---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 96 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/96/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 96. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/96/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 96. Book XXXII

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/96/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/96/#p-N

[¶0] 8. The strongest and most honourable proof of the integrity of Lucius Aemilius Paulus was made public after his death. For the character which he enjoyed while alive was found to be justified at his death, than which there can be no clearer proof of virtue. No one of his contemporaries brought home more gold from Iberia than he; no one captured such enormous treasures as he did in Macedonia; and yet, though in both these countries he had the most unlimited authority, he left so small a private fortune, that his sons could not pay his wife’s jointure wholly from the sale of his personalty, and were obliged to sell some of his real estate also to do so, a fact of which I have already spoken in some detail. This forces us to acknowledge that the fame of the men who have been admired in Greece in this respect suffers by a comparison. For if to abstain from appropriating money, entrusted to a man for the benefit of the depositor, deserves our admiration,—as is said to have happened in the case of the Athenian Aristeides and the Theban Epaminondas,—how much more admirable is it for a man to have been master of a whole kingdom, with absolute authority to do with it as he chose, and yet to have coveted nothing in it! And if what I say appears incredible to any of my readers, let them consider that the present writer was fully aware that Romans, more than any other people, would take his books into their hands,—because the most splendid and numerous achievements recorded therein belong to them; and that with them the truth about the facts could not possibly be unknown, nor the author of a falsehood expect any indulgence. No one then would voluntarily expose himself to certain disbelief and contempt. And let this be kept in mind throughout the whole course of my work, when I seem to be making a startling assertion about the Romans.

> Greek: 8. ὅτι Εὐμένης ὁ βασιλεὺς τῇ μὲν σωματικῇ δυνάμει παραλελυμένος ἦν, τῇ δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς λαμπρότητι προσανεῖχεν, ἀνὴρ ἐν μὲν τοῖς πλείστοις οὐδενὸς δεύτερος τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν βασιλέων γενόμενος, περὶ δὲ τὰ σπουδαιότατα καὶ κάλλιστα μείζων καὶ λαμπρότερος· ὅς γε πρῶτον μὲν παραλαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν συνεσταλμένην τελέως εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ λιτὰ πολισμάτια ταῖς μεγίσταις τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν δυναστειῶν ἐφάμιλλον ἐποίησε τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρχήν, οὐ τύχῃ τὸ πλεῖον συνεργῷ χρώμενος, οὐδʼ ἐκ περιπετείας, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἀγχινοίας καὶ φιλοπονίας, ἔτι δὲ πράξεως τῆς αὑτοῦ. δεύτερον φιλοδοξότατος ἐγενήθη καὶ πλείστας μὲν τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν βασιλέων πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας εὐεργέτησε, πλείστους δὲ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀνθρώπους ἐσωματοποίησε. τρίτον ἀδελφοὺς ἔχων τρεῖς καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ πρᾶξιν, πάντας τούτους συνέσχε πειθαρχοῦντας αὑτῷ καὶ δορυφοροῦντας καὶ σῴζοντας τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ἀξίωμα. τοῦτο δὲ σπανίως εὕροι τις ἂν γεγονός.

[¶1] 9. As the course of my narrative and the events of the time have drawn our attention to this family, I wish to carry out fully, for the sake of students, what was left as a mere promise in my previous book. I promised then that I would relate the origin and manner of the rise and unusually early glory of Scipio’s reputation in Rome; and also how it came about that Polybius became so attached to and intimate with him, that the fame of their friendship and constant companionship was not merely confined to Italy and Greece, but became known to more remote nations also. We have already shown that the acquaintance began in a loan of some books and the conversation about them. But as the intimacy went on, and the Achaean detenus were being distributed among the various cities, Fabius and Scipio, the sons of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, exerted all their influence with the praetor that Polybius might be allowed to remain in Rome. This was granted: and the intimacy was becoming more and more close, when the following incident occurred. One day, when they were all three coming out of the house of Fabius, it happened that Fabius left them to go to the Forum, and that Polybius went in another direction with Scipio. As they were walking along, in a quiet and subdued voice, and with the blood mounting to his cheeks, Scipio said, “Why is it, Polybius, that though I and my brother eat at the same table, you address all your conversation and all your questions and explanations to him, and pass me over altogether? Of course you too have the same opinion of me as I hear the rest of the city has. For I am considered by everybody, I hear, to be a mild effete person, and far removed from the true Roman character and ways, because I don’t care for pleading in the law courts. And they say that the family I come of requires a different kind of representative, and not the sort that I am. That is what annoys me most.” Polybius was taken aback by the opening words of the young man’s speech (for he was only just eighteen), and said, “In heaven’s name, Scipio, don’t say such things, or take into your head such an idea. It is not from any want of appreciation of you, or any intention of slighting you, that I have acted as I have done: far from it! It is merely that, your brother being the elder, I begin and end my remarks with him, and address my explanations and counsels to him, in the belief that you share the same opinions. However, I am delighted to hear you say now that you appear to yourself to be somewhat less spirited than is becoming to members of your family: for you show by this that you have a really high spirit, and I should gladly devote myself to helping you to speak or act in any way worthy of your ancestors. As for learning, to which I see you and your brother devoting yourselves at present with so much earnestness and zeal, you will find plenty of people to help you both; for I see that a large number of such learned men from Greece are finding their way into Rome at the present time. But as to the points which you say are just now vexing you, I think you will not find any one more fitted to support and assist you than myself.” While Polybius was still speaking the young man seized his right hand with both of his, and pressing it warmly, said, “Oh that I might see the day on which you would devote your first attention to me, and join your life with mine. From that moment I shall think myself worthy both of my family and my ancestors.” Polybius was partly delighted at the sight of the young man’s enthusiasm and affection, and partly embarrassed by the thought of the high position of his family and the wealth of its members. However, from the hour of this mutual confidence the young man never left the side of Polybius, but regarded his society as his first and dearest object.

