Ῥωμαίων, οὐ κατεπειγόμενοι συμμαχίας οὐδʼ ἀγωνιῶντες ἁπλῶς οὐδένα κατὰ τὸ παρὸν πλὴν αὐτῶν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ βουλόμενοι κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὰς ὑπονοίας τῶν δυσχερές τι διανοουμένων περὶ τῆς πόλεως. ἄρτι δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Θεαίδητον καταπεπλευκότων, ἀπέστησαν Καύνιοι, κατελάβοντο δὲ καὶ Μυλασεῖς τὰς ἐν Εὐρώμῳ πόλεις. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐξέβαλε δόγμα διότι δεῖ Κᾶρας καὶ Λυκίους ἐλευθέρους εἶναι πάντας, ὅσους προσένειμε Ῥοδίοις μετὰ τὸν Ἀντιοχικὸν πόλεμον. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τοὺς Καυνίους καὶ τοὺς Εὐρωμεῖς ταχέως οἱ Ῥόδιοι διωρθώσαντο· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ Καυνίους Λύκωνα πέμψαντες μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἠνάγκασαν πάλιν ὑφʼ αὑτοὺς τάττεσθαι, καίπερ Κιβυρατῶν αὐτοῖς παραβοηθησάντων, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς ἐν Εὐρώμῳ πόλεις στρατεύσαντες ἐνίκησαν μάχῃ Μυλασεῖς καὶ Ἀλαβανδεῖς, ἀμφοτέρων παραγενομένων μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπʼ Ὀρθωσίαν. τοῦ δὲ περὶ τῶν Λυκίων καὶ Καρῶν δόγματος αὐτοῖς προσπεσόντος, πάλιν ἀπεσοβήθησαν ταῖς διανοίαις, δείσαντες μή ποτε μάταιος μὲν αὐτοῖς ἡ τοῦ στεφάνου δόσις γέγονε, μάταιοι δʼ αἱ περὶ τῆς συμμαχίας ἐλπίδες.

[¶5] 6. I have already directed my readers’ attention to the policy of Deinon and Polyaratus. For Rhodes was not the only place which experienced grave danger and important changes. Nearly all the states suffered in the same way. It will therefore be instructive to take a review of the policy adopted by the statesmen in the several countries, and to ascertain which of them will be proved to have acted with wisdom, and which to have done otherwise: in order that posterity in similar circumstances of danger may, with these examples as models, so to speak, before their eyes, be able to choose the good and avoid the bad with a genuine insight; and may not in the last hour of their lives dishonour their previous character and achievements, from failing to perceive where the path of honour lies. There were, then, three different classes of persons who incurred blame for their conduct in the war with Perseus. One consisted of those who, while displeased at seeing the controversy brought to a decisive end, and the control of the world fall into the power of one government, nevertheless took absolutely no active steps for or against the Romans, but left the decision entirely to Fortune. A second consisted of those who were glad to see the question settled, and wished Perseus to win, but were unable to convert the citizens of their own states or the members of their race to their sentiments. And a third class consisted of those who actually succeeded in inducing their several states to change round and join the alliance of Perseus. Our present task is to examine how each of these conducted their respective policies.

