---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 92 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/92/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 92. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/92/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 92. Book XXX · chapters 10–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/92/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/92/#p-N

[¶0] 10. The most striking illustration of the mutability and capriciousness of Fortune is when a man, within a brief period, turns out to have been preparing for the use of his enemies the very things which he imagined that he was elaborating in his own honour. Thus Perseus was having some columns made, which Lucius Aemilius, finding unfinished, caused to be completed, and placed statues of himself on them.... He admired the situation of the city, and the excellent position of the acropolis for commanding the districts on both sides of the Isthmus. Having been long anxious to see Olympia, he set out thither. Aemilius entered the sacred enclosure at Olympia, and was struck with admiration at the statue of the god, remarking that, to his mind, Pheidias was the only artist who had represented the Zeus of Homer; and that, though he had had great expectations of Olympia, he found the reality far surpassed them.

> Greek: 10. κίονας γὰρ κατεσκεύαζε Περσεύς, καὶ ταύτας καταλαβὼν ἀτελεῖς Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος ἐτελείωσε καὶ τὰς ἰδίας εἰκόνας ἐπέστησεν. — ὁ δὲ θαυμάσας τὴν τῆς πόλεως θέσιν καὶ τὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως εὐκαιρίαν πρός τε τοὺς ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτὸς ἀπολαμβανομένους τόπους. — Ἐπισημηνάμενος δὲ τοῦ Σικυῶνος τὴν ὀχυρότητα καὶ τὸ βάρος τῆς τῶν Ἀργείων πόλεως ἦλθεν εἰς Ἐπίδαυρον. — πάλαι μετέωρος ὢν πρὸς τὴν τῆς Ὀλυμπίας θέαν ὥρμησε. — Πολύβιος· Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος παρῆν εἰς τὸ τέμενος τὸ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα θεασάμενος ἐξεπλάγη καὶ τοσοῦτον εἶπεν ὅτι μόνος αὐτῷ δοκεῖ Φειδίας τὸν παρʼ Ὁμήρῳ Δία μεμιμῆσθαι, διότι μεγάλην ἔχων προσδοκίαν τῆς Ὀλυμπίας μείζω τῆς προσδοκίας εὑρηκὼς εἴη τὴν ἀλήθειαν. — ὅτι Αἰτωλοὶ τὸν βίον ἀπὸ λῃστείας καὶ τῆς τοιαύτης παρανομίας εἰώθεισαν ἔχειν.

[¶1] 11. The Aetolians had been accustomed to get their livelihood from plundering and such like lawless occupations; and as long as they were permitted to plunder and loot the Greeks, they got all they required from them, regarding every country as that of an enemy. But subsequently, when the Romans obtained the supremacy, they were prevented from this means of support, and accordingly turned upon each other. Even before this, in their civil war, there was no horror which they did not commit; and a little earlier still they had had a taste of mutual slaughter in the massacres at Arsinoe; they were, therefore, ready for anything, and their minds were so infuriated that they would not allow their magistrates to have even a voice in their business. Aetolia, accordingly, was a scene of turbulence, lawlessness, and blood: nothing they undertook was done on any calculation or fixed plan; everything was conducted at haphazard and in confusion, as though a hurricane had burst upon them....

> Greek: 11. καὶ ἕως μὲν ἐξῆν τοὺς Ἕλληνας φέρειν καὶ λεηλατεῖν, ἐκ τούτων ἐπορίζοντο τοὺς βίους, πᾶσαν γῆν ἡγούμενοι πολεμίαν· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Ῥωμαίων ἐπιστάντων τοῖς πράγμασι κωλυθέντες τῆς ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίας εἰς ἑαυτοὺς κατήντησαν. καὶ πρότερον μὲν κατὰ τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον οὐκ ἔστιν ὃ τῶν δεινῶν οὐκ ἔπραξαν· βραχεῖ δʼ ἀνώτερον χρόνῳ γεγευμένοι τοῦ φόνου τοῦ κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἐν ταῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἀρσινοΐαν σφαγαῖς ἕτοιμοι πρὸς πᾶν ἦσαν, ἀποτεθηριωμένοι τὰς ψυχάς, ὥστε μηδὲ βουλὴν διδόναι τοῖς προεστῶσι. διόπερ ἦν ἀκρισίας καὶ παρανομίας καὶ φόνου πλήρη τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν, καὶ τῶν πραττομένων παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐκ λογισμοῦ μὲν καὶ προθέσεως οὐδὲν ἐπετελεῖτο, πάντα δʼ εἰκῇ καὶ φύρδην ἐπράττετο, καθαπερεὶ λαίλαπός τινος ἐκπεπτωκυίας εἰς αὐτούς. — ὅτι οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἤπειρον παραπλήσια τούτοις ἔπραττον.

[¶2] 12. The state of Epirus was much the same. For in proportion as the majority of its people are more law-abiding than those of Aetolia, so their chief magistrate surpassed every one else in wickedness and contempt for law. For, I think, there never was and never will be a character more ferocious and brutal than that of Charops....