> Greek: 9. ὅτι τῶν Ἰσσίων πλεονάκις πεπρεσβευκότων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι Δελματεῖς τὴν χώραν ἀδικοῦσι καὶ τὰς πόλεις τὰς μετʼ αὐτῶν ταττομένας· αὗται δʼ εἰσὶν Ἐπέτιον καὶ Τραγύριον· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν Δαορσῶν ἐγκαλούντων, ἐξαπέστειλεν ἡ σύγκλητος πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ Γάιον Φάννιον ἐποπτεύσοντας τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα, καὶ μάλιστα τούτων τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Δελματεῖς. οὗτοι δέ, μέχρι μὲν ἔζη Πλευρᾶτος, ὑπήκουον ἐκείνῳ· μεταλλάξαντος δὲ τούτου τὸν βίον, καὶ διαδεξαμένου Γενθίου τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀποστάντες ἀπὸ τούτου τοῖς ὁμόροις προσεπολέμουν καὶ κατεστρέφοντο τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας, ὧν ἔνιοι καὶ φόρους αὐτοῖς ἔφερον· ὁ δὲ φόρος ἦν θρέμματα καὶ σῖτος. καὶ οἱ μὲν περὶ Φάννιον ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐξώρμησαν. — ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἀριαράθης παρεγένετο εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἔτι θερείας οὔσης· τότε δέ, παρειληφότων ὑπάτων τὰς ἀρχὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Σέξτον Ἰούλιον καὶ Λεύκιον Αὐρήλιον, ἐγίνετο περὶ τὰς κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις, οἰκείαν ποιούμενος περικοπὴν καὶ φαντασίαν τῆς ὑποκειμένης περιστάσεως. παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ παρὰ Δημητρίου πρέσβεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Μιλτιάδην πρὸς ἑκατέραν τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἡρμοσμένοι· καὶ γὰρ πρὸς Ἀριαράθην ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ κατηγορεῖν αὐτοῦ παρεσκευάζοντο φιλαπεχθῶς. ἀπεστάλκει δὲ καὶ Ὀροφέρνης πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ Τιμόθεον καὶ Διογένην, στέφανόν τε κομίζοντας τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τὴν φιλίαν καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀνανεωσομένους, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον συγκαταστησομένους πρὸς τὸν Ἀριαράθην καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀπολογησομένους, τὰ δὲ κατηγορήσοντας. ἐν μὲν οὖν ταῖς κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεσιν μείζω φαντασίαν εἷλκον οἱ περὶ τὸν Διογένην καὶ Μιλτιάδην, ἅτε καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος πρὸς ἕνα συγκρινόμενοι καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην περικοπὴν εὐτυχοῦντες πρὸς ἐπταικότα θεωρούμενοι· παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐξήγησιν πολὺ περιῆσαν· πᾶν μὲν γὰρ καὶ πρὸς παντοῖα λέγειν ἐθάρρουν, οὐδένα λόγον ποιούμενοι τῆς ἀληθείας, τὸ δὲ λεγόμενον ἀνυπεύθυνον ἦν, οὐκ ἔχον τὸν ἀπολογησόμενον. λοιπὸν ἀκονιτὶ τοῦ ψεύδους ἐπικρατοῦντος, ἐδόκει σφίσι τὰ πράγματα κατὰ γνώμην χωρεῖν.

[¶2] 11. From that time forward they continually gave each other practical proof of an affection which recalled the relationship of father and son, or of kinsmen of the same blood. The first impulse and ambition of a noble kind with which he was inspired was the desire to maintain a character for chastity, and to be superior to the standard observed in that respect among his contemporaries. This was a glory which, great and difficult as it generally is, was not hard to gain at that period in Rome, owing to the general deterioration of morals. Some had wasted their energies on favourite youths; others on mistresses; and a great many on banquets enlivened with poetry and wine, and all the extravagant expenditure which they entailed, having quickly caught during the war with Perseus the dissoluteness of Greek manners in this respect. And to such monstrous lengths had this debauchery gone among the young men, that many of them had given a talent for a young favourite. This dissoluteness had as it were burst into flame at this period: in the first place, from the prevalent idea that, owing to the destruction of the Macedonian monarchy, universal dominion was now secured to them beyond dispute; and in the second place, from the immense difference made, both in public and private wealth and splendour, by the importation of the riches of Macedonia into Rome. Scipio, however, set his heart on a different path in life; and by a steady resistance to his appetites, and by conforming his whole conduct to a consistent and undeviating standard, in about the first five years after this secured a general recognition of his character for goodness and purity. His next object was to cultivate lofty sentiments in regard to money, and to maintain a higher standard of disinterestedness than other people. In this respect he had an excellent start in his association with his natural father (L. Aemilius): but he also had good natural impulses towards the right; and chance contributed much to his success in this particular aim. For he first lost the mother of his adoptive father, who was the sister of his natural father Lucius, and wife of his adoptive grandfather, Scipio the Great. She left a large fortune, to which he was heir, and which gave him the first opportunity of giving a proof of his principles. Aemilia, for that was this lady’s name, was accustomed to attend the women’s processions in great state, as sharing the life and high fortune of Scipio. For besides the magnificence of her dress and carriage, the baskets, cups, and such implements for the sacrifice, which were carried in her train, were all of silver or gold on great occasions; and the number of maid-servants and other domestics that made up her train was in proportion to this splendour. All this establishment, immediately after Aemilia’s funeral, Scipio presented to his own mother, who had long before been divorced by his father Lucius, and was badly off considering the splendour of her birth. She had therefore in previous years refrained from taking part in grand public processions; but now; as there chanced to be an important state sacrifice, she appeared surrounded with all the splendour and wealth which had once been Aemilia’s using among other things the same muleteers, pair of mules, and carriage. The ladies, therefore, who saw it were much impressed by the kindness and liberality of Scipio, and all raised their hands to heaven and prayed for blessings upon him. This act, indeed, would be thought honourable anywhere, but at Rome it was quite astonishing: for there no one ever thinks of giving any of his private property to any one if he can help it. This was the beginning of Scipio’s reputation for nobility of character, and it spread very widely,—for women are talkative and prone to exaggeration whenever they feel warmly.

