7. The Senate next called in the Rhodians and heard what they had to say. When Astymedes entered, he adopted a more moderate and more effective line of argument than on his former embassy. He omitted the invectives against others, and took the humble tone of men who are being flogged, begging to be forgiven, and declaring that his country had suffered sufficient punishment, and a more severe one than its crime deserved. And then he went briefly through the list of the Rhodian losses. “First, they have lost Lycia and Caria, which had already cost them a large sum of money, having been forced to support three wars against them; while at the present moment they have been deprived of a considerable revenue which they used to draw from those countries. But perhaps,” he added, “this is as it should be: you gave them to our people as a free gift, because you regarded us with favour; and in now recalling your gift, because you suspect and are at variance with us, you may seem only to be acting reasonably. But Caunus, at any rate, we purchased from Ptolemy’s officers for two hundred talents; and Stratoniceia we received as a great favour from Antiochus, son of Seleucus; and from those two towns our people had a revenue of a hundred and twenty talents a year. All these sources of revenue we have surrendered, in our submission to your injunctions. From which it appears that you have imposed a heavier penalty on the Rhodians for one act of folly, than on the Macedonians that have been continually at war with you. But the greatest disaster of all to our State is that the revenue from its harbour has been abolished by your making Delos a free port; and by your depriving our people of that independence by which the harbour, as well as other interests of the States, were maintained in suitable dignity. And it is easy to satisfy yourselves of the truth of my words. Our revenue from harbour dues amounted in past years to one million drachmae, from which you have now taken one hundred and fifty thousand; so that it is only too true, gentlemen of Rome, that your anger has affected the resources of the country. Now, if the mistake committed, and the alienation from Rome, had been shared in by the entire people, you might perhaps have seemed to be acting rightly in maintaining a lasting and irreconcilable anger against us; but if the fact is made clear to you that it was an exceedingly small number who shared in this foolish policy, and that these have all been put to death by this very people itself, why still be irreconcilable to those who are in no respect guilty? Especially when to every one else you are reputed to exhibit the highest possible clemency and magnanimity. Wherefore, gentlemen, our people having lost their revenues, their freedom of debate, and their position of independence, in defence of which in time past they have been ever willing to make any sacrifices, now beg and beseech you all, as having been smitten sufficiently, to relax your anger, and to be reconciled and make this alliance with them: that it may be made manifest to all the world that you have put away your anger against Rhodes, and have returned to your old feelings and friendship towards them.” Such among others were the words of Astymedes. He was thought to have spoken much to the point in the circumstances; but what helped the Rhodians to the alliance more than anything else was the recent return of the embassy under Tiberius Gracchus. For he gave evidence, in the first place, that the Rhodians had obeyed all the decrees of the Senate; and in the next place, that the men who were the authors of their hostile policy had all been condemned to death; and by this testimony overcame all opposition, and secured the alliance between Rome and Rhodes.... After an interval the envoys of the Achaeans were admitted with instructions conformable to the last reply received, which was to the effect that “The Senate were surprised that they should apply to them for a decision on matters which they had already decided for themselves.” Accordingly another embassy under Eureas now appeared to explain that “The league had neither heard the defence of the accused persons, nor given any decision whatever concerning them; but wished the Senate to take measures in regard to these men, that they might have a trial and not perish uncondemned. They begged that, if possible, the Senate should itself conduct the investigation, and declare who are the persons guilty of those charges; but, if its variety of business made it impossible to do this itself, that it should intrust the business to the Achaeans, who would show by their treatment of the guilty their detestation of their crime.” The Senate recognised that the tone of the embassy was in conformity with its own injunctions, but still felt embarrassed how to act. Both courses were open to objection. To judge the case of the men was, it thought, not a task it ought to undertake; and to release them without any trial at all evidently involved ruin to the friends of Rome. In this strait the Senate, wishing to take all hope from the Achaean people of the restitution of the men who were detained, in order that they might obey without a murmur Callicrates in Achaia, and in the other states those who sided with Rome, wrote the following answer: “We do not consider it advisable either for ourselves or for your nationalities that these men should return home.” The publication of this answer not only reduced the men who had been summoned to Italy to complete despair and dejection, but was regarded by all Greeks as a common sorrow, for it seemed to take away all hope of restoration from these unfortunate men. When it was announced in Greece the people were quite crushed, and a kind of desperation invaded the minds of all; but Charops and Callicrates, and all who shared their policy, were once more in high spirits.... Tiberius Gracchus, partly by force and partly by persuasion, reduced the Cammani to obedience to Rome.... A large number of embassies having come to Rome, the Senate gave a reply to Attalus and Athenaeus. For Prusias, not content with earnestly pressing his accusations himself against Eumenes and Attalus, had also instigated the Gauls and Selgians (in Pisidia), and many others in Asia, to adopt the same policy; consequently king Eumenes had sent his brothers to defend him against the accusations thus brought. On their admission to the Senate they were thought to have made a satisfactory defence against all accusers; and finally returned to Asia, after not only rebutting the accusations, but with marks of special honour. The Senate, however, did not altogether cease to be suspicious of Eumenes and Antiochus. They sent Gaius Sulpicius and Manius Sergius as envoys to investigate the state of Greece; to decide the question of territory that had arisen between Megalopolis and the Lacedaemonians; but, above all, to give attention to the proceedings of Antiochus and Eumenes, and to discover whether any warlike preparations were being made by either of them, or any combination being formed between them against Rome.... Besides his other follies, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, on arriving in Asia, put up notices in the most important cities, ordering any one who wished to bring any accusation against king Eumenes to meet him at Sardis within a specified time. He then went to Sardis, and, taking his seat in the Gymnasium, gave audience for ten days to those who had such accusations to make: admitting every kind of foul and abusive language against the king, and, generally, making the most of every fact and every accusation; for he was frantic and inveterate in his hatred of Eumenes.... But the harder the Romans appeared to bear upon Eumenes, the more popular did he become in Greece, from the natural tendency of mankind to feel for the side that is oppressed....
7. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλε πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λυσίαν εἰς τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν, σπουδάζων ἀνακομίσασθαι τὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς καὶ μητρὸς ὀστᾶ. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐγκαλεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ γεγονότος ἀσεβήματος ἀπεδοκίμαζεν, οὐ βουλόμενος ἐρεθίζειν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λυσίαν, ἵνα μὴ διαψευσθῇ τῆς προθέσεως, καίπερ βαρέως φέρων τὸ γεγονός· ἀξιωματικὰς δὲ δοὺς ἐντολὰς ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς πρέσβεις. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Λυσίαν συγχωρησάντων, καὶ τῶν ὀστῶν ἀνακομισθέντων ὡς αὐτόν, ἀποδεξάμενος μεγαλομερῶς τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτῶν ἔθαψε παρὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς τάφον κηδεμονικῶς. — ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους παρεγένοντο πρέσβεις ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρῶτον μὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Μάρκον Ἰούνιον, διευκρινήσοντες τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας διαφέροντα τῷ βασιλεῖ. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οὐκ ἠδυνήθησαν οἱ Τρόκμοι διʼ αὑτῶν ἀποτεμέσθαι τῆς Καππαδοκίας οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ χειρὸς ᾨκοδομήσαντο τὴν δίκην ἐπιβαλόμενοι τόλμαν, καταφυγόντες ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους διαβάλλειν ἐπειρῶντο τὸν Ἀριαράθην. ὧν χάριν ἀπεστάλησαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰούνιον. πρὸς οὓς ὁ βασιλεὺς ποιησάμενος τοὺς ἁρμόζοντας λόγους καὶ τἄλλα φιλανθρώπως ὁμιλήσας ἐκείνους μὲν εὐλογοῦντας ἀπέστειλε. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, παραγενομένων πρεσβευτῶν τῶν περὶ Γνάιον Ὀκτάουιον καὶ Σπόριον Λοκρήτιον καὶ διαλεγομένων τῷ βασιλεῖ πάλιν περὶ τῶν πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας αὐτῷ διαφερόντων, βραχέα περὶ τούτων κοινολογησάμενος καὶ φήσας εὐεπάγωγος εἶναι πρὸς τὸ κριθέν, λοιπὸν ἤδη τὸν πλείω λόγον ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ Συρίαν ἐποιεῖτο πραγμάτων, εἰδὼς ἐκεῖσε προάγοντας τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ὀκτάουιον, ὑποδεικνύων αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀκαταστασίαν τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τὴν εἰκαιότητα τῶν προεστώτων αὐτῆς καὶ προσεπαγγελλόμενος ἀκολουθήσειν μετὰ δυνάμεως καὶ συνεφεδρεύειν τοῖς καιροῖς, ἕως ἂν ἐπανέλθωσι πάλιν ἐκ τῆς Συρίας ἀσφαλῶς. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Γνάιον ἐν πᾶσιν ἀποδεχόμενοι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εὔνοιαν καὶ προθυμίαν κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν οὐκ ἔφασαν προσδεῖσθαι τῆς παραπομπῆς, εἰς δὲ τὸ μέλλον, ἐάν τις ὑποπίπτῃ χρεία, διασαφήσειν ἀόκνως· κρίνειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἕνα τῶν ἀληθινῶν Ῥωμαίοις φίλων. — ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς βουλόμενος εὐπορῆσαι χρημάτων προέθετο στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν εἰς τὴν Ἐλυμαΐδα. παραγενόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους καὶ διαψευσθεὶς τῆς ἐλπίδος διὰ τὸ μὴ συγχωρεῖν τῇ παρανομίᾳ τοὺς βαρβάρους τοὺς οἰκοῦντας περὶ τὸν τόπον, ἀναχωρῶν ἐν Τάβαις τῆς Περσίδος ἐξέλιπε τὸν βίον, δαιμονήσας, ὡς ἔνιοί φασι, διὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τινὰς ἐπισημασίας τοῦ δαιμονίου κατὰ τὴν περὶ τὸ προειρημένον ἱερὸν παρανομίαν. ὅτι μετὰ τὸ μερίσαι τοὺς Πτολεμαίους τὴν βασιλείαν παρεγένετο Πτολεμαῖος ὁ νεώτερος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἀθετεῖν βουλόμενος τὸν γεγονότα μερισμὸν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν, φάσκων οὐχ ἑκών, ἀλλὰ κατʼ ἀνάγκην τῷ καιρῷ περιληφθεὶς πεποιηκέναι τὸ προσταττόμενον. καὶ παρεκάλει τὴν σύγκλητον μερίσαι τὴν Κύπρον αὑτῷ· καὶ γὰρ τούτου γενομένου καταδεεστέραν ἕξειν μερίδα τἀδελφοῦ παρὰ πολύ. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Κανολήιον καὶ Κόιντον ἀπομαρτυρούντων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Μένυλλον, τοῖς παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου παραγεγονόσι πρεσβευταῖς, διότι καὶ τὴν Κυρήνην ὁ νεώτερος καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα διʼ αὐτοὺς ἔχοι· τοιαύτην γενέσθαι τὴν τῶν ὄχλων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀλλοτριότητα καὶ προσκοπήν· διὸ καὶ παρʼ ἐλπίδα καὶ παραδόξως δεδομένων αὐτῷ τῶν κατὰ Κυρήνην πραγμάτων ἀσμένως δέξαιτο, καὶ σφαγίων τμηθέντων καὶ λάβοι τοὺς ὅρκους παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ καὶ δοίη περὶ τούτου· τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου πᾶσι τούτοις ἀντιλέγοντος, ἡ σύγκλητος, ἅμα μὲν ὁρῶσα τὸν μερισμὸν γεγονότα τελέως, ἅμα δὲ βουλομένη διελεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν πραγματικῶς, αὐτῶν αἰτίων γενομένων τῆς διαιρέσεως, συγκατέθετο τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ νεωτέρου παρακαλουμένοις ἐπὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ συμφέροντι. πολὺ γὰρ ἤδη τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐστὶ τῶν διαβουλίων παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, ἐν οἷς διὰ τῆς τῶν πέλας ἀγνοίας αὔξουσι καὶ κατασκευάζονται τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν πραγματικῶς, ἅμα χαριζόμενοι καὶ δοκοῦντες εὐεργετεῖν τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας. διὸ καὶ καθορῶντες τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δυναστείας καὶ δεδιότες, ἄν ποτε τύχῃ προστάτου, μὴ μεῖζον φρονήσῃ τοῦ καθήκοντος, κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς Τίτον Τορκουᾶτον καὶ Γνάιον Μερόλαν τοὺς κατάξοντας ἐπὶ τὴν Κύπρον τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ τελειώσοντας ἅμα τὴν ἐκείνων καὶ τὴν αὑτῶν πρόθεσιν. καὶ παραχρῆμα τούτους ἐξαπέστειλαν, δόντες ἐντολὰς διαλῦσαι τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ κατασκευάσαι τῷ νεωτέρῳ τὴν Κύπρον χωρὶς πολέμου. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον προσπεσούσης τῆς περὶ τὸν Γνάιον περιπετείας, ὡς ἀνῃρέθη, καὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευόντων, ὧν ὁ Λυσίας ἔπεμψε, παραγεγονότων καὶ πολλοὺς διαθεμένων λόγους ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ κεκοινωνηκέναι τῆς πράξεως τοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως φίλους, ἡ μὲν σύγκλητος παρέπεμπε τοὺς πρεσβευτάς, οὐ βουλομένη διδόναι περὶ τούτων ἀπόφασιν οὐδεμίαν οὐδʼ ἐκτίθεσθαι καθόλου τὴν αὑτῆς γνώμην, ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος πτοηθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις ἐξ αὐτῆς προσεκάλει τὸν Πολύβιον καὶ προσανέφερεν διαπορῶν εἰ δεῖ πάλιν ἐντυχεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν.
11. In Syria king Antiochus, wishing to enrich himself, determined on an armed attack upon the temple of Artemis, in Elymais. But having arrived in this country and failed in his purpose, because the native barbarians resisted his lawless attempt, he died in the course of his return at Tabae, in Persia, driven mad, as some say, by some manifestations of divine wrath in the course of his wicked attempt upon this temple.... Demetrius, son of Seleucus, who had been long detained at Rome as an hostage, had been for some time past of opinion that his detention was unjust. He had been given by his father Seleucus as a pledge of his good faith; but, when Antiochus (Epiphanes) succeeded to the throne, he considered that he ought not to be a hostage in behalf of that monarch’s children. However, up to this time he kept quiet, especially as he was unable, being still a mere boy, to do anything. But now, being in the very prime of youthful manhood, he entered the Senate and made a speech: demanding that the Romans should restore him to his kingdom, which belonged to him by a far better right than to the children of Antiochus. He entered at great length upon arguments to the same effect, affirming that Rome was his country and the nurse of his youth; that the sons of the Senators were all to him as brothers, and the Senators as fathers, because he had come to Rome a child, and was then twenty-three years old. All who heard him were disposed in their hearts to take his part: the Senate however, as a body voted to detain Demetrius, and to assist in securing the crown for the boy left by the late king. Their motive in thus acting was, it seems to me, a mistrust inspired by the vigorous time of life to which Demetrius had attained, and an opinion that the youth and weakness of the boy who had succeeded to the kingdom were more to their interest. And this was presently made manifest. For they appointed Gnaeus Octavius, Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius as commissioners to arrange the affairs of the kingdom in accordance with the will of the Senate, on the ground that no one would resist their injunctions, the king being a mere child, and the nobles being quite satisfied at the government not being given to Demetrius, for that was what they had been most expecting. Gnaeus and his colleagues therefore started with instructions, first of all to burn the decked ships, next to hamstring the elephants, and generally to weaken the forces of the kingdom. They were also charged with the additional task of making an inspection of Macedonia; for the Macedonians, unaccustomed to democracy and a government by popular assembly, were splitting up into hostile factions. Gnaeus and his colleagues were also to inspect the state of Galatia and of the kingdom of Ariarathes. After a time the further task was imposed on them, by despatch from the Senate, of reconciling as well as they could the two kings in Alexandria....