> Greek: 12. ἐφʼ ὅσον γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων μετριώτεροι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἦσαν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὁ προεστὼς αὐτῶν ἀσεβέστερος καὶ παρανομώτερος ὑπῆρχε τῶν ἄλλων. δοκῶ γὰρ μὴ γεγονέναι μηδʼ ἔσεσθαι θηριωδέστερον ἄνθρωπον μηδʼ εἰκαιότερον Χάροπος. — ὅτι μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Περσέως κατάλυσιν ἅμα τῷ κριθῆναι τὰ ὅλα πανταχόθεν ἐξέπεμπον πρέσβεις συγχαρησομένους τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν.

[¶3] 13. After the destruction of Perseus, immediately after the decisive battle, embassies were sent on all sides to congratulate the Roman commanders on the event. And as now all power tended towards Rome, in every city those who were regarded as of the Romanising party were in the ascendant, and were appointed to embassies and other services. Accordingly they flocked into Macedonia—from Achaia, Callicrates, Aristodamus, Agesias, and Philippus; from Boeotia, Mnasippos; from Acarnania, Chremas; from Epirus, Charops and Nicias; from Aetolia, Lyciscus and Tisippus. These all having met, and eagerly vieing with each other in attaining a common object; and there being no one to oppose them, since their political opponents had all yielded to the times and completely retired, they accomplished their purpose without trouble. So the ten commissioners issued orders to the other cities and leagues through the mouths of the strategi themselves as to what citizens were to go to Rome. And these turned out to be, for the most part, those whom the men I have named had made a list of on party grounds, except a very few of such as had done something conspicuous. But to the Achaean league they sent two men of the highest rank of their own number, Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius. They had two reasons for doing so: the first was that they were uneasy lest the Achaeans should refuse to obey the written order, and lest Callicrates and his colleagues should be in absolute danger from being reputed to be the authors of the accusations against all the Greeks,—which was about true; and in the second place, because in the intercepted despatches nothing distinct had been discovered against any Achaean. Accordingly, after a while, the proconsul sent the letter and envoys with reference to these men, although in his private opinion he did not agree with the charges brought by Lyciscus and Callicrates, as was afterwards made clear by what took place....

> Greek: 13. τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων ὁλοσχερῶς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους κεκλικότων, ἐπιπολάζοντες διὰ τὸν καιρὸν οἱ δοκοῦντες εἶναι φίλοι Ῥωμαίων ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν, εἴς τε τὰς πρεσβείας οὗτοι καθίσταντο καὶ τὰς ἄλλας χρείας. διὸ συνέδραμον εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἐκ μὲν Ἀχαΐας Καλλικράτης, Ἀριστόδαμος, Ἀγησίας, Φίλιππος, ἐκ δὲ Βοιωτίας οἱ περὶ Μνάσιππον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας οἱ περὶ Χρέμαν, παρὰ δὲ τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν οἱ περὶ τὸν Χάροπα καὶ Νικίαν, παρὰ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν οἱ περὶ τὸν Λυκίσκον καὶ Τίσιππον. ἁπάντων δὲ τούτων ὁμοῦ γενομένων καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἁμιλλωμένων προθύμως, καὶ μηδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος ἀνταγωνιστοῦ διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἀντιπολιτευομένους ἅπαντας εἴκοντας τοῖς καιροῖς ἀνακεχωρηκέναι τελέως, ἀκονιτὶ κατεκράτησαν τῆς ὑποθέσεως οἱ προειρημένοι. πρὸς μὲν οὖν τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις καὶ τὰς ἐθνικὰς συστάσεις οἱ δέκα διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἐπιταγήν, οὓς δεήσει πορεύεσθαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν ὡς ἐπίπαν οὓς ἀπέγραψαν οἱ προειρημένοι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας ἀντιπαραγωγάς, πλὴν ὀλίγων τελέως τῶν ἔκδηλόν τι πεποιηκότων. πρὸς δὲ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψαν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ἄνδρας τῶν δέκα, Γάιον Κλαύδιον καὶ Γνάιον Δομέτιον, διὰ δύʼ αἰτίας, πρῶτον μὲν εὐλαβούμενοι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς μή ποτʼ οὐ πειθαρχήσωσι τοῖς γραφομένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ κινδυνεύσωσιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Καλλικράτην, δόξαντες ἐξειργάσθαι τὰς κατὰ πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων διαβολάς, ὃ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν ἦν, δεύτερον δὲ διὰ τὸ μηθὲν ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις γράμμασιν ἀκριβὲς εὑρῆσθαι κατὰ μηδενὸς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων μετά τινα χρόνον ἐξέπεμπεν ὁ στρατηγὸς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐδοκούμενος κατά γε τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην ταῖς τῶν περὶ τὸν Λυκίσκον καὶ Καλλικράτην διαβολαῖς, ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ὕστερον ἐγένετο καταφανές. — ὅτι τῆς αὐτῆς ψυχῆς ἐστιν ἀγῶνάς τε διατίθεσθαι καλῶς καὶ παρασκευὴν καὶ πότον μεγαλομερῆ χειρίσαι δεόντως καὶ παρατάξασθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις στρατηγικῶς.