> Greek: 11. ὅτι οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα προσέθηκαν τοῖς χρήμασιν, οἷς Ὀροφέρνης ὁ τῆς Καππαδοκίας βασιλεὺς κατάληπτος γενόμενος ἀπώλετο καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξέπεσεν. ἡμεῖς δὲ συγκεφαλαιωσάμενοι τὴν τούτου κάθοδον ἐπανάξομεν τὴν διήγησιν ἐπὶ τὴν εἰθισμένην τάξιν, ᾗ χρώμεθα παρʼ ὅλην τὴν πραγματείαν· καὶ γὰρ νῦν ὑπερβάντες τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα προελάβομεν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν εὔλογον ἔχειν διαίρεσιν τὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπόπλουν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα κάθοδον [τοῦ] Ἀριαράθου. διόπερ ἐπάνειμι δηλώσων τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα γενόμενα περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιρούς. ἐν οἷς ἴδιον καὶ παράλογον πρᾶγμα συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τὴν τῶν Ὠρωπίων πόλιν· ὑπὲρ οὗ τὰ μὲν ἀναδραμόντες, τὰ δὲ προλαβόντες τοῖς χρόνοις συγκεφαλαιωσόμεθα τὴν ὅλην πρᾶξιν, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ μέρος αὐτῆς οὔσης οὐδʼ ὅλως ἐπιφανοῦς ἐν διῃρημένοις χρόνοις ἀπαγγέλλοντες εὐτελῆ καὶ ἀσαφῆ ποιῶμεν τὴν διήγησιν. ὅταν γὰρ μόλις τὸ ὅλον ἄξιον ἐπιστάσεως φαίνηται τοῖς ἀκούουσιν, ἦ πού γε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἐκ διαστήματος λεγομένοις τὸν νοῦν προσέξει τις τῶν φιλομαθούντων; — ὅτι κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν ταῖς ἐπιτυχίαις ὡς ἐπίπαν ἄνθρωποι συμφρονοῦσι, κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἀποτυχίας ἀσχάλλοντες τοῖς πράγμασιν ἑλκώδεις καὶ δύσκολοι γίνονται πρὸς τοὺς φίλους· ὃ καὶ περὶ τὸν Ὀροφέρνην συνέβη γενέσθαι, τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ ἀντιπιπτόντων καὶ τῷ Θεοτίμῳ καὶ μεμφομένων ἀλλήλοις. — Ὀροφέρνην. … ὀλίγον χρόνον Καππαδοκίας βασιλεύσαντα καὶ παριδόντα τὰς πατρίους ἀγωγάς φησιν ἐν τῇ τριακοστῇ δευτέρᾳ εἰσαγαγεῖν τὴν Ἰακὴν καὶ τεχνιτικὴν ἀσωτίαν. — ὅτι Ἄτταλος ὁ ἀδελφὸς Εὐμένους παραλαβὼν τὴν ἐξουσίαν πρῶτον ἐξήνεγκε δεῖγμα τῆς αὑτοῦ προαιρέσεως καὶ πράξεως τὴν Ἀριαράθου καταγωγὴν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν.

[¶3] 13. The next instance was his conduct to the daughters of the Great Scipio, sisters to his adoptive father. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilia Lucius Aemilius Paulus Papiria P. Scipio Nasica Cornelia Tib. Sempronius Gracchus Cornelia Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Quintus Fabius Maximus Scipio Aemilianus --> When he took the inheritance he was bound to pay them their portion. For their father covenanted to give each of his two daughters a marriage portion of fifty talents. Half of this their mother paid down at once to their husbands, but left the other half undischarged when she died. Now, the Roman law enjoins the payment of money due to women as dowry in three annual instalments, the personal outfit having been first paid within ten months according to custom. But Scipio instructed his banker at once to pay the twenty-five talents to each within the ten months. When, therefore, Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Nasica, for they were the husbands of these ladies, called on the banker at the expiration of the ten months, and asked whether Scipio had given him any instructions as to the money, he told them they might have it at once, and proceeded to enter the transfer of twenty-five talents to each. They then said that he had made a mistake, for they had no claim for the whole as yet, but only took a third according to the law; and upon the banker answering that such were his instructions from Scipio, they could not believe him, and went to call on the young man, supposing him to have made a mistake. And, indeed, their feelings were natural: for at Rome, so far from paying fifty talents three years in advance, no one will pay a single talent before the appointed day; so excessively particular are they about money, and so profitable do they consider time. However, when they reached Scipio and asked him what instructions he had given his banker, on his replying, “To pay both sisters the whole sum due to them,” they told him he had made a mistake; and with a show of friendly regard pointed out to him that, according to the laws, he had the use of the money for a considerable time longer. But Scipio replied that he was quite aware of all that; but that close reckoning and legal exactness were for strangers; with relations and friends he would do his best to behave straightforwardly and liberally. He therefore bade them draw on the banker for the whole sum. When Tiberius and Nasica heard this they returned home in silence, quite confounded at the magnanimity of Scipio, and condemning themselves for meanness, though they were men of as high a character as any at Rome. Two years afterwards, when his natural father, Lucius Aemilius, died, and left him and his brother Fabius joint heirs to his property, he did an act honourable to himself and worthy to be recorded. Lucius died without children in the eyes of the law, for the two elder had been adopted into other families, and the other sons, whom he was bringing up to be the successors to himself and to continue his family, all died; he therefore left his property to these two. But Scipio, perceiving that his brother was worse off than himself, renounced the whole of his share of the inheritance, though the property was valued altogether at over sixty talents, with a view of thus putting Fabius on an equality with himself in point of wealth. This was much talked about; but he afterwards gave a still clearer proof of his liberality. For when his brother wished to give some gladiatorial games in honour of his father, but was unable to support the expense, because of the enormous costliness of such things, Scipio contributed half of this also from his own pocket. Now the cost of such an exhibition, if it is done on a large scale, does not amount in all to less than thirty talents. While the fame of his liberality to his mother was still fresh, she died; and so far from taking back any part of the wealth he had recently bestowed on her, of which I have just spoken, Scipio gave it and the entire residue of his mother’s property to his sisters, though they had no legal claim at all upon it. Accordingly his sisters again adopted the splendour and retinue which Aemilia had employed in the public processions; and once more the liberality and family affection of Scipio were recalled to the minds of the people. With such recommendations dating from his earliest years, Publius Scipio sustained the reputation for high morality and good principles, which he had won by the expenditure of perhaps sixty talents, for that was the sum which he bestowed from his own property. And this reputation for goodness did not depend so much on the amount of the money, as on the seasonableness of the gift and the graciousness with which it was bestowed. By his strict chastity, also, he not only saved his purse, but by refraining from many irregular pleasures he gained sound bodily health and a vigorous constitution, which accompanied him through the whole of his life and repaid him with many pleasures, and noble compensations for the immediate pleasures from which he had formerly abstained. Courage, however, is the most important element of character for public life in every country, but especially in Rome: and he therefore was bound to give all his most serious attention to it. In this he was well seconded by Fortune also. For as the Macedonian kings were especially eager about hunting, and the Macedonians devoted the most suitable districts to the preservation of game, these places were carefully guarded during all the war time, as they had been before, and yet had not been hunted the whole of the four years owing to the public disturbances: the consequence was that they were full of every kind of animal. But when the war was decided, Lucius Aemilius, thinking that hunting was the best training for body and courage his young soldiers could have, put the royal huntsmen under the charge of Scipio, and gave him entire authority over all matters connected with the hunting. Scipio accepted the duty, and, looking upon himself as in a quasi-royal position, devoted his whole time to this business, as long as the army remained in Macedonia after the battle of Pydna. Having then ample opportunity for following this kind of pursuit, and being in the very prime of his youth and naturally disposed to it, the taste for hunting which he acquired became permanent. Accordingly when he returned to Rome, and found his taste supported by a corresponding enthusiasm on the part of Polybius, the time that other young men spent in law courts and formal visits, haunting the Forum and endeavouring thereby to ingratiate themselves with the people, Scipio devoted to hunting; and, by continually displaying brilliant and memorable acts of prowess, won a greater reputation than others, whose only chance of gaining credit was by inflicting some damage on one of their fellow-citizens,—for that was the usual result of these law proceedings. Scipio, on the other hand, without inflicting annoyance on any one, gained a popular reputation for manly courage, rivalling eloquence by action. The result was that in a short time he obtained a more decided superiority of position over his contemporaries, than any Roman is remembered to have done; although he struck out a path for his ambition which, with a view to Roman customs and ideas, was quite different from that of others.