> Greek: 6. ὅτι φησὶ Πολύβιος· πρότερον ἐπιστήσαντες τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ἐπὶ τὴν περὶ Δείνωνος καὶ Πολυαράτου διάληψιν· μεγάλης γὰρ οὔσης τῆς περιστάσεως καὶ τῆς μεταβολῆς οὐ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις, ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν ἁπάσαις ταῖς πολιτείαις, χρήσιμον ἂν εἴη τὸ τὰς προαιρέσεις τῶν παρʼ ἑκάστοις πολιτευομένων ἐπισκέψασθαι καὶ γνῶναι τίνες φανήσονται τὸ κατὰ λόγον πεποιηκότες καὶ τίνες παραπεπαικότες τοῦ καθήκοντος, ἵνα οἱ ἐπιγινόμενοι, ὡσανεὶ τύπων ἐκτιθεμένων, δύνωνται κατὰ τὰς ὁμοίας περιστάσεις τὰ μὲν αἱρετὰ διώκειν, τὰ δὲ φευκτὰ φεύγειν ἀληθινῶς, καὶ μὴ περὶ τὸν ἔσχατον καιρὸν τῆς ζωῆς ἀβλεπτοῦντες τὸ πρέπον καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ προγεγονότι βίῳ πράξεις ταὐτὸν πάθωσιν. συνέβαινε τοιγαροῦν τρεῖς διαφορὰς γενέσθαι τῶν ἐμπεσόντων εἰς τὰς αἰτίας κατὰ τὸν πρὸς Περσέα πόλεμον. ὧν μία μὲν ἦν τῶν οὐχ ἡδέως μὲν ὁρώντων κρινόμενα τὰ ὅλα καὶ τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐξουσίαν ὑπὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν πίπτουσαν, οὔτε δὲ συνεργούντων οὔτʼ ἀντιπραττόντων ἁπλῶς Ῥωμαίοις οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ οἷον ἐπιτετραφότων τῇ τύχῃ περὶ τῶν ἀποβησομένων· ἑτέρα δὲ τῶν ἡδέως ὁρώντων κρινόμενα τὰ πράγματα καὶ βουλομένων νικᾶν τὸν Περσέα, μὴ δυναμένων δὲ συνεπισπᾶσθαι τοὺς ἰδίους πολίτας καὶ τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς πρὸς τὴν αὑτῶν γνώμην· τρίτη δὲ καὶ τῶν συνεπισπασαμένων καὶ μεταρριψάντων τὰ πολιτεύματα πρὸς τὴν Περσέως συμμαχίαν.

[¶6] 7. In the last class were Antinous, Theodotus, and Cephalus, who induced the Molossians to join Perseus. These men, when the results of the campaign went completely against them, and they found themselves in imminent danger of the worst consequences, put a bold face upon it and met an honourable death in the field. These men deserve our commendation for their self-respect, in refusing to allow themselves to lapse into a position unworthy of their previous life. Again, in Achaia and Thessaly and Perrhaebia several persons incurred blame by remaining neutral, on the ground that they were watching their opportunity, and were in heart on the side of Perseus; and yet they never let a word to that effect get abroad, nor were ever detected in sending letter or message to Perseus on any subject whatever, but conducted themselves with unexceptionable discretion. Such men as these therefore very properly determined to face judicial inquiry and stand their judgment, and to make every effort to save themselves. For it is quite as great a sign of cowardice to abandon life voluntarily when a man is conscious of no crime, from fear of the threats of political opponents or of the power of the conquerors, as it is to cling to life to the loss of honour. Again, in Rhodes and Cos, and several other cities, there were men who favoured the cause of Perseus, and who were bold enough to speak in behalf of the Macedonians in their own cities, and to inveigh against the Romans, and to actually advise active steps in alliance with Perseus, but who were not able to induce their states to transfer themselves to alliance with the king. The most conspicuous of such men were in Cos the two brothers Hippias and Diomedon, and in Rhodes Deinon and Polyaratus.