[¶4] 14. Lucius Anicius, who had been praetor, after his victory over the Illyrians, and on bringing Genthius prisoner to Rome with his children, while celebrating his triumph, did a very ridiculous thing. He sent for the most famous artists from Greece, and having constructed an immense theatre in the circus, he brought all the flute players on the stage together first. Their names were Theodorus the Boeotian, Theopompus and Hermippus of Lysimacheia, the most celebrated of the day. He placed them on the proscenium with the chorus, and bid them all play at once. But on their beginning to play the tune, accompanied by appropriate movements, he sent to them to say that they were not playing well, and must put more excitement into it. At first they did not know what to make of this, until one of the lictors showed them that they must form themselves into two companies, and facing round, advance against each other as though in a battle. The fluteplayers caught the idea at once, and, adopting a motion suitable to their own wild strains, produced a scene of great confusion. They made the middle group of the chorus face round upon the two extreme groups, and the fluteplayers, blowing with inconceivable violence and discordance, led these groups against each other. The members of the chorus meanwhile rushed, with a violent stamping which shook the stage, against those opposite them, and then faced round and retired. But when one of the chorus, whose dress was closely girt up, turned round on the spur of the moment and raised his hands, like a boxer, in the face of the fluteplayer who was approaching him, then the spectators clapped their hands and cheered loudly. Whilst this sort of sham fight was going on, two dancers were brought into the orchestra to the sound of music; and four boxers mounted upon the stage, accompanied by trumpeters and clarion players. The effect of these various contests all going on together was indescribable. But if I were to speak about their tragic actors, I should be thought by some to be jesting.... It requires the same sort of spirit to arrange public games well, and to set out great banquets and wine with fitting splendour, as it does to draw up an army in presence of the enemy with strategic skill.... Aemilius Paulus took seventy cities in Epirus after the conquest of the Macedonians and Perseus, most of which were in the country of the Molossi; and enslaved one hundred and fifty thousand men.... In Egypt the first thing the kings did after being relieved from the war with Antiochus was to send Numenius, one of their friends, as an envoy to Rome to return thanks for the favours received; and they next released the Lacedaemonian Menalcidas, who had made active use of the occasion against the kingdom for his own advantage; Gaius Popilius Laenas asked the king for his release as a favour to himself....

> Greek: 14. — τῶν γοῦν Ἠπειρωτῶν ἑβδομήκοντα πόλεις Πολύβιός φησιν ἀνατρέψαι Παῦλον μετὰ τὴν Μακεδόνων καὶ Περσέως κατάλυσιν· Μολοττῶν δʼ ὑπάρξαι τὰς πλείστας· πέντε δὲ καὶ δέκα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον οἱ βασιλεῖς ἀπολελυμένοι τοῦ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πολέμου πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Ῥώμην πρεσβευτὴν ἐξέπεμψαν Νουμήνιον, ἕνα τῶν φίλων, εὐχαριστήσοντα περὶ τῶν εἰς αὐτοὺς γεγονότων εὐεργετημάτων· ἀπέλυσαν δὲ καὶ τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον Μεναλκίδαν, ἐνεργῶς κεχρημένον τοῖς κατὰ τῆς βασιλείας καιροῖς πρὸς τὴν ἰδίαν ἐπανόρθωσιν, Γαΐου Ποπιλίου τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀπολύσεως χάριν αἰτησαμένου παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων. ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Κότυς ὁ τῶν Ὀδρυσῶν βασιλεὺς ἀπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἀξιῶν ἀποδοθῆναι τὸν υἱὸν αὑτῷ καὶ περὶ τῆς γενομένης πρὸς Περσέα κοινοπραγίας δικαιολογούμενος. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι νομίσαντες ἠνύσθαι σφίσι τὸ προκείμενον, τοῦ πρὸς τὸν Περσέα πολέμου κατὰ νοῦν προκεχωρηκότος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς Κότυν διαφορὰν πρὸς οὐδὲν ἔτι διατείνειν, συνεχώρησαν αὐτῷ κομίζεσθαι τὸν υἱόν, ὃς ὁμηρείας χάριν δοθεὶς εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἑαλώκει μετὰ τῶν Περσέως τέκνων, βουλόμενοι τὴν αὑτῶν πρᾳότητα καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν ἐμφαίνειν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν Κότυν ἀναδούμενοι διὰ τῆς τοιαύτης χάριτος. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἦλθε καὶ Προυσίας ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, συγχαρησόμενος τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν.