11. ὁ δὲ παρεκάλει μὴ δὶς πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν λίθον πταίειν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν καὶ τολμᾶν τι βασιλείας ἄξιον· πολλὰς γὰρ ὑποδεικνύειν ἀφορμὰς τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιρούς. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος συννοήσας τὸ λεγόμενον τότε μὲν ἀπεσιώπησεν, μετʼ ὀλίγον δέ τινι τῶν συνήθων Ἀπολλωνίῳ μετέδωκε περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν. ὁ δὲ προειρημένος, ἄκακος ὢν καὶ κομιδῇ νέος, συνεβούλευε πεῖραν ἔτι λαβεῖν τῆς συγκλήτου· πεπεῖσθαι γάρ, ἐπεὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀλόγως αὐτὸν ἐστέρησεν, τῆς γʼ ὁμηρείας αὐτὸν ἀπολύσειν· ἄτοπον γὰρ εἶναι τελέως, Ἀντιόχου τοῦ παιδὸς διαδεδεγμένου τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, Δημήτριον ὁμηρεύειν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ. τούτοις μὲν οὖν τοῖς λόγοις πεισθεὶς πάλιν εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ὁ προειρημένος καὶ παρεκάλει τῆς γε κατὰ τὴν ὁμηρείαν ἀνάγκης αὑτὸν ἀπολύειν, ἐπεὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔκριναν Ἀντιόχῳ συγκατασκευάζειν. καὶ πλείω δὲ πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν αὐτοῦ διαλεχθέντος, ἔμεινεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς αἱρέσεως ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν. καὶ γὰρ πρότερον οὐ διὰ τὸ μὴ λέγειν τὰ δίκαια τὸν Δημήτριον ἔκρινεν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ παιδὶ συνδιαφυλάττειν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ συμφέρειν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν, μενόντων δὲ τῶν ὅλων ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς διαθέσεως μένειν εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου διάληψιν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς προαιρέσεως. πλὴν ὅ γε Δημήτριος μάτην ἐξᾴσας τὸ κύκνειον καὶ γνοὺς ὅτι καλῶς αὐτῷ συνεβούλευεν ὁ Πολύβιος μὴ δὶς πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν λίθον πταίειν, μεταμεληθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ φύσει μεγαλόφρων ὑπάρχων καὶ τόλμαν ἱκανὴν ἔχων πρὸς τὸ κριθέν, εὐθέως ἐκάλει Διόδωρον προσφάτως ἐκ τῆς Συρίας παραγεγονότα καὶ μετεδίδου περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν. ὁ δὲ Διόδωρος τροφεὺς μὲν ἐγεγόνει τοῦ Δημητρίου, πανοῦργος δʼ ὢν καὶ κατωπτευκὼς ἐπιμελῶς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ὑπεδείκνυεν αὐτῷ, διότι τῶν μὲν ἐκεῖ τεταραγμένων διὰ τὸν Γναΐου φόνον, καὶ διαπιστούντων τῶν μὲν πολλῶν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λυσίαν, τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Λυσίαν τοῖς πολλοῖς, τῆς δὲ συγκλήτου πεπεισμένης ἐκ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως φίλων γεγονέναι τὴν εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους πρεσβευτὰς παρανομίαν, κάλλιστον εἶναι καιρὸν ἐπιφανῆναι τοῖς πράγμασιν· ταχέως γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἐκεῖ μεταρρίψειν τὴν βασιλείαν εἰς αὐτόν, κἂν ὅλως μετὰ παιδὸς ἑνὸς ποιήσηται τὴν παρουσίαν, τὴν δὲ σύγκλητον οὐ τολμήσειν ἔτι βοηθεῖν οὐδὲ συνεπισχύειν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λυσίαν τοιαῦτα διεργασαμένοις. λοιπὸν εἶναι τὸ λαθεῖν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ἀπελθόντας, καὶ μηδένα λαβεῖν ἔννοιαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς αὐτοῦ. δοξάντων δὲ τούτων μετεπέμπετο τὸν Πολύβιον καὶ δηλώσας τὰ δεδογμένα παρεκάλει συνεπιλαβέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ συνδιανοηθῆναι πῶς ἂν χειρισθείη τὰ κατὰ τὸν δρασμόν. συνέβαινε δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Μένυλλον μὲν τὸν Ἀλαβανδέα παρεῖναι πρεσβεύοντα παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου χάριν τοῦ συγκαταστῆναι καὶ δικαιολογηθῆναι πρὸς τὸν νεώτερον Πτολεμαῖον· ἐτύγχανε δὲ προϋπάρχουσα τῷ Πολυβίῳ πρὸς τὸν Μένυλλον ἰσχυρὰ συνήθεια καὶ πίστις. διὸ καὶ νομίσας αὐτὸν ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι πρὸς τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν χρείαν συνέστησε τῷ Δημητρίῳ μετὰ μεγάλης σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας. ὁ δὲ κοινωνήσας τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἀνεδέξατο τήν τε ναῦν ἑτοιμάσαι καὶ τἄλλα πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν ἀπαρτιεῖν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν εὑρὼν ἐν τῷ στόματι τοῦ Τιβέριος ὁρμοῦσαν Καρχηδονίαν ναῦν ἱεραγωγόν, ταύτην ἐναυλώσατο· συμβαίνει δὲ τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα λαμβάνεσθαι κατʼ ἐκλογὴν ἐκ τῆς Καρχηδόνος, ἐφʼ οἷς εἰς τὴν Τύρον ἐκπέμπουσιν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τὰς πατρίους ἀπαρχὰς τοῖς θεοῖς· ἐναυλοῦτο δὲ φανερῶς εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἀνακομιδήν. διὸ καὶ τήν τε τῶν ἐπιμηνίων παρασκευὴν ἀνυπόπτως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ φανερῶς ἐλάλει καὶ συνέταττε τοῖς ναυτικοῖς.
13. While this was going on at Rome, envoys from the city, under Marcus Junius, had arrived to arbitrate on the disputes between the Gauls and king Ariarathes. For the Trocmi, having found themselves unable to annex any portion of Cappadocia by their unaided efforts, and having been promptly foiled in their audacious attempts, sought refuge with the Romans, and endeavoured to bring Ariarathes into discredit there. On this account an embassy under M. Junius was sent to Cappadocia. The king gave them a satisfactory account of the affair, treated them with great courtesy, and sent them away loud in his praises. And when subsequently Gnaeus Octavius and Spurius Lucretius arrived, and again addressed the king on the subject of his controversies with the Gauls, after a brief conversation on that subject, and saying that he would acquiesce in their decision without difficulty, he directed the rest of his remarks to the state of Syria, being aware that Octavius and his colleagues were going thither. He pointed out to them the unsettled state of the kingdom and the unprincipled character of the men at the head of affairs there; and added that he would escort them with an army, and remain on the watch for all emergencies, until they returned from Syria in safety. Gnaeus and his colleagues acknowleged the king’s kindness and zeal, but said that for the present they did not need the escort: on a future occasion, however, if need should arise, they would let him know without delay; for they considered him as one of the true friends of Rome....