> Greek: 7. πῶς οὖν ἕκαστοι τούτων ἐχείρισαν τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς σκοπεῖν πάρεστιν. μετέρριψαν πρὸς Περσέα τὸ τῶν Μολοττῶν ἔθνος Ἀντίνους καὶ Θεόδοτος καὶ Κέφαλος μετʼ αὐτῶν· οἳ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀντιπεσόντων ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς αὐτῶν ὁλοσχερῶς, καὶ περιστάντος τοῦ κινδύνου, καὶ συνεγγίζοντος τοῦ δεινοῦ, πάντες ὁμόσε χωρήσαντες τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπέθανον γενναίως. διόπερ ἄξιον ἐπαινεῖν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ προέσθαι μηδὲ περιιδεῖν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς ἀναξίαν διάθεσιν ἐμπεσόντας τοῦ προγεγονότος βίου. καὶ μὴν ἐν Ἀχαΐᾳ καὶ παρὰ Θετταλοῖς καὶ Περραιβοῖς ἔσχον αἰτίαν καὶ πλείους διὰ τὴν ἡσυχίαν, ὡς ἐφεδρεύοντες τοῖς καιροῖς καὶ φρονοῦντες τὰ Περσέως. ἀλλʼ οὔτε λόγον ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τοιοῦτον ἐξέβαλον οὔτε γράφοντες οὔτε διαπεμπόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Περσέα περί τινος ἐφωράθησαν, ἀλλὰ διεφύλαξαν ἀνεπιλήπτους ἑαυτούς. τοιγαροῦν εἰκότως οὗτοι καὶ δικαιολογίαν καὶ κρίσιν ὑπέμενον καὶ πάσας ἐξήλεγχον τὰς ἐλπίδας· οὐ γὰρ ἔλαττόν ἐστιν ἀγεννίας σημεῖον τὸ μηδὲν αὑτῷ συνειδότα μοχθηρὸν προεξάγειν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν αὑτόν, ποτὲ μὲν τὰς τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων ἀνατάσεις καταπλαγέντα, ποτὲ δὲ τὴν τῶν κρατούντων ἐξουσίαν, τοῦ παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον φιλοζωεῖν. καὶ μὴν ἐν Ῥόδῳ καὶ Κῷ καὶ πλείοσιν ἑτέραις πόλεσιν ἐγένοντό τινες οἱ φρονοῦντες τὰ Περσέως, οἳ καὶ λέγειν ἐθάρρουν περὶ Μακεδόνων ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις πολιτεύμασι καὶ κατηγορεῖν μὲν Ῥωμαίων καὶ καθόλου συνίστασθαι πρὸς τὸν Περσέα κοινοπραγίαν, οὐ δυνηθέντες δὲ μεταρρῖψαι τὰ πολιτεύματα πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως συμμαχίαν. τούτων δʼ ἦσαν ἐπιφανέστατοι παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Κῴοις Ἱππόκριτος καὶ Διομέδων ἀδελ φοί, παρὰ δὲ Ῥοδίοις Δείνων καὶ Πολυάρατος.

[¶7] 8. And it is impossible not to view the policy of these men with disapproval. To begin with, all their fellow-citizens were aware of everything they had done or said; in the next place, the letters were intercepted and made public which were coming from Perseus to them, and from themselves to Perseus, as well as the messengers from both sides: yet they could not make up their minds to yield and put themselves out of the way, but still disputed the point. The result of this persistence and clinging to life, in the face of a desperate position, was that they quite ruined their character for courage and resolution, and left not the least ground for pity or sympathy in the minds of posterity. For being confronted with their own letters and agents, they were regarded as not merely unfortunate, but rather as shameless. One of those who went on these voyages was a man named Thoas. He had frequently sailed to Macedonia on a mission from these men, and when the decisive change in the state of affairs took place, conscious of what he had done, and fearing the consequences, he retired to Cnidos. But the Cnidians having thrown him into prison, he was demanded by the Rhodians, and on coming to Rhodes and being put to the torture, confessed his crime; and his story was found to agree with everything in the cipher of the intercepted letters, and with the despatches from Perseus to Deinon, and from Deinon and Polyaratus to him. Therefore it was a matter of surprise that Deinon persuaded himself to cling to life and submit to so signal an exposure.