[¶5] 18. At this period Cotys, king of the Odrysae, sent ambassadors to Rome, asking for the restoration of his son, and pleading his defence for having acted on the side of Perseus. The Romans, considering that they had effected their purpose by the successful issue of the war against Perseus, and that they had no need to press their quarrel with Cotys any further, allowed him to take his son back—who, having been sent as a hostage to Macedonia, had been captured with the children of Perseus, —wishing to display their clemency and magnanimity, and with the idea at the same time of binding Cotys to themselves by so great a favour....

> Greek: 18. ὁ δὲ Προυσίας οὗτος οὐδαμῶς γέγονεν ἄξιος τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας προσχήματος. τεκμήραιτο δʼ ἄν τις ἐκ τούτων. ὅς γε πρῶτον μέν, πρεσβευτῶν παραγεγονότων Ῥωμαϊκῶν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξυρημένος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ πιλίον ἔχων λευκὸν καὶ τήβενναν καὶ καλικίους ἀπήντα τούτοις, καὶ καθόλου τοιαύτῃ διασκευῇ κεχρημένος οἵαν ἔχουσιν οἱ προσφάτως ἠλευθερωμένοι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, οὓς καλοῦσι λιβέρτους· καὶ δεξιωσάμενος τοὺς πρεσβευτάς "ὁρᾶτʼ" ἔφη "τὸν ὑμέτερον λίβερτον ἐμέ, πάντα βουλόμενον χαρίζεσθαι καὶ μιμεῖσθαι τὰ παρʼ ὑμῖν." ἧς ἀγεννεστέραν φωνὴν οὐ ῥᾴδιον εὑρεῖν. τότε δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον γενόμενος τὴν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, στὰς κατὰ τὸ θύρετρον ἀντίος τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ καθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας προσεκύνησε τὸν οὐδὸν καὶ τοὺς καθημένους, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος "χαίρετε, θεοὶ σωτῆρεσ", ὑπερβολὴν οὐ καταλιπὼν ἀνανδρίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ γυναικισμοῦ καὶ κολακείας οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων. ἀκόλουθα δὲ τούτοις καὶ κατὰ τὴν κοινολογίαν εἰσελθὼν ἐπετελέσατο, περὶ ὧν καὶ τὸ γράφειν ἀπρεπὲς ἦν. φανεὶς δὲ τελέως εὐκαταφρόνητος ἀπόκρισιν ἔλαβε διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο φιλάνθρωπον.

[¶6] 19. About the same time king Prusias also came to Rome to congratulate the Senate and the generals on their success. This Prusias was in no sense worthy of the royal title, as we may judge from the following facts: When the Roman envoys first appeared at his court, he met them with shorn head and wearing a cap, toga, and shoes, and in fact exactly in the garb worn by those recently manumitted at Rome, whom they call liberti: and greeting the envoys respectfully, he exclaimed, “Behold your freedman, who is willing to obey you in all things and to imitate your fashions!” than which a more contemptible speech it would be difficult to imagine. And now, again, when he reached the entrance of the Senate-house he stopped at the door facing the senators, and, dropping both his hands he paid reverence to the threshold and the seated Fathers, exclaiming, “Hail, ye gods my preservers!” seeming bent on surpassing all who might come after him in meanness of spirit, unmanliness, and servility. And his behaviour in the conference which he held when he had entered the Senatehouse was on a par with this; and was such as might make one blush even to write. However this contemptible display served in itself to secure him a favourable answer. Just as he had got his answer, news came that Eumenes was on his way. This caused the Senators much embarrassment. They were thoroughly incensed with him, and were entirely fixed in their sentiments towards him; and yet they did not wish to betray themselves. For having proclaimed to all the world that this king was their foremost and most esteemed friend, if they now admitted him to an interview and allowed him to plead his cause, they must either, by answering as they really thought and in harmony with their sentiments, signalise their own folly in having marked out such a man in past times for special honour; or if, in deference to appearances, they gave him a friendly answer, they must disregard truth and the interests of their country. Therefore, as both these methods of proceeding could have consequences of a disagreeable nature, they hit upon the following solution of the difficulty. On the ground of a general dislike of the visits of kings, they published a decree that “no king was to visit Rome.” Having been informed subsequently that Eumenes had landed at Brundisium in Italy, they sent the quaestor to convey the decree to him, and to bid him to communicate with himself if he wanted anything from the Senate; or, if he did not want anything, to bid him depart at the earliest possible opportunity from Italy. When the quaestor met the king and informed him of the decree, the latter, thoroughly understanding the intention of the Senate, said not a single word, except that “he wanted nothing.” This is the way in which Eumenes was prevented from coming to Rome. And it was not the only important result of this decree. For the Gauls were at that time threatening the kingdom of Eumenes; and it was soon made apparent that by this repulse the king’s allies were all greatly depressed, while the Gauls were doubly encouraged to press on the war. And it was in fact their desire to humiliate him in every possible way that induced the Senate to adopt this resolution. These things were going on at the beginning of the winter: but to all other ambassadors who arrived—and there was no city or prince or king who had not at that time sent an embassy of congratulation—the Senate returned a gracious and friendly answer, except to the Rhodians; and these they dismissed with displeasure, and with ambiguous declarations as to the future. As to the Athenians again the Senate hesitated....