13. ἐπειδὴ δὲ πάντʼ ἦν ἕτοιμα τῷ ναυκλήρῳ λοιπόν τʼ ἔδει τὸν Δημήτριον ἀπαρτίζειν τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν, τὸν τροφέα προαπέστειλεν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν ὠτακουστήσοντα καὶ κατοπτεύσοντα τἀκεῖ συμβαίνοντα περὶ τοὺς ὄχλους. ὁ δὲ σύντροφος Ἀπολλώνιος ἐξ ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ μετεῖχε τῆς ἐπιβολῆς· δυεῖν δʼ ὑπαρχόντων ἀδελφῶν, Μελεάγρου καὶ Μενεσθέως, τούτοις ἐκοινώσατο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἄλλῳ δʼ οὐδενὶ τῶν μετʼ αὐτοῦ, καίτοι πλειόνων ὄντων. οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Ἀπολλωνίου κατὰ φύσιν υἱοί, τοῦ μεγάλην μὲν εὐκαιρίαν ἔχοντος παρὰ Σελεύκῳ, μεταστάντος δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀντιόχου μετάληψιν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς Μίλητον. τῆς δὲ συνταχθείσης ἡμέρας πρὸς τοὺς ναυτικοὺς συνεγγιζούσης, ἔδει γενέ σθαι παρά τινι τῶν φίλων ὑποδοχὴν πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον. παρὰ γὰρ αὐτῷ ποιεῖν τὸ δεῖπνον οὐχ οἷόν τʼ ἦν· εἴθιστο γὰρ ἐπιμελῶς καλεῖν ἅπαντας τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντας. οἱ δὲ συνειδότες τὴν πρᾶξιν ἔμελλον ἐξ οἴκου δειπνήσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ πλοῖον ἥξειν, ἔχοντες ἕνα παῖδα μεθʼ ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστος· τοὺς γὰρ λοιποὺς ἀπεστάλκεισαν εἰς Ἀναγνείας, κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν αὐτοὶ παρεψόμενοι. τὸν δὲ Πολύβιον συνέβαινεν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἠσθενηκότα μένειν κατὰ κλίνην, εἰδέναι δὲ πάντα τὰ πραττόμενα, τοῦ Μενύλλου συνεχῶς αὐτῷ μεταδιδόντος αἰεὶ περὶ τῶν ὑποπιπτόντων. διόπερ ἀγωνιάσας ὁ προειρημένος μὴ τῆς συνηθείας ἑλκυσθείσης, ἅτε τοῦ Δημητρίου συμποτικοῦ φυσικῶς καὶ νεωτέρου τελέως ὑπάρχοντος, ἀπόρημά τι γένηται περὶ τὴν ἔξοδον διὰ τὴν μέθην, γράψας βραχὺ πιττάκιον καὶ σφραγισάμενος πέμπει παρʼ αὑτοῦ παῖδα συσκοτάζοντος ἄρτι τοῦ θεοῦ, συντάξας ἐκκαλεσάμενον τὸν οἰνοχόον τοῦ Δημητρίου δοῦναι τὸ πιττάκιον, μηδὲν εἰπόντα τίς ἢ παρὰ τίνος, καὶ κελεύειν ἀποδιδόναι τῷ Δημητρίῳ παραχρῆμα διαναγνῶναι. γενομένων δὲ πάντων κατὰ τὸ συνταχθέν, λαβὼν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐπανέγνω. τὸ δὲ πιττάκιον περιεῖχε τὰς γνώμας ταύτας. ὁ δρῶν τὰ τοῦ μέλλοντος οἴχεται φέρων. ἴσον φέρει νύξ, τοῖς δὲ τολμῶσιν πλέον. τόλμα τι, κινδύνευε, πρᾶττʼ, ἀποτύγχανε, ἐπίτυχε, πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ σαυτὸν προοῦ. νᾶφε καὶ μέμνασʼ ἀπιστεῖν· ἄρθρα ταῦτα τᾶν φρενῶν.
14. About this time ambassadors arrived from Ariarathes, who had recently succeeded to the kingdom of Cappadocia, to renew the existing friendship and alliance with Rome, and in general to exhort the Senate to accept the king’s affection and goodwill, which he entertained, both in their private and public capacity, for all the Romans. The Senate, on hearing this, acceded to the request for the renewal of the friendship and alliance, and graciously acknowledged the general amity of the king. The chief reason for this warmth on the part of the Senate was the report of the envoys under Tiberius, who, when sent to inspect the state of Cappadocia, had returned full of the praises of the late king and of his kingdom generally. It was on the credit of this report that the Senate received the ambassadors of Ariarathes graciously, and acknowledged the goodwill of the king.... Having somewhat recovered from their previous disaster, the Rhodians sent Cleagoras with ambassadors to Rome to ask that Calynda should be ceded to them, and to petition the Senate that those of their citizens who had properties in Lycia and Caria might be allowed to retain them as before. They had also voted to raise a colossal statue of the Roman people, thirty cubits high, to be set up in the temple of Athene.... The Calyndians having broken off from Caunus, and the Caunians being about to besiege Calynda, the Calyndians first called in the aid of the Cnidians; and, on their sending the required support, they held out against their enemies for a time: but becoming alarmed as to what would happen, they sent an embassy to Rhodes, putting themselves and their city in its hands. Thereupon the Rhodians sent a naval and military force to their relief, forced the Caunians to raise the siege, and took over the city.... When Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, had received his ambassadors on their return from Rome, judging from the answers they brought that his kingdom was secured, because he had gained the goodwill of Rome, he offered a thank-offering to the gods for what had happened, and entertained his nobles at a feast. He then sent ambassadors to Lysias in Antioch, desiring to be allowed to bring away the bones of his sister and mother. He determined not to say a word of blame as to the crime that had been committed, lest he should irritate Lysias, and so fail to effect his present object, though he was in fact greatly incensed at it. He gave his envoys therefore instructions couched in terms of courteous request. Lysias and his friends acceded to his wishes; and the bones having been conveyed to Cappadocia, the king received them in great state, and buried them next the tomb of his father with affectionate reverence.... Artaxias wished to kill a man, but on the remonstrances of Ariarathes did not do so, and held him on the contrary in higher respect than ever. So decisive is the influence of justice, and of the opinions and advice of good men, that they often prove the salvation of foes as well as of friends, and change their whole characters for the better.... Good looks are a better introduction than any letter....
14. ταῦτα διαναγνοὺς ὁ Δημήτριος καὶ συννοήσας τὰς ὑποθέσεις, καὶ τίνες καὶ παρὰ τίνος εἰσίν, παραυτίκα προσποιηθεὶς ὡς ἐπιναύσιος γεγονὼς ἀπηλλάττετο, συμπροπεμπόντων αὐτὸν καὶ τῶν φίλων. παραγενόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ σκηνὴν τοὺς μὲν ἀνεπιτηδείους τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὰς Ἀναγνείας, συντάξας λαβόντας τὰ λίνα καὶ τοὺς κύνας ἀπαντᾶν ἐπὶ τὸ Κίρκαιον· ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐπιμελῶς εἰώθει κυνηγετεῖν τὸν ὗν· ἐξ οὗ καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν Πολύβιον αὐτῷ συνηθείας τὴν καταρχὴν γενέσθαι συνέπεσεν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Νικάνορα διεσάφει τὴν ἐπιβολὴν καὶ κοινωνεῖν παρεκάλει τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων. πάντων δὲ προθύμως δεξαμένων τὸν λόγον, παρήγγειλε κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐπανελθόντας ἐπὶ τὰς ἰδίας καταλύσεις τοῖς μὲν παισὶν συντάξαι προάγειν ὑπὸ τὴν ἑωθινὴν εἰς τὰς Ἀναγνείας καὶ μετὰ τῶν κυνηγῶν ἀπαντᾶν εἰς τὸ Κίρκαιον, αὐτοὺς δὲ λαβόντας ἐσθῆτας τὰς ὁδοιπορικὰς ἀνακάμπτειν ὡς αὐτόν, εἰπόντας τοῖς οἰκέταις ὅτι μετὰ Δημητρίου συμμίξουσιν αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἐπὶ τὸν προειρημένον τόπον. γενομένων δὲ πάντων καθὼς προείρηται, προῆγον εἰς τὴν Ὠστίαν νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ στόμα τοῦ Τιβέριος. ὁ δὲ Μένυλλος προπορευόμενος ἐκοινολογεῖτο τοῖς ναυτικοῖς, φάσκων αὑτῷ προσπεπτωκέναι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως διʼ ὃ δέον ἐστὶν αὐτὸν μὲν μένειν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ, τῶν