> Greek: 8. ὧν τίς οὐκ ἂν καταμέμψαιτο τὴν προαίρεσιν; οἳ πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς πολίτας συνίστορας ἔχοντες πάντων τῶν σφίσι πεπραγμένων καὶ τῶν εἰρημένων, ἔπειτα δὲ τῶν γραμμάτων ἑαλωκότων καὶ πεφωτισμένων καὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Περσέως πρὸς ἐκείνους διαπεμπομένων καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὸν Περσέα παρʼ ἐκείνων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑποχειρίων γεγονότων τῶν διαπεμπομένων παρʼ ἑκατέρων καὶ πρὸς ἑκατέρους, οὐχ οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν εἴκειν οὐδʼ ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖν ἑαυτούς, ἀλλʼ ἀκμὴν ἠμφισβήτουν. τοιγαροῦν προσκαρτεροῦντες καὶ φιλοζωοῦντες πρὸς ἀπεγνωσμένας ἐλπίδας καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν εἶναι περὶ αὐτοὺς τολμηρὸν καὶ παράβολον ἀνέτρεψαν, ὥστε παρὰ τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις μηδʼ ἔσχατον ἐλέῳ καὶ συγγνώμῃ τόπον καταλιπεῖν. ἐλεγχόμενοι γὰρ κατὰ πρόσωπον ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων χειρογράφων καὶ τῶν ὑπουργῶν οὐ μόνον ἀτυχεῖν, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἀναισχυντεῖν ἔδοξαν. Θόας γάρ τις ἦν τῶν πλοϊζομένων, ὃς καὶ πολλάκις εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἐπεπλεύκει, διαπεσταλμένος ὑπὸ τῶν προειρημένων. οὗτος ἐν τῇ μεταβολῇ τῶν πραγμάτων συνειδὼς αὑτῷ τὰ πεπραγμένα, δείσας ἀπεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν Κνίδον. τῶν δὲ Κνιδίων αὐτὸν εἰς φυλακὴν ἀποθεμένων, ἐξαιτηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥοδίων ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον. κἀκεῖ διὰ τῶν βασάνων ἐλεγχόμενος ἀνθωμολογεῖτο καὶ σύμφωνος ἦν πᾶσι τοῖς ἐκ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων γραμμάτων συνθήμασιν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ταῖς παρά τε τοῦ Περσέως ἀποστελλομέναις πρὸς τὸν Δείνωνα καὶ Πολυάρατον καὶ παρὰ τούτων πρὸς ἐκεῖνον. ἐξ ὧν θαυμάζειν ἦν τίνι ποτὲ λογισμῷ χρώμενος ὁ Δείνων προσανεῖχε τῷ ζῆν καὶ τὸν παραδειγματισμὸν ὑπέμενε τοῦτον.

[¶8] 9. But in respect to folly and baseness of spirit, Polyaratus surpassed Deinon. For when Popilius Laenas charged king Ptolemy to send Polyaratus to Rome, the king, from a regard both to Polyaratus himself and his country, determined not to send him to Rome but to Rhodes, this being also what Polyaratus himself asked him to do. Having therefore caused a galley to be prepared, the king handed him over to Demetrius, one of his own friends, and despatched him, and wrote a despatch to the Rhodians notifying the fact. But touching at Phaselis in the course of the voyage, Polyaratus, from some notion or another which he had conceived, took suppliant branches in his hand, and fled for safety to the city altar. If any one had asked him his intention in thus acting, I am persuaded that he could not have told it. For if he wanted to go to his own country, where was the need of suppliant branches? For his conductors were charged to take him there. But if he wished to go to Rome, that was sure to take place whether he wished it or no. What other alternative was there? Other place that could receive him with safety to himself there was none. However, on the people of Phaselis sending to Rhodes to beg that they would receive Polyaratus, and take him away, the Rhodians came to the prudent resolution of sending an open vessel to convoy him; but forbade the captain of it to actually take him on board, on the ground that the officers from Alexandria had it in charge to deliver the man in Rhodes. When the vessel arrived at Phaselis, and its captain, Epichares, refused