> Greek: 19. ἤδη δὲ τούτου τὰς ἀποκρίσεις εἰληφότος, προσέπεσε παραγίνεσθαι τὸν Εὐμένη. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα πολλὴν ἀπορίαν παρέσχε τοῖς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ· διαβεβλημένοι γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ διαλήψεις ἀμεταθέτους ἔχοντες οὐκ ἐβούλοντο κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον ἐμφανίζειν αὑτούς. πᾶσι γὰρ ἀναδεδειχότες πρῶτον καὶ μέγιστον φίλον τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτον ἔμελλον εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες καὶ προσδεξάμενοι δικαιολογίαν, εἰ μὲν τὸ δοκοῦν ἀποκριθεῖεν ἀκολουθοῦντες ταῖς ἰδίαις διαλήψεσιν, ἐκθεατριεῖν αὑτούς, εἰ τοιοῦτον ἄνθρωπον ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξετίμησαν ἐν τοῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις, εἰ δὲ δουλεύοντες τῇ τῶν ἐκτὸς φαντασίᾳ φιλανθρώπως ἀποκριθεῖεν, παρόψεσθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ τὸ τῇ πατρίδι συμφέρον. διόπερ ἐξ ἑκατέρας τῆς ἀποφάσεως μέλλοντος ἀπιθάνου τινὸς αὐτοῖς ἐξακολουθήσειν, εὕροντο λύσιν τοῦ προβλήματος τοιαύτην. ὡς γὰρ καθόλου δυσαρεστούμενοι ταῖς τῶν βασιλέων ἐπιδημίαις δόγμα τι τοιοῦτον ἐξέβαλον, μηδένα βασιλέα παραγίνεσθαι πρὸς αὑτούς. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πυθόμενοι τὸν Εὐμένη καταπεπλευκέναι τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς Βρεντέσιον ἐπαπέστειλαν τὸν ταμίαν φέροντα τὸ δόγμα καὶ κελεύσοντα λέγειν πρὸς αὑτόν, εἴ τι τυγχάνει τῆς συγκλήτου χρείαν ἔχων· εἰ δὲ μηδενὸς δεῖται, παραγγελοῦντα τὴν ταχίστην αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπαλλάττεσθαι. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, συμμίξαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ταμίου, γνοὺς τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου προαίρεσιν εἰς τέλος ἀπεσιώπησεν, οὐδενὸς φήσας προσδεῖσθαι. καὶ δὴ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ συνέβη τὸν Εὐμένη κωλυθῆναι τῆς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀναβάσεως. συνηκολουθήκει δὲ καὶ ἕτερόν τι πραγματικὸν τούτῳ τῷ διαβουλίῳ. μεγάλου γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν ἐπικρεμαμένου κινδύνου τῇ βασιλείᾳ, προφανὲς ἦν ὅτι διὰ τὸν σκυβαλισμὸν τοῦτον οἱ μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως σύμμαχοι ταπεινωθήσονται πάντες, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται διπλασίως ἐπιρρωσθήσονται πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. διὸ πάντῃ πάντως βουλόμενοι ταπεινοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ταύτην κατηνέχθησαν τὴν γνώμην. τούτων δὲ γινομένων ἔτι κατʼ ἀρχὰς τοῦ χειμῶνος, λοιπὸν ἡ σύγκλητος ἅπασιν τοῖς παραγεγονόσι κατὰ πρεσβείαν· οὐ γὰρ ἦν οὔτε πόλις οὔτε δυνάστης οὔτε βασιλεὺς ὃς οὐκ ἀπεστάλκει πρεσβείαν κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τὴν συγχαρησομένην ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν· οἷς ἅπασιν οἰκείως ἀπήντησε καὶ φιλανθρώπως πλὴν τῶν Ῥοδίων. τούτους δὲ παρέπεμπε ποικίλας ἐμφάσεις ποιοῦσα περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος. ἐπείχετο δὲ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. — ὅτι οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι παρεγένοντο πρεσβεύοντες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἁλιαρτίων σωτηρίας, παρακουόμενοι δὲ περὶ τούτου τοῦ μέρους ἐκ μεταθέσεως διελέγοντο περὶ Δήλου καὶ Λήμνου καὶ τῆς τῶν Ἁλιαρτίων χώρας, εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἐξαιτούμενοι τὴν κτῆσιν· εἶχον γὰρ διττὰς ἐντολάς. οἷς περὶ μὲν τῶν κατὰ Δῆλον καὶ Λῆμνον οὐκ ἄν τις ἐπιτιμήσειε διὰ τὸ καὶ πρότερον ἀντιπεποιῆσθαι τῶν νήσων τούτων, περὶ δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἁλιαρτίων χώρας εἰκότως ἄν τις καταμέμψαιτο. τὸ γὰρ πόλιν σχεδὸν ἀρχαιοτάτην τῶν κατὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἐπταικυῖαν μὴ συνεπανορθοῦν κατὰ πάντα τρόπον, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον ἐξαλείφειν, ἀφαιρουμένους καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας τῶν ἠκληρηκότων, δῆλον ὡς οὐδενὶ μὲν ἂν δόξαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων καθήκειν, ἥκιστα δὲ τῶν ἄλλων Ἀθηναίοις. τὸ γὰρ τὴν μὲν ἰδίαν πατρίδα κοινὴν ποιεῖν ἅπασιν, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀναιρεῖν, οὐδαμῶς οἰκεῖον ἂν φανείη τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἤθους. πλὴν ἥ γε σύγκλητος καὶ τὴν Δῆλον αὐτοῖς ἔδωκε καὶ τὴν Λῆμνον καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἁλιαρτίων χώραν. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τοιαύτην ἔσχε διάθεσιν. — καὶ τὴν μὲν Λῆμνον καὶ τὴν Δῆλον κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν τὸν λύκον τῶν ὤτων ἔλαβον· πολλὰ γὰρ ὑπέμειναν δυσκληρήματα συμπλεκόμενοι τοῖς Δηλίοις· ἐκ δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἁλιαρτίων χώρας ὄνειδος αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ καρπός τις συνεξηκολούθησεν. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Θεαίδητος εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον λόγους μὲν ἐποιήσατο περὶ τῆς συμμαχίας·