δὲ νεανίσκων τοὺς πιστοτάτους ἐκπέμψαι πρὸς αὐτόν, παρʼ ὧν ἐπιγνώσεται πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἀδελφόν. διόπερ αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἔφησεν ἐμβαίνειν, τοὺς δὲ νεανίσκους ἥξειν περὶ μέσας νύκτας τοὺς μέλλοντας πλεῖν. τῶν δὲ ναυκλήρων ἀδιαφορούντων διὰ τὸ μένειν αὐτοῖς τὸ ταχθὲν ναῦλον ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ πάντα κατηρτικότων ἐκ πολλοῦ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν, παρῆσαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον κατὰ τρίτην φυλακὴν λήγουσαν, ὄντες ὀκτὼ καὶ παῖδες πέντε καὶ παιδάρια τρία. τοῦ δὲ Μενύλλου κοινολογηθέντος αὐτοῖς καὶ παραδείξαντος τὴν τῶν ἐπιμηνίων παρασκευήν, ἔτι δὲ συστήσαντος τῷ ναυκλήρῳ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιβάταις ἐκτενῶς, οὗτοι μὲν ἐπέβησαν, ὁ δὲ κυβερνήτης ἄρτι διαφαύσκοντος ἄρας τὰς ἀγκύρας ἐτέλει τὸν πλοῦν, ἁπλῶς οὐδεμίαν ἔννοιαν ἔχων τοῦ πράγματος, ἀλλʼ ὡς στρατιώτας τινὰς ἄγων παρὰ τοῦ Μενύλλου πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν οὐδεὶς ἐπιζητήσειν ἔμελλε τὸν Δημήτριον οὐδὲ τοὺς μετʼ ἐκείνου προάγοντας· οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῦ μένοντες ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ Κίρκαιον ὡρμηκότα διελάμβανον, οἱ δʼ ἐν ταῖς Ἀναγνείαις ἀπήντων ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον, ὡς ἐκεῖ παρεσόμενον. διὸ συνέβαινε τελέως ἄσημον εἶναι τὸν δρασμόν, ἕως οὗ τῶν παίδων τις μεμαστιγωμένος ἐν ταῖς Ἀναγνείαις ἔδραμεν ἐπὶ τὸ Κίρκαιον, ὡς ἐκεῖ τῷ Δημητρίῳ συμμίξων· οὐχ εὑρὼν δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἔτρεχεν, ὡς κατὰ πορείαν ἀπαντήσων. οὐδαμῇ δὲ συντυχὼν αὐτῷ τοῦτο διεσάφησεν τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλοις καὶ τοῖς καταλελειμμένοις ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας. ἐπιζητουμένου δὲ τοῦ Δημητρίου κατὰ τὴν τετάρτην ἡμέραν ἀφʼ ἧς ὥρμησεν, ὑπενοήθη τὸ γεγονός. τῇ δὲ πέμπτῃ σύγκλητος εὐθέως συνήγετο περὶ τούτων, ἐν ᾗ συνέβαινε τὸν Δημήτριον ἐκτὸς ἤδη τοῦ πορθμοῦ τοῦ κατὰ Σικελίαν ὑπάρχειν. τὸ μὲν οὖν διώκειν ἀπέγνωσαν, ἅμα μὲν ὑπολαμβάνοντες αὐτὸν πολὺ προειληφέναι κατὰ τὸν πλοῦν, καὶ γὰρ ἔσχε φορὸν ἄνεμον, ἅμα δὲ προορώμενοι τὸ βουληθέντες κωλύειν ἀδυνατῆσαι· πρεσβευτὰς δὲ κατέστησαν μετά τινας ἡμέρας τοὺς περὶ Τεβέριον Γράκχον καὶ Λεύκιον Λέντλον καὶ Σερουίλιον Γλαυκίαν, οἵτινες ἔμελλον πρῶτον μὲν ἐποπτεύσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, εἶτʼ ἐπιβαλόντες ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν τά τε κατὰ τὸν Δημήτριον καραδοκήσειν καὶ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων προαιρέσεις ἐξετάσειν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας ἀντιλεγόμενα τοῖς προειρημένοις διευκρινήσειν. διὸ τὸν Τεβέριον κατεστήσαντο πάντων αὐτόπτην γεγονέναι. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. — ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος προσανέχων τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ διαποσταλησομένου πρὸς αὐτόν. ὅτι Ἀρταξίας ἐβούλετο ἐπανελέσθαι παραινέσεσι δὲ Ἀριαράθου τοῦτʼ οὐκ ἔπραξεν ἀλλʼ ἐντιμότερον εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἢ πρότερον. οὕτως ἥ τε τοῦ δικαίου φύσις ἔχει μεγάλην δύναμιν, αἵ τε τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν γνῶμαι καὶ παραινέσεις, ὥστε μὴ μόνον τοὺς φίλους ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς πολλάκις σῴζειν καὶ μετατιθέναι τὰς φύσεις αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον. — ὅτι παντὸς ἐπιστολίου τὸ κάλλος ἐστὶ συστατικώτερον. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Πτολεμαῖοις ὁ νεώτερος παραγεγονὼς εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα μετὰ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν συνήθροιζε ξενολόγιον ἐμβριθές. ἐν οἷς προσελάβετο καὶ τὸν Μακεδόνα Δαμάσιππον, ὃς κατασφάξας ἐν τῷ Φάκῳ τοὺς συνέδρους ἔφυγεν μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας. ἀφικόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥοδίων Περαίαν καὶ ξενισθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου προετίθετο πλεῖν εἰς τὴν Κύπρον. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τορκουᾶτον θεωροῦντες αὐτὸν συνεσταμένον ξενικὴν χεῖρα βαρεῖαν ὑπεμίμνησκον τῶν ἐντολῶν, διότι δεῖ χωρὶς πολέμου ποιεῖσθαι τὴν κάθοδον· καὶ τέλος ἔπεισαν αὐτὸν ἕως Σίδης προαγαγόντα τὸ ξενολόγιον διαλύσασθαι καὶ τῆς εἰς Κύπρον ἐπιβολῆς ἀποστῆναι καὶ συμμίσγειν αὑτοῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς τῶν Κυρηναίων ὅρους. αὐτοὶ δὲ πλεύσαντες εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἔφασαν παραστήσεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα πρὸς τὰ παρακαλούμενα καὶ συναντήσειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρους, ἔχοντες κἀκεῖνον μεθʼ αὑτῶν. τούτοις μὲν οὖν τοῖς λόγοις πεισθεὶς ὁ νεώτερος Πτολεμαῖος, ἀπογνοὺς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Κύπρον τὸ μὲν ξενολόγιον διέλυσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εἰς Κρήτην ἀπέπλευσεν, τόν τε Δαμάσιππον ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα Γνάιον Μερόλαν· ξενολογήσας δʼ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης περὶ χιλίους στρατιώτας ἀνήχθη καὶ διάρας εἰς τὴν Λιβύην κατέσχεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἆπιν.
18. After the Ptolemies had made their partition of the kingdom, the younger brother arrived in Rome desiring to set aside the division made between himself and his brother, on the ground that he had not acceded to the arrangement voluntarily, but under compulsion, and yielding to the force of circumstances. He therefore begged the Senate to assign Cyprus to his portion; for, even if that were done, he should still have a much poorer share than his brother. Canuleius and Quintus supported Menyllus, the ambassador of the elder Ptolemy, by protesting that “the younger Ptolemy owed his possession of Cyrene and his very life to them, so deep was the anger and hatred of the common people to him; and that, accordingly, he had been only too glad to receive the government of Cyrene, which he had not hoped for or expected; and had exchanged oaths with his brother with the customary sacrifices.” To this Ptolemy gave a positive denial: and the Senate, seeing that the division was clearly an unequal one, and at the same time wishing that, as the brothers themselves were the authors of the division being made at all, it should be effected in a manner advantageous to Rome, granted the petition of the younger Ptolemy with a view to their own interest. Measures of this class are very frequent among the Romans, by which they avail themselves with profound policy of the mistakes of others to augment and strengthen their own empire, under the guise of granting favours and benefiting those who commit the errors. On this principle they acted now. They saw how great the power of the Egyptian kingdom was; and fearing lest, if it ever chanced to obtain a competent head, he would grow too proud, they appointed Titus Torquatus and Gnaeus Merula to establish Ptolemy Physcon in Cyprus, and thus to carry out their own policy while satisfying his. These commissioners were accordingly at once despatched with instructions to reconcile the brothers to each other, and to secure Cyprus to the younger....
18. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τορκουᾶτον διακομισθέντες εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἐπειρῶντο μὲν παρακαλεῖν τὸν πρεσβύτερον Πτολεμαῖον διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συγχωρεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν Κύπρον· τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου τὰ μὲν ἐπαγγελλομένου, τὰ δὲ παρακούοντος, καὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ κατατρίβοντος τὸν χρόνον, στρατοπεδεύων ὁ νεώτερος μετὰ τῶν Κρητῶν ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ περὶ τὸν Ἆπιν κατὰ τὸ συντεταγμένον καὶ τελέως ἀσχάλλων ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν διασαφήσασθαι, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν Γνάιον εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ὡς διὰ τούτου κἂν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Τορκουᾶτον ἐπιγενομένους. συνεξομοιωθέντος δὲ τούτου τοῖς πρότερον, καὶ τοῦ χρόνου διελκομένου, καὶ τετταράκοντα διελθουσῶν ἡμερῶν, καὶ μηδενὸς προσπίπτοντος, εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέπιπτε περὶ τῶν ὅλων. ὁ γὰρ πρεσβύτερος βασιλεὺς πᾶν γένος ἀρεσκείας προσφερόμενος πάντας ἐξιδιάσατο τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς καὶ παρακατέσχε τὸ πλεῖον οὐχ ἑκόντας, ἀλλʼ ἄκοντας. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον προσέπεσε τῷ νεωτέρῳ Πτολεμαίῳ τούς τε Κυρηναίους ἀφεστάναι καὶ τὰς πόλεις συμφρονεῖν τούτοις, κεκοινωνηκέναι δὲ περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Συμπετῆσιν, ὃς ἦν τὸ γένος Αἰγύπτιος, ἐπιστεύθη δὲ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν ὅλων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐποιεῖτο τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. τούτων δὲ προσπιπτόντων τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον διότι στρατοπεδεύουσιν ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις οἱ Κυρηναῖοι, δείσας μὴ βουλόμενος προσλαβεῖν τὴν Κύπρον καὶ τὴν Κυρήνην ἀπολέσῃ, πάντα τἄλλα πάρεργα θέμενος ἀνέζευξεν ἐπὶ Κυρήνης. παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς τὸν μέγαν καλούμενον Καταβαθμὸν κατέλαβε τοὺς Λίβυας μετὰ τῶν Κυρηναίων κατέχοντας τὰς δυσχωρίας. ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἀπορούμενος ἐπὶ τῷ συμβαίνοντι τοὺς μὲν ἡμίσεις τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐμβιβάσας εἰς τὰ πλοῖα περιπλεῖν τὰς δυσχωρίας ἐπέταξε καὶ κατὰ νώτου τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπιφαίνεσθαι, τοὺς δʼ ἡμίσεις ἔχων αὐτὸς ἐβιάζετο κατὰ στόμα πρὸς τὴν ἀνάβασιν. τῶν δὲ Λιβύων καταπλαγέντων τὴν ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἔφοδον καὶ λειπόντων τοὺς τόπους, ἅμα τῆς ἀναβάσεως ἐγένετο κύριος καὶ τῆς ὑποκειμένης Τετραπυργίας, ἐν ᾗ συνέβαινε πλῆθος ἄφθονον ὕδατος ὑπάρχειν. ὅθεν ἀφορμήσας ἑβδομαῖος ἧκε διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου. παραπλεόντων δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Μοχυρίνου, συνέβαινε τοὺς Κυρηναίους στρατοπεδεύειν πεζοὺς μὲν ὄντας εἰς ὀκτακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ περὶ πεντακοσίους. οἱ γὰρ Κυρηναῖοι πεῖραν εἰληφότες τῆς τοῦ Πτολεμαίου προαιρέσεως ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πεπραγμένων καὶ θεωροῦντες οὐ βασιλικήν, ἀλλὰ τυραννικὴν οὖσαν τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ὅλην αἵρεσιν, οὐχ οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ἐθελοντὴν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὑποτάττειν, ἀλλὰ πᾶν ὑπομένειν ἐτόλμων, ἀντεχόμενοι τῆς πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐλπίδος. διὸ καὶ τότε συνεγγίσαντος αὐτοῦ ἐξ αὐτῆς παρετάξαντο· καὶ τέλος ἡττήθη. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἦλθε καὶ Γνάιος ὁ Μερόλας ἐκ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας, διασαφῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ διότι πρὸς οὐθὲν τῶν ἀξιουμένων προσελήλυθεν ὁ ἀδελφός, ἀλλά φησι δεῖν μένειν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς διομολογουμένοις.
19. News having come to Rome of the disaster by which Gnaeus Octavius lost his life, ambassadors also arrived from king Antiochus, sent by Lysias, who vehemently protested that the king’s friends had had no part in the crime. But the Senate showed scant attention to the envoys, not wishing to make any open declaration on the subject or to allow their opinion to become public in any way. But Demetrius was much excited by the news, and immediately summoned Polybius to an interview, and consulted him as to whether he should once more bring his claims before the Senate. Polybius advised him “not to stumble twice on the same stone,” but to depend upon himself and venture something worthy of a king; and he pointed out to him that the present state of affairs offered him many opportunities. Demetrius understood the hint, but said nothing at the time; but a short while afterwards consulted Apollonius one of his intimate friends, on the same subject. This man, being simple minded and very young, advised him to make another trial of the Senate. “He was convinced,” he said, “that, since it had deprived him of his kingdom without any just excuse, it would at least release him from his position of hostage; for it was absurd that, when the boy Antiochus had succeeded to the kingdom in Syria, Demetrius should be a hostage for him.” Persuaded by these arguments he once more obtained a hearing of the Senate, and claimed to be relieved of his obligations as a hostage, since they had decided to secure the kingdom to Antiochus. But, though he pleaded his cause with many arguments, the Senate remained fixed in the same resolve as before. And that was only what was to be expected. For they had not, on the former occasion, adjudged the continuance of the kingdom to the child on the ground that the claim of Demetrius was not just, but because it was advantageous to Rome that it should be so; and as the circumstances remained precisely the same, it was only natural that the policy of the Senate should remain unchanged also. Demetrius having thus delivered himself in vain of his swan’s song, his last appeal, and becoming convinced that Polybius had given him good advice, repented of what he had done. But he was naturally of a lofty spirit, and possessed sufficient daring to carry out his resolutions. He promptly called Diodorus, who had recently arrived from Syria, to his aid, and confided his secret purpose to him. Diodorus had had the charge of Demetrius as a child, and was a man of considerable adroitness, who had besides made a careful inspection of the state of affairs in Syria. He now pointed out to Demetrius that “The confusion caused by the murder of Octavius,—the people mistrusting Lysias, and Lysias mistrusting the people, while the Senate was convinced that the lawless murder of their envoy really originated with the king’s friends,—presented a most excellent opportunity for his appearing on the scene: for the people there would promptly transfer the crown to him, even though he were to arrive attended by but one slave; while the Senate would not venture to give any further assistance or support to Lysias after such an abominable crime. Finally, it was quite possible for them to leave Rome undetected, without any one having any idea of his intention.” This course being resolved upon, Demetrius sent for Polybius, and telling him what he was going to do, begged him to lend his assistance, and to join him in contriving to manage his escape. There happened to be at Rome a certain Menyllus of Alabanda, on a mission from the elder Ptolemy to confront and answer the younger before the Senate. Between this man and Polybius there was a strong friendship and confidence, and Polybius therefore thought him just the man for the purpose in hand. He accordingly introduced him with all speed to Demetrius, and with warm expressions of regard. Being trusted with the secret, Menyllus undertook to have the necessary ship in readiness, and to see that everything required for the voyage was prepared. Having found a Carthaginian vessel anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, which had been on sacred service, he chartered it. (These vessels are carefully selected at Carthage, to convey the offerings sent by the Carthaginians to their ancestral gods at Tyre.) He made no secret about it, but chartered the vessel for his own return voyage; and therefore was able to make his arrangements for provisions also without exciting suspicion, talking openly with the sailors and making an appointment with them. When the shipmaster had everything ready, and nothing remained except for Demetrius to do his part, he sent Diodorus to Syria to gather information, and to watch the disposition of the people there. His foster-brother Apollonius took part in this expedition; and Demetrius also confided his secret to the two brothers of Apollonius, Meleager and Menestheus, but to no one else of all his suite, though that was numerous. These three brothers were the sons of the Apollonius who occupied so important a position at the court of Seleucus, but who had removed to Miletus at the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes. As the day agreed upon with the sailors approached, it was arranged that one of his friends should give an entertainment to serve as an excuse for Demetrius going out. For it was impossible that he should sup at home; as it was his constant habit, when he did so, to invite all his suite. Those who were in the secret were to leave the house after supper and go to the ship, taking one slave each with them; the rest they had sent on to Anagnia, saying that they would follow next day. It happened that at this time Polybius was ill and confined to his bed; but he was kept acquainted with all that was going on by constant communications from Menyllus. He was therefore exceedingly anxious, knowing Demetrius to be fond of conviviality and full of youthful wilfulness, lest, by the entertainment being unduly prolonged, some difficulty should arise from over-indulgence in wine to prevent his getting away. He therefore wrote and sealed a small tablet; and just as it was getting dusk sent a servant of his own, with orders to ask for Demetrius’s cupbearer and give him the tablet, without saying who he was or from whom he came, and to bid the cupbearer to give it to Demetrius to read at once. His orders were carried out, and Demetrius read the tablet, which contained the following apophthegms:—“The ready hand bears off the sluggard’s prize.”