> Greek: 13. ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὸν Γάιον Φάννιον παραγεγονότων ἐκ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι τοσοῦτον ἀπέχοιεν οἱ Δελματεῖς τοῦ διορθοῦσθαί τι τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων πρὸς τοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν φάσκοντας ἀδικεῖσθαι συνεχῶς, ὡς οὐδὲ λόγον ἐπιδέχοιντο καθόλου παρʼ αὐτῶν, λέγοντες οὐδὲν αὑτοῖς εἶναι καὶ Ῥωμαίοις κοινόν· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις διεσάφουν μήτε κατάλυμα δοθῆναι σφίσι μήτε παροχήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἵππους, οὓς εἶχον παρʼ ἑτέρας πόλεως, ἀφελέσθαι τοὺς Δελματεῖς μετὰ βίας αὑτῶν· ἑτοίμους δʼ εἶναι καὶ τὰς χεῖρας προσάγειν, εἰ μὴ συνείξαντες τῷ καιρῷ μετὰ πολλῆς ἡσυχίας ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀπόλυσιν. ὧν ἡ σύγκλητος ἀκούσασα μετʼ ἐπιστάσεως ἠγανάκτει μὲν καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν Δελματέων ἀπειθείᾳ καὶ σκαιότητι, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ὑπέλαβε τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι πρὸς τὸ πολεμῆσαι τοῖς προειρημένοις διὰ πλείους αἰτίας. τά τε γὰρ μέρη ταῦτα τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος τὰ νεύοντα πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἀνεπίσκεπτα τελέως ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἐξ οὗ Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον ἐξέβαλον, τούς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀνθρώπους οὐκ ἐβούλοντο κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον ἀποθηλύνεσθαι διὰ τὴν πολυχρόνιον εἰρήνην· ἔτος γὰρ ἦν τότε δωδέκατον ἀπὸ τοῦ πρὸς Περσέα πολέμου καὶ τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πράξεων. διόπερ ἐβουλεύοντο, πόλεμον ἐνστησάμενοι πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους ἅμα μὲν ὡσανεὶ καινοποιῆσαι τὰς ὁρμὰς καὶ προθυμίας τῶν ἰδίων ὄχλων, ἅμα δὲ καταπληξάμενοι τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἀναγκάσαι πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν παραγγελλομένοις. αὗται μὲν οὖν ἦσαν αἰτίαι διʼ ἃς ἐπολέμησαν Ῥωμαῖοι Δελματεῦσι· τοῖς γε μὴν ἐκτὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀνεδείκνυον, ὡς διὰ τὴν εἰς τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ὕβριν κεκρικότες πολεμεῖν. — κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον παραγεγονότων πρεσβευτῶν ἐξ Ἠπείρου παρά τε τῶν τὴν Φοινίκην κατεχόντων καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἐκπεπτωκότων καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους κατὰ πρόσωπον, ἔδωκεν ἀπόκρισιν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος ὅτι δώσει περὶ τούτων ἐντολὰς τοῖς ἀποστελλομένοις πρεσβευταῖς εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα μετὰ Γαΐου Μαρκίου. ὅτι Προυσίας μετὰ τὸ νικῆσαι τὸν Ἄτταλον μετὰ τὸ παρελθεῖν πρὸς τὸ Πέργαμον παρασκευασάμενος θυσίαν πολυτελῆ προσήγαγε πρὸς τὸ τέμενος τἈσκληπιοῦ, καὶ βουθυτήσας καὶ καλλιερήσας τότε μὲν ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν καταστήσας τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὸ Νικηφόριον τούς τε νεὼς ἅπαντας διέφθειρε καὶ τὰ τεμένη τῶν θεῶν, ἐσύλησε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰ λίθινα τῶν ἀγαλμάτων. τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον καὶ τὸ τἈσκληπιοῦ βαστάσας ἄγαλμα, περιττῶς ὑπὸ Φυρομάχου κατεσκευασμένον, ἀπήνεγκεν ὡς αὑτόν, ᾧ τῇ πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ κατασπένδων ἐβουθύτει καὶ κατηύχετο, δεόμενος, ὅπερ εἰκός, ἵλεων αὑτῷ γενέσθαι καὶ εὐμενῆ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον. ἐγὼ δὲ τὰς τοιαύτας διαθέσεις καὶ πρότερον εἴρηκά που, περὶ Φιλίππου ποιούμενος τὸν λόγον, μανικάς. τὸ γὰρ ἅμα μὲν θύειν καὶ διὰ τούτων ἐξιλάσκεσθαι τὸ θεῖον, προσκυνοῦντα καὶ λιπαροῦντα τὰς τραπέζας καὶ τοὺς βωμοὺς ἐξάλλως, ὅπερ ὁ Προυσίας εἴθιστο ποιεῖν γονυπετῶν καὶ γυναικιζόμενος, ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα καὶ λυμαίνεσθαι καὶ διὰ τῆς τούτων καταφθορᾶς τὴν εἰς τὸ θεῖον ὕβριν διατίθεσθαι, πῶς οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τις εἶναι θυμοῦ λυττῶντος ἔργα καὶ ψυχῆς ἐξεστηκυίας τῶν λογισμῶν; ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι περὶ τὸν Προυσίαν. ἀνδρὸς μὲν γὰρ ἔργον οὐδὲν ἐπιτελεσάμενος κατὰ τὰς προσβολάς, ἀγεννῶς δὲ καὶ γυναικοθύμως χειρίσας καὶ τὰ πρὸς θεοὺς καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους μετήγαγε τὸ στράτευμα πρὸς Ἐλαίαν· καὶ καταπειράσας τῆς Ἐλαίας καί τινας προσβολὰς ποιησάμενος, οὐδὲν δὲ πράττειν δυνάμενος διὰ τὸ Σώσανδρον τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως σύντροφον εἰσεληλυθότα μετὰ στρατιωτῶν εἴργειν αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἀπῆρεν ἐπὶ Θυατείρων. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπάνοδον τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερὸν τῆς ἐν Ἱερᾷ κώμῃ μετὰ βίας ἐσύλησεν. ὁμοίως καὶ τὸ τοῦ Κυννείου Ἀπόλλωνος τέμενος τὸ περὶ Τῆμνον οὐ μόνον ἐσύλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ πυρὶ διέφθειρεν. καὶ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς πεπολεμηκώς. ἐταλαιπώρησε δὲ καὶ τὸ πεζικὸν στράτευμα τῷ Προυσίᾳ κατὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον ὑπό τε τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τῆς δυσεντερίας, ὥστε παρὰ πόδας ἐκ θεοπέμπτου δοκεῖν ἀπηντῆσθαι μῆνιν αὐτῷ διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας. — ὅτι Ἄτταλος ἡττηθεὶς παρὰ Προυσίου, προχειρισάμενος Ἀθήναιον τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον, διασαφήσοντα τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὸ γεγονός.