[¶7] 21. The first object of the Athenian embassy was the restoration of Haliartus; but when they met with a refusal on that point, they changed the subject of their appeal and put forward their own claim to the possession of Delos, Lemnos, and the territory of Haliartus. No one could properly find fault with them for this, as far as Delos and Lemnos were concerned, for they had of old laid claim to them; but there is good reason for reproaching them in respect to the territory of Haliartus. Haliartus was nearly the most ancient city in Boeotia; had met with a heavy misfortune: instead of endeavouring in every possible way to restore it,—to contribute to its utter annihilation, and to deprive its dispossessed inhabitants of even their hopes for the future, was an act which would be thought worthy of no Greek nation, and least of all of the Athenians. They open their own territory to all comers; and to take away that of others can never appear consonant with the spirit of their State. However, the Senate granted them Delos and Lemnos. Such was the decision in the Athenian business.... As to Lemnos and Delos they had, according to the proverb, “got the wolf by the ears:” for they suffered much ill fortune from their quarrels with the Delians; and from the territory of Haliartus they reaped shame rather than profit....

> Greek: 21. ὑπερθεμένης δὲ τῆς συγκλήτου τὸ διαβούλιον, οὗτος μὲν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον κατὰ φύσιν· ἔτη γὰρ εἶχε πλείω τῶν ὀγδοήκοντα· παρα γενομένων δὲ φυγάδων ἔκ τε Καύνου καὶ Στρατονικείας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ παρελθόντων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐγένετο δόγμα Ῥοδίους ἐξάγειν τὰς φρουρὰς ἔκ τε Καύνου καὶ Στρατονικείας. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλόφρονα καὶ Ἀστυμήδην λαβόντες ταύτην τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἀπέπλευσαν κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, δεδιότες μὴ παρακούσαντες οἱ Ῥόδιοι περὶ τοῦ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξαγαγεῖν αὖθις ἄλλην ἀρχὴν ἐγκλημάτων ποιήσωσιν. — Λεύκιος δὲ Ἀνίκιος, καὶ αὐτὸς Ῥωμαίων στρατηγήσας, Ἰλλυριοὺς καταπολεμήσας καὶ αἰχμάλωτον ἀγαγὼν Γένθιον τὸν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν βασιλέα σὺν τοῖς τέκνοις, ἀγῶνας ἐπιτελῶν τοὺς ἐπινικίους ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ παντὸς γέλωτος ἄξια πράγματα ἐποίησεν, ὡς Πολύβιος ἱστορεῖ ἐν τῇ τριακοστῇ.

[¶8] 22. At this time Theaetetus being admitted into the Senate spoke on the subject of the alliance. The Senate, however, postponed the consideration of the proposal, and in the meantime Theaetetus died in the course of nature, for he was more than eighty years old. But on the arrival in Rome of exiles from Caunus and Stratoniceia, and their admission to the Senate, a decree was passed ordering the Rhodians to withdraw their garrisons from Caunus and Stratoniceia. And the embassy of Philophron and Astymedes having received this answer sailed with all speed home, alarmed lest the Rhodians should disregard the order for withdrawing the garrisons, and so give a fresh ground for complaints.... In the Peloponnese, when the ambassadors arrived and announced the answers from Rome, there was no longer mere clamour, but downright rage and hatred against Callicrates and his party.... An instance of the hatred entertained for Callicrates and Adronidas, and the others who agreed with them, was this. The festival of the Antigoneia was being held at Sicyon,—the baths being all supplied with large public bathing tubs, and smaller ones placed by them used by bathers of the better sort,—if Adronidas or Callicrates entered one of these, not a single one of the bystanders would get into it any more, until the bathman had let every drop of water run out and filled it with fresh. They did this from the idea that they would be polluted by entering the same water as these men. Nor would it be easy to describe the hissing and hooting that took place at the public games in Greece when any one attempted to proclaim one of them victor. The very children in the streets as they returned from school ventured to call them traitors to their faces. To such height did the anger and hatred of these men go....