“Night favours all, but more the daring heart.”“Be bold: front danger: strike! then lose or win,”“Care not, so you be true unto yourself.”“Cool head and wise distrust are wisdom’s sinews.” As soon as Demetrius had read these lines, he understood their purport, and from whom they came; and at once pretending that he felt sick, he left the banquet escorted by his friends. Arrived at his lodging, he sent away those of his servants who were not suited to his purpose to Anagnia, ordering them to take the hunting nets and hounds and meet him at Cerceii, where it had been his constant custom to go boar hunting, which, in fact, was the origin of his intimacy with Polybius. He then imparted his plan to Nicanor and his immediate friends, and urged them to share his prospects. They all consented with enthusiasm; whereupon he bade them return to their own lodgings, and arrange with their servants to go before daybreak to Anagnia and meet them at Cerceii, while they got travelling clothes and returned to him, telling their domestics that they would join them, accompanied by Demetrius, in the course of the next day at Cerceii. Everything having been done in accordance with this order, he and his friends went to Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, by night. Menyllus preceded them and had a conversation with the sailors; telling them that orders had arrived from the king which made it necessary for him to remain at Rome for the present, and to send some of the most trustworthy of his young men to his Majesty, to inform him of what had been done about his brother. He should not, therefore, he said, go on board himself; but the young men who were to sail would come about midnight. The shipmasters made no difficulty about it, as the passage money for which they had originally bargained was in their hands; and they had long made all their preparations for sailing, when Demetrius and his friends arrived about the third watch. There were altogether eight of them, besides five slaves and three boys. Menyllus entered into conversation with them, showed them the provisions in store for the voyage, and commended them earnestly to the care of the shipmaster and crew. They then went on board, and the pilot weighed anchor and started just as day was breaking, having absolutely no idea of the real state of the case, but believing that he was conveying some soldiers from Menyllus to Ptolemy.
19. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ταῦτα διακούσας, εὐθέως προχειρισάμενος Κομανὸν καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἐξαπέστελλε πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην μετὰ τοῦ Γναΐου, διασαφήσοντας τῇ συγκλήτῳ περὶ τῆς τἀδελφοῦ πλεονεξίας καὶ καταφρονήσεως. ἀπέλυσε δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ τοὺς περὶ Τίτον ἀπράκτους ὁ πρεσβύτερος Πτολεμαῖος. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν καὶ Κυρήνην ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν. ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς ἧκον παρὰ τοῦ νεωτέρου Πτολεμαίου πρέσβεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Κομανὸν καὶ παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου παραπλησίως οἱ περὶ τὸν Μένυλλον τὸν Ἀλαβανδέα. ὧν εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, καὶ πολλῶν λόγων γινομένων καὶ φιλαπεχθῶν κατὰ πρόσωπον εἰς ἀλλήλους, καὶ τῶν περὶ Τίτον καὶ Γνάιον ἀπομαρτυρούντων καὶ συνεπισχυόντων τῷ νεωτέρῳ μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς, ἔδοξε τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοὺς περὶ Μένυλλον ἐν πένθʼ ἡμέραις ἀποτρέχειν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης, καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀναιρεῖν τὴν πρὸς τὸν πρεσβύτερον, πρὸς δὲ τὸν νεώτερον πέμψαι πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς διασαφήσοντας τὰ δεδογμένα τῇ συγκλήτῳ. καὶ κατεστάθησαν Πόπλιος Ἀπούστιος καὶ Γάιος Λέντλος, οἳ καὶ πλεύσαντες ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν Κυρήνην ἀνήγγειλαν τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ τὰ δεδογμένα μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς. ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἐπαρθεὶς εὐθέως ἐξενολόγει καὶ ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ὅλος καὶ πᾶς ἦν περὶ τὴν Κύπρον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Λιβύην Μασαννάσας θεωρῶν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πόλεων τῶν περὶ τὴν μικρὰν Σύρτιν ἐκτισμένων καὶ τὸ κάλλος τῆς χώρας, ἣν καλοῦσιν Ἐμπόρια, καὶ πάλαι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προσόδων τῶν γινομένων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ὀφθαλμιῶν, ἐπεβάλετο καταπειράζειν τῶν Καρχηδονίων οὐ πολλοῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις τῶν νῦν λεγομένων καιρῶν. τῆς μὲν οὖν χώρας ταχέως ἐγενήθη κύριος, ἅτε τῶν ὑπαίθρων κρατῶν διὰ τὸ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους αἰεὶ μὲν ἀλλοτρίους ὑπάρχειν τῆς ἐν τῇ γῇ χρείας, τότε δὲ καὶ τελέως ἐκτεθηλύνθαι διὰ τὴν πολυχρόνιον εἰρήνην· τῶν δὲ πόλεων οὐκ ἠδυνήθη γενέσθαι κύριος διὰ τὸ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐπιμελῶς τηρεῖν αὐτάς. ἀμφοτέρων δὲ ποιουμένων τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, καὶ πρεσβευτῶν πολλάκις ἐληλυθότων διὰ ταῦτα παρʼ ἑκατέρων, αἰεὶ συνέβαινε τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐλαττοῦσθαι παρὰ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, οὐ τοῖς δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ τῷ πεπεῖσθαι τοὺς κρίνοντας συμφέρειν σφίσι τὴν τοιαύτην γνώμην, ἐπείτοι χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς ἀνώτερον αὐτὸς ὁ Μασαννάσας διώκων τὸν Ἀφθῆρα τὸν ἀποστάτην μετὰ στρατοπέδου δίοδον ᾐτήσατο τοὺς Καρχηδονίους διὰ ταύτης τῆς χώρας, οἱ δʼ οὐχ ὑπήκουσαν, ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτῷ προσηκούσης. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τέλος εἰς τοῦτο συνεκλείσθησαν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι διὰ τῶν ἀποφάσεων κατὰ τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους καιροὺς ὥστε μὴ μόνον τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀποβαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντα προσθεῖναι τῆς καρπείας τῶν χρόνων, ἐξ οὗ συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν ἀμφισβήτησιν. ὅτι τὸ μέγιστον καὶ κάλλιστον σημεῖον τῆς Λευκίου Αἰμιλίου προαιρέσεως μεταλλάξαντος τὸν βίον ἐγένετο πᾶσιν ἔκδηλον· οἷος γὰρ ὁ τρόπος ζῶντος [αὐτοῦ] ἐδοξάζετο, τοιοῦτος εὑρέθη τὸν βίον μεταλλάξαντος, ὃ μέγιστον εἴποι τις ἂν ὑπάρχειν τεκμήριον ἀρετῆς. ὁ γὰρ πλεῖστον μὲν τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐξ Ἰβηρίας χρυσὸν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην μετενηνοχώς, μεγίστων δὲ θησαυρῶν κύριος γενόμενος ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ, πλείστης δὲ περὶ τὰ προειρημένα τετευχὼς ἐξουσίας τοσοῦτον ἀπέλειπε τὸν ἴδιον βίον ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι τὴν φερνὴν τῇ γυναικὶ διαλῦσαι πᾶσαν ἐκ τῶν ἐπίπλων, εἰ μὴ τῶν ἐγγείων τινὰς προσαπέδοντο κτήσεων. ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων εἰρήκαμεν. ἐξ ὧν εἴποι τις ἂν καταλελύσθαι τὴν δόξαν τῶν θαυμαζομένων παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἀνδρῶν· εἰ γὰρ τὸ διδομένων χρημάτων ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ διδόντος συμφέροντι, τούτων ἀπέχεσθαι θαυμαστόν ἐστιν, ὃ λέγεται γεγονέναι περί τε τὸν Ἀθηναῖον Ἀριστείδην καὶ περὶ τὸν Θηβαῖον Ἐπαμινώνδαν, τὸ κύριον γενόμενον αὐτὸν ἁπάσης τῆς βασιλείας καὶ λαβόντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὡς βούλεται χρήσασθαι, μηδενὸς ἐπιθυμῆσαι πόσῳ θαυμαστότερόν ἐστιν; εἰ δʼ ἀπίστῳ τὸ λεγόμενον ἐοικέναι δόξει τισίν, ἐκεῖνο δεῖ λαμβάνειν ἐν νῷ, διότι σαφῶς ὁ γράφων ᾔδει μάλιστα Ῥωμαίους ἀναληψομένους εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὰ βυβλία ταῦτα διὰ τὸ τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας καὶ τὰς πλείστας αὐτῶν πράξεις ἐν τούτοις περιέχεσθαι· παρʼ οἷς οὔτʼ ἀγνοεῖσθαι ταῦτα δυνατὸν οὔτε συγγνώμης τεύξεσθαι τὸν ψευδολόγον εἰκός, διόπερ οὐδεὶς ἂν ἑκὼν εἰς πρόδηλον ἀπιστίαν καὶ καταφρόνησιν ἔδωκεν αὑτόν. καὶ τοῦτο μνημονευέσθω παρʼ ὅλην τὴν πραγματείαν ἡμῖν, ὅταν τι παράδοξον δοκῶμεν λέγειν περὶ Ῥωμαίων.