[¶4] 16. I have spoken somewhat at length on the character of Scipio, because I thought that such a story would be agreeable to the older, and useful to the younger among my readers. But especially because I wished to make what I have to tell in my following books appear credible;

> Greek: 16. οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ, τοῦ μὲν Ἀνδρονίκου παραγενομένου καὶ διασαφοῦντος τὰ περὶ τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον τῶν πολεμίων,

[¶5] that no one may feel any difficulty because of the apparent strangeness of what happened to this man; nor deprive him of the credit of achievements which were the natural consequences of his prudence, and attribute them to Fortune and chance. I must now return from this digression to the regular course of my history....

> Greek: οὐ προσεῖχον, ἀλλʼ ὑπενόουν τὸν Ἄτταλον βουλόμενον αὐτὸν ἐπιβαλεῖν τῷ Προυσίᾳ τὰς χεῖρας προφάσεις προκατασκευάζεσθαι καὶ προκαταλαμβάνειν διαβολαῖς·

[¶6] Thearidas and Stephanus conducted a mission from Athens and the Achaeans on the matter of the reprisals. For when the Delians were ordered, in answer to an embassy to Rome after Delos had been granted to Athens, to depart from the island, but to take all their goods with them, they removed to Achaia; and having been enrolled as citizens of the league, wished to have their claims upon the Athenians decided, according to the convention existing between the Achaeans and Athens.

> Greek: ἅμα δὲ τοῦ τε Νικομήδους καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίφιλον, τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Προυσίου πρεσβευτῶν, διαμαρτυρομένων μηδὲν εἶναι τούτων, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠπιστεῖτο τὰ λεγόμενα περὶ τοῦ Προυσίου.

[¶7] But, on the Athenians denying that they had any right to plead under that agreement, the Delians demanded from the Achaeans license to make reprisals on the Athenians. The latter, therefore, sent an embassy to Rome on these points, and were answered that decisions made by the Achaeans according to their laws concerning the Delians were to be binding.... The people of Issa having often sent embassies to Rome, complaining that the Dalmatians damaged their territory and the cities subject to them,— meaning thereby Epetium and Tragyrium,—and the Daorsi also bringing similar complaints, the Senate sent a commission under Gaius Fannius to inspect the state of Illyria, with special reference to the Dalmatians. This people had been subject to Pleuratus as long as he was alive; but when he died, and was succeeded on the throne by Genthius, they revolted, overran the bordering territories, and reduced the neighbouring cities, some of which even paid them a tribute of cattle and corn. So Fannius and his colleague started on their mission....

> Greek: μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον ἐπιδιασαφουμένης τῆς πραγματείας, ἀμφιδοξήσασα περὶ τῶν προσπιπτόντων ἡ σύγκλητος ἐξαπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς Λεύκιον Ἀπολήιον καὶ Γάιον Πετρώνιον τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους πῶς ἔχει τὰ κατὰ τοὺς προειρημένους βασιλεῖς. ὅτι ἡ σύγκλητος ἔτι κατὰ χειμῶνα διακούσασα τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον Λέντλον ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ Προυσίαν διὰ τὸ νεωστὶ παραγεγονέναι τούτους ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας, εἰσεκαλέσατο καὶ τὸν Ἀθήναιον τὸν Ἀττάλου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφόν.