> Greek: 22. μεταπεμψάμενος γὰρ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπιφανεστάτους τεχνίτας καὶ σκηνὴν κατασκευάσας μεγίστην ἐν τῷ κίρκῳ πρώτους εἰσῆγεν αὐλητὰς ἅμα πάντας. οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Θεόδωρος ὁ Βοιώτιος, Θεόπομπος, Ἕρμιππος, [ὁ] Λυσίμαχος, οἵτινες ἐπιφανέστατοι ἦσαν. τούτους οὖν στήσας ἐπὶ τὸ προσκήνιον μετὰ τοῦ χοροῦ αὐλεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ἅμα πάντας. τῶν δὲ διαπορευομένων τὰς κρούσεις μετὰ τῆς ἁρμοζούσης κινήσεως προσπέμψας οὐκ ἔφη καλῶς αὐτοὺς αὐλεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἀγωνίζεσθαι μᾶλλον ἐκέλευσεν. τῶν δὲ διαπορούντων ὑπέδειξέν τις τῶν ῥαβδούχων ἐπιστρέψαντας ἐπαγαγεῖν ἐφʼ αὑτοὺς καὶ ποιεῖν ὡσανεὶ μάχην. ταχὺ δὲ συννοήσαντες οἱ αὐληταὶ καὶ λαβόντες οἰκείαν ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀσελγείαις μεγάλην ἐποίησαν σύγχυσιν. συνεπιστρέψαντες δὲ τοὺς μέσους χοροὺς πρὸς τοὺς ἄκρους οἱ μὲν αὐληταὶ φυσῶντες ἀδιανόητα καὶ διαφέροντες τοὺς αὐλοὺς ἐπῆγον ἀνὰ μέρος ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἐπικτυποῦντες οἱ χοροὶ καὶ συνεπεισιόντες τὴν σκηνὴν ἐπεφέροντο τοῖς ἐναντίοις καὶ πάλιν ἀνεχώρουν ἐκ μεταβολῆς. ὡς δὲ καὶ περιζωσάμενός τις τῶν χορευτῶν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ στραφεὶς ἦρε τὰς χεῖρας ἀπὸ πυγμῆς πρὸς τὸν ἐπιφερόμενον αὐλητήν, τότʼ ἤδη κρότος ἐξαίσιος ἐγένετο καὶ κραυγὴ τῶν θεωμένων. ἔτι δὲ τούτων ἐκ παρατάξεως ἀγωνιζομένων ὀρχησταὶ δύο εἰσήγοντο μετὰ συμφωνίας εἰς τὴν ὀρχήστραν, καὶ πύκται τέτταρες ἀνέβησαν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν μετὰ σαλπιγκτῶν καὶ βυκανιστῶν. ὁμοῦ δὲ τούτων πάντων ἀγωνιζομένων ἄλεκτον ἦν τὸ συμβαῖνον. περὶ δὲ τῶν τραγῳδῶν, φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος, ὅ,τι ἂν ἐπιβάλωμαι λέγειν, δόξω τισὶ διαχλευάζειν. ὅτι ἐξεπολέμησαν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Κνώσιοι μετὰ Γορτυνίων πρὸς τοὺς Ῥαυκίους καὶ συνθήκας ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνόρκους μὴ πρότερον λύσειν τὸν πόλεμον πρὶν ἢ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν τὴν Ῥαῦκον. οἱ δὲ Ῥόδιοι κομισάμενοι τὰ περὶ τῶν Καυνίων καὶ θεωροῦντες οὐ καταλήγουσαν τὴν ὀργὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἐπειδὴ περὶ πάντων ἀκολούθως ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν ἐπειθάρχησαν, εὐθέως τοὺς περὶ Ἀριστοτέλην πρεσβευτὰς καταστήσαντες ἐξέπεμπον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, δόντες ἐντολὰς πειράζειν πάλιν περὶ τῆς συμμαχίας. οἳ καὶ παραγενηθέντες εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην θερείας ἀκμαζούσης εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ παραυτίκα περὶ τοῦ πεπειθαρχηκέναι τὸν δῆμον τοῖς ἐπιταττομένοις διεσάφουν καὶ παρεκάλουν ὑπὲρ τῆς συμμαχίας, πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους διατιθέμενοι λόγους. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἔδωκεν ἀπόκρισιν, ἐν ᾗ τὴν μὲν φιλίαν παρεσιώπησε, περὶ δὲ τῆς συμμαχίας οὐκ ἔφη καθήκειν αὑτῇ τοῦτο συγχωρεῖν Ῥοδίοις κατὰ τὸ παρόν. — ὅμοιοι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ τὴν Περαίαν κατοικοῦντες τοῖς οἰκέταις τοῖς ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν ἀνελπίστως λελυμένοις, οἵτινες ἀπιστοῦντες τοῖς παροῦσι μείζω μὲν διαβαίνουσι τῆς κατὰ φύσιν κινήσεως, οὐ δοκοῦσι δὲ γινώσκεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ἀπαντῶσιν οὐδὲ συνορᾶσθαι διότι λέλυνται σαφῶς, ἐὰν μή τι παράλογον ποιῶσι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐξηλλαγμένον.