23. At Rome, during the whole of the following day, no one was likely to make any inquiry for Demetrius or those who had gone with him. For those of his household who stayed in the city supposed him to have gone to Cerceii; and those at Anagnia were expecting him to come there too. The flight from Rome, therefore, was entirely unremarked; until one of his slaves, having been flogged at Anagnia, ran off to Cerceii, expecting to find Demetrius there; and not finding him, ran back again to Rome, hoping to meet him on the road. But as he failed to meet him anywhere, he went and informed his friends in Rome and the members of his household who had been left behind in his house. But it was not until the fourth day after his start that, Demetrius being looked for in vain, the truth was suspected. On the fifth the Senate was hastily summoned to consider the matter, when Demetrius had already cleared the Straits of Messina. The Senate gave up all idea of pursuit: both because they imagined that he had got a long start on the voyage (for the wind was in his favour), and because they foresaw that, though they might wish to hinder him, they would be unable to do so. But some few days afterwards they appointed Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius Glaucia as commissioners: first to inspect the state of Greece; and, next, to cross to Asia and watch the result of Demetrius’s attempt, and examine the policy adopted by the other kings, and arbitrate on their controversies with the Gauls. Such were the events in Italy this year.... Demetrius expecting the arrival of the commissioner who was to be sent to him....
23. τῆς δὲ κατὰ τὴν διήγησιν ἐφόδου καὶ τῶν καιρῶν ἐφεστακότων ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ταύτην, βούλομαι τὸ κατὰ τὴν προτέραν βύβλον ἐν ἐπαγγελίᾳ καταλειφθὲν συνεκπληρῶσαι τῶν φιληκόων ἕνεκα. προϋπεσχόμην γὰρ διηγήσασθαι διὰ τί καὶ πῶς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο προέκοψε καὶ θᾶττον ἢ καθῆκεν ἐξέλαμψεν ἡ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ δόξα, σὺν δὲ τούτῳ πῶς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον αὐξηθῆναι συνέβη τῷ Πολυβίῳ τὴν πρὸς τὸν προειρημένον φιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν ὥστε μὴ μόνον ἕως τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπιδιατεῖναι τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν φήμην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πορρωτέρω γνώριμον γενέσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ συμπεριφορὰν αὐτῶν. διότι μὲν οὖν ἡ καταρχὴ τῆς συστάσεως ἐγενήθη τοῖς προειρημένοις ἔκ τινος χρήσεως βυβλίων καὶ τῆς περὶ τούτων λαλιᾶς δεδηλώκαμεν· προβαινούσης δὲ τῆς συνηθείας καὶ τῶν ἀνακεκλημένων ἐκπεμπομένων ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις, διέσπευσαν ὅ τε Φάβιος καὶ ὁ Σκιπίων οἱ τοῦ Λευκίου νεανίσκοι πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν μεῖναι τὸν Πολύβιον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ. γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καὶ τῆς συμπεριφορᾶς ἐπὶ πολὺ προκοπτούσης, ἐγένετο συγκύρημά τι τοιοῦτον. ἐκπορευομένων γάρ ποτε κατʼ αὐτὸ πάντων ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας τῆς τοῦ Φαβίου, συνέβη τὸν μὲν Φάβιον ἐπὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἀπονεῦσαι, τὸν δὲ Πολύβιον ἐπὶ θάτερα μετὰ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος. προαγόντων δʼ αὐτῶν ὁ Πόπλιος ἡσυχῇ καὶ πρᾴως τῇ φωνῇ φθεγξάμενος καὶ τῷ χρώματι γενόμενος ἐνερευθής, " τί δαί" φησίν "ὦ Πολύβιε, δύο τρώγομεν ἀδελφοί, καὶ διαλέγει συνεχῶς καὶ πάσας τὰς ἐρωτήσεις καὶ τὰς ἀποφάσεις ποιεῖ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, ἐμὲ δὲ παραπέμπεις; ἢ δῆλον ὅτι καὶ σὺ περὶ ἐμοῦ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχεις διάληψιν, ἣν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πολίτας ἔχειν πυνθάνομαι; δοκῶ γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσιν ἡσύχιός τις καὶ νωθρός, ὡς ἀκούω, καὶ πολὺ κεχωρισμένος τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ πράξεως, ὅτι κρίσεις οὐχ αἱροῦμαι λέγειν. τὴν δʼ οἰκίαν οὔ φασι τοιοῦτον ζητεῖν προστάτην ἐξ ἧς ὁρμῶμαι, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον· ὃ καὶ μάλιστά με λυπεῖ."
24.
24. ὁ δὲ Πολύβιος ξενισθεὶς τῇ τοῦ μειρακίου καταρχῇ τῶν λόγων· οὐ γὰρ εἶχε πλέον ἐτῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα τότε· "
The dissoluteness of the young men in Rome had grown to such a height, and broke out in such extravagances, that there were many instances of men purchasing a jar of Pontic salt-fish for three hundred drachmae.
μὴ πρὸς θεῶν, Σκιπίων," ἔφη, "μηδὲ λέγε ταῦτα μηδʼ ἐν νῷ λάμβανε ταῦτα τὸ παράπαν.οὐδὲ γὰρ καταγινώσκων οὔτε παραπέμπων ἐγώ σε ποιῶ τοῦτο, πολλοῦ γε δεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῷ πρεσβύτερον εἶναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔν τε ταῖς ὁμιλίαις ἄρχομαί τʼ ἀπʼ ἐκείνου καὶ λήγω πάλιν εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἔν τε ταῖς ἀποφάσεσι καὶ συμβουλίαις πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπερείδομαι, δοκῶν καὶ σὲ τῆς αὐτῆς μετέχειν γνώμης ἐκείνῳ.