[¶8] Lyciscus the Aetolian was a factious turbulent agitator, and directly he was killed the Aetolians from that hour lived harmoniously and at peace with each other, simply from the removal of one man. Such decisive influence has character in human affairs, that we find not only armies and cities, but also national leagues and whole divisions of the world, experiencing the greatest miseries and the greatest blessings through the vice or virtue of one man.... Though he was a man of the worst character, Lyciscus ended his life by an honourable death;

> Greek: οὐ μέντοι πολλῶν προσεδεήθη λόγων, ἀλλʼ εὐθέως καταστήσασα πρεσβευτὰς συνεξαπέστελλε τῷ προειρημένῳ τοὺς περὶ Γάιον Κλαύδιον Κέντωνα καὶ Λεύκιον Ὁρτήσιον καὶ Γάιον Αὐρογκολήιον, ἐντολὰς δοῦσα κωλύειν τὸν Προυσίαν Ἀττάλῳ πολεμεῖν.

[¶9] and accordingly, most people with some reason reproach Fortune for sometimes giving to the worst of men what is the prize of the good—an easy death.... There was a great change for the better in Aetolia when the civil war was stopped after the death of Lyciscus; and in Boeotia when Mnasippus of Coronea died; and similarly in Acarnania when Chremas was got out of the way.

> Greek: παρεγένοντο δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρέσβεις εἰς Ῥώμην ὑπὲρ τῶν κατεχομένων οἱ περὶ Ξένωνα τὸν Αἰγιέα καὶ Τηλεκλέα τὸν Αἰγειράτην.

[¶10] Greece was as though purified by the removal from life of those accursed pests of the country. For in the same year Charops of Epirus chanced to die at Brundisium. Affairs in Epirus had been still in disorder and confusion as before, owing to the cruelty and tyranny of Charops, ever since the end of the war with Perseus.

> Greek: ὧν ποιησαμένων λόγους ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ, καὶ τοῦ διαβουλίου προτεθέντος, παρʼ ὀλίγον ἦλθον ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς κατῃτιαμένους οἱ τοῦ συνεδρίου.

[¶11] For Lucius Anicius having condemned some of the leading men in the country to death, and transported all others to Rome against whom there was the slightest suspicion, Charops at once got complete power to do what he chose;

> Greek: τὴν δʼ αἰτίαν ἔσχε τοῦ μὴ συντελεσθῆναι τὴν ἀπόλυσιν Αὖλος Ποστόμιος, στρατηγὸς ὢν ἑξαπέλεκυς καὶ βραβεύων τὸ διαβούλιον.

[¶12] and thereupon committed every possible act of cruelty, sometimes personally, at others by the agency of his friends: for he was quite a young man himself, and was quickly joined by a crowd of the worst and most unprincipled persons, who gathered round him for the sake of plunder from other people. But what protected him and inclined people to believe that he was acting on a fixed design, and in accordance with the will of the Romans, was his former intimacy with them, and the support of the old man Myrton and his son Nicanor.

> Greek: τριῶν γὰρ οὐσῶν γνωμῶν, μιᾶς μὲν τῆς ἀφιέναι κελευούσης, ἑτέρας δὲ τῆς ἐναντίας ταύτης, τρίτης δὲ τῆς ἀπολύειν μέν, ἐπισχεῖν δὲ κατὰ τὸ παρόν, καὶ πλείστων δʼ ὄντων τῶν ἀφιέντων,

[¶13] These two had the character of being men of moderation and on good terms with the Romans; but though up to that time they had been widely removed from all suspicion of injustice, they now gave themselves up wholly to support and share in the lawless acts of Charops.

> Greek: παρελθὼν τὴν μίαν γνώμην διηρώτα τὰς δύο καθολικῶς, οἷς δοκεῖ τοὺς ἀνακεκλημένους ἀφιέναι καὶ τοὐναντίον.

[¶14] This man, after murdering some openly in the market-place, others in their own houses, others by sending secret assassins to waylay them in the fields or on the roads, and selling the property of all whom he had thus killed, thought of another device. He put up lists of such men and women as were rich, condemning them to exile; and having held out this threat, he extracted money out of them, making the bargain himself with the men, and by the agency of his mother Philotis with the women; for this lady was well suited to the task, and for any act of violence was even more helpful than could have been expected in a woman. When he and his mother had thus got all the money they could out of these persons, they none the less caused all the proscribed to be impeached before the people;

> Greek: λοιπὸν οἱ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐπέχειν κελεύοντες προσέβησαν πρὸς τοὺς μὴ φάσκοντας δεῖν ἀπολύειν, καὶ πλείους ἐγενήθησαν τῶν ἀφιέντων. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν. — ὅτι τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακαμψάντων εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι παρʼ ὀλίγον ἔλθοι τὰ πράγματα τοῦ πάντας ἐπανελθεῖν τοὺς κατεχομένους,

[¶15] and the majority in Phoenice, partly from fear and partly induced by the baits held out by Charops and his friends, condemned all thus impeached, for being ill-disposed to Rome, to death instead of banishment. These men, however, fled while Charops visited Rome, whither he went with money, and accompanied by Myrton and Nicanor, wishing to get a seal of approval put to his wickedness by means of the Senate. On that occasion a very honourable proof was given of Roman principles; and a spectacle was displayed exceedingly gratifying to the Greeks residing in Rome, especially the detenus.

> Greek: εὐέλπιδες γενόμενοι καὶ μετεωρισθέντες οἱ πολλοὶ πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔπεμπον Τηλεκλέα καὶ τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην Ἀναξίδαμον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν. ὅτι Ἀριστοκράτης ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων στρατηγὸς ἦν μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἀξιωματικὸς καὶ καταπληκτικός.

[¶16] Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who was Pontifex Maximus and Princeps Senatus, and Lucius Aemilius, the conqueror of Perseus, a man of the highest credit and influence, learning what had been done by Charops in Epirus, refused to admit him into their houses.

> Greek: διόπερ ἐκ πάντων τοῦτον ὑπέλαβον οἱ Ῥόδιοι τελέως ἀξιόχρεων ἡγεμόνα καὶ προστάτην ἔχειν τοῦ πολέμου.