to take the man on board, and Demetrius, who had been deputed by the king for that business, urged him to leave the altar and resume his voyage; and when the people of Phaselis supported his command, because they were afraid they would incur some blame from Rome on that account, Polyaratus could no longer resist the pressure of circumstances, but once more went on board Demetrius’s galley. But in the course of the voyage he seized an opportunity of doing the same again at Caunus, flying for safety there in the same way, and begging the Caunians to save him. Upon the Caunians rejecting him, on the grounds of their being leagued with Rhodes, he sent messages to Cibyra, begging them to receive him in their city, and to send him an escort. He had some claim upon this city, because the sons of its tyrant, Pancrates, had been educated at his house; accordingly, they listened to his request, and did what he asked. But when he got to Cibyra, he placed himself and the Cibyratae into a still greater difficulty than that which he caused before when at Phaselis. For they neither dared to retain him in their town for fear of Rome, nor had the power of sending him to Rome, because of their ignorance of the sea, being an entirely inland folk. Eventually they were reduced to send envoys to Rhodes and the Roman proconsul in Macedonia, begging them to take over the man. Lucius Aemilius wrote to the Cibyratae, ordering them to keep Polyaratus in safe custody; and to the Rhodians to make provision for his conveyance by sea and his safe delivery upon Roman territory. Both peoples obeyed the despatch: and thus Polyaratus eventually came to Rome, after making a spectacle of his folly and cowardice to the best of his ability; and after having been, thanks to his own folly, four times surrendered—by king Ptolemy, the people of Phaselis, the Cibyratae, and the Rhodians. The reason of my having dwelt at some length on the story of Polyaratus and Deinon is not that I have any desire to trample upon their misfortunes, for that would be ungenerous in the last degree; but in order that, by clearly showing their folly, I might instruct those who fall into similar difficulties and dangers how to take a better and wiser course....

> Greek: 9. πολὺ δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀβουλίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀγεννίαν ὁ Πολυάρατος ὑπερέθετο τὸν Δείνωνα. τοῦ γὰρ Ποπιλίου προστάξαντος Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν Πολυάρατον ἀναπέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς μὲν τὴν Ῥώμην οὐκ ἔκρινε πέμπειν, ἐντρεπόμενος τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν Πολυάρατον, εἰς δὲ τὴν Ῥόδον ἀποστέλλειν διέλαβε, κἀκείνου τοῦτο παρακαλοῦντος. παραστήσας οὖν λέμβον καὶ παραδοὺς αὐτὸν Δημητρίῳ τινὶ τῶν φίλων ἐξαπέστειλεν. ἔγραφε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκπομπῆς. ὁ δὲ Πολυάρατος προσσχὼν Φασηλίδι κατὰ πλοῦν καὶ διανοηθεὶς ἅττα δή ποτʼ οὖν, λαβὼν θαλλοὺς κατέφυγεν ἐπὶ τὴν κοινὴν ἑστίαν. ὃν εἴ τις ἤρετο τί βούλεται, πέπεισμαι μηδʼ ἂν αὐτὸν ἔχειν εἰπεῖν. εἰ μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα μολεῖν ἐπεθύμει, τί θαλλῶν ἔδει; τοῦτο γὰρ προύκειτό που τοῖς ἄγουσιν αὐτόν. εἰ δʼ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ μὴ βουλομένου ʼκείνου τοῦτʼ ἔδει γενέσθαι κατʼ ἀνάγκην. τί οὖν κατελείπεθʼ ἕτερον; ἄλλος γὰρ τόπος ὁ δεξόμενος αὐτὸν μετʼ ἀσφαλείας οὐκ ἦν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν Φασηλιτῶν πεμψάντων εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον καὶ παρακαλούντων κομίζεσθαι καὶ παραλαμβάνειν τὸν Πολυάρατον, νουνεχῶς οἱ Ῥόδιοι