[¶9] 24. The inhabitants of Peraea were like slaves unexpectedly released from chains, who are scarcely able to believe their present good fortune, thinking it a change almost too great to be natural;

> Greek: 24. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς οὗτος βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ συντετελεσμένους ἀγῶνας ὑπὸ Αἰμιλίου Παύλου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ, βουλόμενος τῇ μεγαλοδωρίᾳ ὑπερᾶραι τὸν Παῦλον ἐξέπεμψε πρέσβεις καὶ θεωροὺς εἰς τὰς πόλεις καταγγελοῦντας τοὺς ἐσομένους ἀγῶνας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Δάφνης, ὡς πολλὴν γενέσθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων σπουδὴν εἰς τὴν ὡς αὐτὸν ἄφιξιν.
ἀρχὴν δʼ ἐποιήσατο τῆς πανηγύρεως τὴν πομπείαν οὕτως ἐπιτελεσθεῖσαν.

[¶10] and cannot believe that those they meet can understand or fully see that they are really released, unless they do something strange and out of the ordinary course....

> Greek: καθηγοῦντό τινες Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἔχοντες καθοπλισμὸν ἐν θώραξιν ἁλυσιδωτοῖς, ἄνδρες ἀκμάζοντες ταῖς ἡλικίαις πεντακισχίλιοι· μεθʼ οὓς Μυσοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι.
συνεχεῖς δʼ ἦσαν Κίλικες εἰς τὸν τῶν εὐζώνων τρόπον καθωπλισμένοι τρισχίλιοι, χρυσοῦς ἔχοντες στεφάνους.

[¶11] AT this time the Cnosians, in alliance with the Gortynians, made war upon the Rhaucians, and swore a mutual oath that they would not end the war until they had taken Rhaucus.

> Greek: ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις Θρᾷκες τρισχίλιοι καὶ Γαλάται πεντακισχίλιοι. τούτοις ἐπέβαλλον Μακεδόνες δισμύριοι καὶ χαλκάσπιδες πεντακισχίλιοι, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀργυράσπιδες, οἷς ἐπηκολούθει μονομάχων ζεύγη διακόσια τετταράκοντα.
τούτων κατόπιν ἦσαν ἱππεῖς Νισαῖοι μὲν χίλιοι πολιτικοὶ δὲ τρισχίλιοι, ὧν οἱ μὲν πλείους ἦσαν χρυσοφάλαροι καὶ χρυσοστέφανοι, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι ἀργυροφάλαροι.
μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἦσαν οἱ λεγόμενοι Ἑταῖροι ἱππεῖς· οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν εἰς χιλίους, πάντες χρυσοφάλαροι. τούτοις συνεχὲς ἦν τὸ τῶν φίλων σύνταγμα,
ἴσον καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ κατὰ τὸν κόσμον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἐπίλεκτοι χίλιοι, οἷς ἐπηκολούθει τὸ καλούμενον ἄγημα, κράτιστον εἶναι δοκοῦν σύστημα τῶν ἱππέων,

[¶12] But when the Rhodians received the decree regarding Caunus, and saw that the anger of the Romans was not abating, after having scrupulously carried out the orders contained in the Senate’s replies, they forthwith sent Aristotle at the head of an embassy to Rome, with instructions to make another attempt to secure the alliance.

> Greek: περὶ χιλίους. τελευταία δʼ ἦν ἡ κατάφρακτος ἵππος, οἰκείως τῇ προσηγορίᾳ τῶν ἵππων καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐσκεπασμένων τοῖς ὅπλοις· ἦσαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι.
πάντες δʼ οἱ προειρημένοι εἶχον πορφυρᾶς ἐφαπτίδας, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διαχρύσους καὶ ζῳωτάς.
ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἕξιππα μὲν ἦν ἑκατόν, τέθριππα δὲ τετταράκοντα, ἔπειτα ἐλεφάντων ἅρμα καὶ συνωρίς. καθʼ ἕνα δὲ εἵποντο ἐλέφαντες διεσκευασμένοι τριάκοντα καὶ ἕξ.
τὴν δʼ ἄλλην πομπὴν λέγειν ἐστὶ δυσέφικτον,