[¶17] This becoming much talked about, the foreign residents in Rome were exceedingly rejoiced, and observed with pleasure that the Romans discountenanced evil. And on Charops being afterwards admitted to the Senate-house, the Senate refused to consent to his demands, but answered that “They would give instructions to commissioners to examine into what had taken place.”

> Greek: διεψεύσθησαν μέντοι γε τῶν ἐλπίδων· ἐλθὼν γὰρ εἰς τὰς πράξεις ὥσπερ εἰς πῦρ, καθάπερ τὰ κίβδηλα τῶν νομισμάτων, ἀλλοῖος ἐφάνη.

[¶18] But when Charops returned home he entirely suppressed this reply; and having written one to suit his own ideas, gave out that the Romans approved of what had been done by him.... King Eumenes was entirely broken in bodily strength, but still maintained his brilliancy of mind. He was a man who in most things was the equal of any king of his time; and in those which were the most important and honourable, was greater and more illustrious than them all.

> Greek: τοῦτο δʼ ἐγένετο δῆλον ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων. προτείνειν αὐτῷ πεντακόσια τάλαντα παραχωρήσαντι τῆς Κύπρου, καὶ τἄλλα συνακολουθήσοντα λυσιτελῆ καὶ τίμια παρʼ αὐτῷ συνεπιδεικνύειν, προσενεγκαμένῳ τὴν χρείαν ταύτην.

[¶19] First, he succeeded his father in a kingdom reduced to a very few insignificant cities; and he raised it to the level of the largest dynasties of his day.

> Greek: τῷ δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ γενομένης προσαγγελίας παρεῖναι τὸν Ἀρχίαν. —

[¶20] And it was not chance which contributed to this, or a mere sudden catastrophe, it was his own acuteness, indefatigable industry, and personal labour. Again, he was exceedingly ambitious of establishing a good reputation, and showed it by doing good services to a very large number of cities, and enriching privately a great many men.

> Greek: ὅτι Ἀρχίας βουλόμενος τὴν Κύπρον προδοῦναι τῷ Δημητρίῳ καὶ φωραθεὶς καὶ εἰς κρίσιν ἀχθεὶς καλῳδίῳ τῶν ἐκ τῆς αὐλαίας παραπεπετασμένων ἑαυτὸν ἀπεκρέμασεν.

[¶21] And in the third place, he had three brothers grown up and active, and he kept all four of them loyal to himself, and acting as guards of his person and preservers of the kingdom: and that is a thing of which there are very rare instances in history....

> Greek: τῷ γὰρ ὄντι διὰ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας κενοὶ κενὰ λογίζονται κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν.

[¶22] On succeeding his brother Eumenes on the throne, Attalus at once gave a specimen of his principles and activity by restoring Ariarathes to his kingdom.... When the envoys under Fannius returned from Illyria, and reported that, so far from the Dalmatians making any restitution to those who asserted that they were being continually wronged by them, they refused even to listen to the commissioners at all, saying that they had nothing to do with the Romans.

> Greek: καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος δόξας πεντακόσια τάλαντα προσλήψεσθαι καὶ τὰ προϋπάρχοντα χρήματα καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα προσαπέβαλεν. ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους καὶ Πριηνεῖς ἐνέπεσον παραλόγῳ συμφορᾷ.

[¶23] Besides, they reported that no lodging or entertainment of any sort had been supplied to them; but that the very horses, which they had procured from another city, the Dalmatians had forcibly taken from them; and would have laid violent hands upon themselves, if they had not yielded to necessity and retired as quietly as they could. The Senate listened attentively to the report; they were exceedingly angry at the disobedience and rudeness of the Dalmatians, but their prevailing feeling was that the present time was a suitable one for declaring war against this people for more reasons than one. For, in the first place, the coasts of Illyria towards Italy had been entirely neglected by them ever since they had expelled Demetrius of Pharos;

> Greek: δεξάμενοι γὰρ παρʼ Ὀροφέρνους, ὅτʼ ἐκράτησε τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐν παραθήκῃ τετρακόσια τάλαντα ἀπῃτοῦντο κατὰ τοὺς ἑξῆς χρόνους ὑπʼ Ἀριαράθου, ὅτε μετέλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Πριηνεῖς, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, ὀρθῶς ἵσταντο, φάσκοντες μηδενὶ προήσεσθαι τὰ χρήματα ζῶντος Ὀροφέρνους πλὴν αὐτῷ τῷ παραθεμένῳ·

[¶24] and, in the next place, they did not wish their own citizens to become enervated by a long-continued peace; for it was now the twelfth year since the war with Perseus and the campaigns in Macedonia.

> Greek: ὁ δʼ Ἀριαράθης πολλοῖς ἐδόκει παραπίπτειν τοῦ καθήκοντος, ἀπαιτῶν τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν παραθήκην.

[¶25] They therefore planned that, by declaring war against the Dalmatians, they would at once renew as it were the warlike spirit and enterprise of their own people, and terrify the Illyrians into obedience to their injunctions. Such were the motives of the Romans for going to war with the Dalmatians. But to the world at large they gave out that they had determined on war owing to the insults offered to their legates.... King Ariarathes arrived in Rome in the course of the summer.

> Greek: οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἕως μὲν τούτου τάχʼ ἄν τις ἔχοι συγγνώμην αὐτῷ καταπειράζοντι τῷ δοκεῖν τῆς ἐκείνου βασιλείας εἶναι τὰ χρήματα· τὸ δὲ καὶ πορρωτέρω προβαίνειν ὀργῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας οὐδαμῶς ἐδόκει γενέσθαι κατὰ λόγον.

[¶26] And when Sextus Julius Caesar and his colleague had entered on their consulship, the king visited them privately, presenting in his personal appearance a striking picture of the dangers with which he was surrounded. Ambassadors also arrived from Demetrius, headed by Miltiades, prepared to act in two capacities—to defend the conduct of Demetrius in regard to Ariarathes, and to accuse that king with the utmost bitterness.

> Greek: κατὰ δὲ τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους καιροὺς ἐπαποστείλας ἐλεηλάτει τὴν χώραν τῶν Πριηνέων, συνεργοῦντος Ἀττάλου καὶ παροξύνοντος αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν διαφοράν, ἣν εἶχε πρὸς τοὺς Πριηνεῖς.