διαλαβόντες ἄφρακτον μὲν ἐξαπέστειλαν τὸ παραπέμψον, ἀναλαβεῖν δʼ εἰς τὴν ναῦν ἐκώλυσαν τὸν ἄρχοντα διὰ τὸ προστετάχθαι τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας εἰς Ῥώμην ἀποκαταστῆσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον. παραγενομένης δὲ τῆς νεὼς εἰς τὴν Φασηλίδα, καὶ τοῦ μὲν Ἐπιχάρους, ὃς ἦν ἄρχων τῆς νεώς, οὐ βουλομένου δέχεσθαι τῷ πλοίῳ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, τοῦ δὲ Δημητρίου τοῦ προχειρισθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ τὴν ἀναπομπὴν κελεύοντος ἀνίστασθαι καὶ πλεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ τῶν Φασηλιτῶν συνεπισχυόντων αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ δεδιέναι μή τις ἐκ Ῥωμαίων σφίσι διὰ ταῦτα μέμψις ἐπακολουθήσῃ, καταπλαγεὶς τὴν περίστασιν ἐνέβη πάλιν τὸν λέμβον πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον. κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἀπόπλουν ἐπιλαβόμενος ἀφορμῆς εὐκαίρου, προσδραμὼν κατέφυγε πάλιν εἰς Καῦνον κἀκεῖ παραπλησίως ἐδεῖτο τῶν Καυνίων βοηθεῖν. τούτων δὲ πάλιν ἀποτριβομένων αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ τάττεσθαι μετὰ Ῥοδίων, διεπέμπετο πρὸς Κιβυράτας, δεόμενος αὐτὸν δέξασθαι τῇ πόλει καὶ πέμψαι παραπομπήν. ἔσχε γὰρ ἀφορμὴν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν διὰ τὸ τεθράφθαι παρʼ αὐτῷ τοὺς παῖδας Παγκράτους τοῦ τυράννου. τῶν δὲ πεισθέντων καὶ ποιησάντων τὰ παρακαλούμενα, παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Κιβύραν εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέβαλεν αὑτόν τε καὶ τοὺς Κιβυράτας μείζω τῆς πρότερον, ὅτε παρὰ τοῖς Φασηλίταις ἦν. οὔτε γὰρ ἔχειν παρʼ αὑτοῖς ἐθάρρουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ δεδιέναι τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων κίνδυνον, οὔτʼ ἀναπέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐδύναντο διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν ἔργων, ἅτε μεσόγαιοι τελέως ὑπάρχοντες. λοιπὸν ἠναγκάζοντο πρεσβεύειν εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον καὶ πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἀξιοῦντες παραλαβεῖν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. τοῦ δὲ Λευκίου γράψαντος τοῖς μὲν Κιβυράταις τηρεῖν ἐπιμελῶς τὸν Πολυάρατον καὶ κομίζειν εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον, τοῖς δὲ Ῥοδίοις φροντίζειν τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν παραπομπῆς, ἵνα μετʼ ἀσφαλείας εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀνακομισθῇ, πειθαρχησάντων δʼ ἀμφοτέρων τοῖς γραφομένοις, τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ συνέβη τὸν Πολυάρατον ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐκθεατρίσαντα μὲν τὴν ἀβουλίαν τὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀγεννίαν ἐφʼ ὅσον οἷός τʼ ἦν, ἔκδοτον δὲ γενόμενον οὐ μόνον παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ Φασηλιτῶν καὶ παρὰ Κιβυρατῶν καὶ παρὰ Ῥοδίων διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἄνοιαν. τίνος οὖν χάριν τὸν πλείω λόγον πεποίημαι περὶ Πολυαράτου καὶ Δείνωνος; οὐχ ἵνα συνεπεμβαίνειν δόξω ταῖς ἐκείνων ἀτυχίαις. καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπόν γε τοῦτο τελέως· ἀλλʼ ἵνα φανερὰν ποιήσας τὴν ἐκείνων ἀβουλίαν βέλτιον παρασκευάσω καὶ βουλεύεσθαι καὶ φρονεῖν τοὺς κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις εἰς παραπλησίους ἐμπίπτοντας καιρούς. — ἐξ ὧν μάλιστα κατίδοι τις ἂν ἅμα τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ τὴν ἀβεβαιότητα τῆς τύχης, ὅταν ἃ μάλιστʼ ἄν τις αὑτοῦ χάριν οἴηται διαπονεῖν, ταῦτα παρὰ πόδας εὑρίσκηται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς κατασκευάζων·