[¶27] Orophernes also had sent Timotheus and Diogenes to represent him, conveying a crown for Rome, and charged to renew the friendship and alliance of Cappadocia with the Romans; but, above all, to confront Ariarathes, and both to answer his accusations and bring their own against him. In these private interviews Diogenes and Miltiades and their colleagues made a better show, because they were many to one in the controversy; besides their personal appearance was better than that of Ariarathes, for they were at present on the winning side and he had failed.

> Greek: πολλῶν δὲ καὶ σωμάτων καὶ θρεμμάτων ἀπολομένων καὶ πρὸς τῇ πόλει πτωμάτων γενομένων, ἀμύνασθαι μὲν οὐχ οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν οἱ Πριηνεῖς, ἐπρέσβευον δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ῥοδίους, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτʼ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους κατέφυγον.

[¶28] They had also the advantage of him, in making their statement of the case, that they were entirely unscrupulous, and cared nothing whatever about the truth of their words; and what they said could not be confuted, because there was no one to take the other side.

> Greek: οἱ δʼ οὐ προσεῖχον τοῖς λεγομένοις. καὶ Πριηνεῖς μὲν μεγάλας ἔχοντες ἐλπίδας ἐπὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν χρημάτων τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐνεκύρησαν·

[¶29] So their lying statements easily prevailed, and they thought everything was going as they wished.... After reigning for a short time in Cappadocia in utter contempt of the customs of his country, Orophernes introduced the organised debaucheries of Ionia.... It has happened to not a few, from the desire for increasing their wealth, to lose their life along with their money. It was from being captivated by such passions that Orophernes, king of Cappadocia, perished and was expelled from his kingdom. But having briefly narrated the restoration of this king (Ariarathes), I will now bring back my narrative to its regular course;

> Greek: τῷ μὲν γὰρ Ὀροφέρνει τὴν παραθήκην ἀπέδωκαν, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀριαράθου ἱκαναῖς τισι βλάβαις περιέπεσον ἀδίκως διὰ τὴν παραθήκην. ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὸν Ὁρτήσιον καὶ Αὐρογκολήιον παραγεγονότων ἐκ τοῦ Περγάμου καὶ διασαφούντων τήν τε τοῦ Προυσίου καταφρόνησιν τῶν τῆς συγκλήτου παραγγελμάτων,

[¶30] for at present I have, to the exclusion of Greek affairs, selected from those of Asia the events connected with Cappadocia out of their proper order, because it was impossible to separate the voyage of Ariarathes from Italy from his restoration to his kingdom.

> Greek: καὶ διότι παρασπονδήσας καὶ συγκλείσας εἰς τὸ Πέργαμον αὐτούς τε καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον πᾶσαν βίαν ἐνεδείξατο καὶ παρανομίαν,

[¶31] I will therefore now go back to the history of Greece during this period, in which a peculiar and extraordinary affair took place in regard to the city of Oropus, of which I will give the whole story from beginning to end, going both backward and forward in point of time, that I may not render the history of an episode which was made up of separate events, and was not on the whole important, still more insignificant and indistinct by relating it under different years. For when an event as a whole does not appear to readers to be worth attention, I cannot certainly expect a student to follow its details scattered at intervals through my history....

> Greek: ἡ σύγκλητος ὀργισθεῖσα καὶ βαρέως φέρουσα τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξ αὐτῆς δέκα πρεσβευτὰς κατέστησε τοὺς περὶ Λεύκιον Ἀνίκιον καὶ Γάιον Φάννιον καὶ Κόιντον Φάβιον Μάξιμον,

[¶32] For the most part when things go well men generally get on together; but in times of failure, in their annoyance at events, they become sore and irritable with their friends. And this is what happened to Orophernes, when his affairs began to take a wrong turn in his relations with Theotimus,—both indulging in mutual recriminations.... Ambassadors having arrived from Epirus about this time, sent both from those who were in actual possession of Phoenice and from those who had been banished from it;

> Greek: καὶ παραχρῆμʼ ἐξαπέστειλεν, ἐντολὰς αὐτοῖς δοῦσα διαλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὸν Προυσίαν ἀναγκάσαι δίκας ὑποσχεῖν Ἀττάλῳ τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἀδικημάτων. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἧκον πρεσβευταὶ καὶ παρὰ Μασσαλιητῶν,

[¶33] and both parties having made their statement in presence of each other, the Senate answered that they would give instructions on this point to the commissioners that were about to be sent into Illyria with Gaius Marcius the Consul.... After defeating Attalus, and advancing to Pergamum, Prusias prepared a magnificent sacrifice and brought it to the sacred enclosure of Asclepius, and after offering the victims, and having obtained favourable omens, went back into his camp for that day; but on the next he directed his forces against the Nicephorium, and destroyed all the temples and sacred enclosures, and plundered all the statues of men and the marble images of the gods. Finally he carried off the statue of Asclepius also, an admirably executed work of Phyromachus, and transferred it to his own country,—the very image before which the day before he had poured libations and offered sacrifice; desiring, it would seem, that the god might in every way be propitious and favourable to him. I have spoken of such proceedings before, when discoursing on Philip, as sheer insanity. For at one time to offer sacrifice, and endeavour to propitiate heaven by their means, worshipping and uttering the most earnest prayers before holy tables and altars, as Prusias was wont to do, with bendings of the knee and effeminate prostrations, and at the same time to violate these sacred objects and to flout heaven by their destruction,—can we ascribe such conduct to anything but a mind disordered and a spirit lost to sober reason? I am sure this was the case with Prusias: for he led his army off to Elaea, without having performed a single act of manly courage in the course of his attempts on Pergamum, and after treating everything human and divine with petty and effeminate spite.

> Greek: οἳ πάλαι μὲν κακῶς πάσχοντες ὑπὸ τῶν Λιγυστίνων, τότε δὲ συγκλειόμενοι τελέως, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις καὶ πολιορκουμένων τῶν πόλεων Ἀντιπόλεως καὶ Νικαίας, ἐξαπέστειλαν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς τά τε γινόμενα διασαφήσοντας καὶ δεησομένους σφίσι βοηθεῖν. ὧν καὶ παρελθόντων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρεσβευτὰς πέμψαι τοὺς ἅμα μὲν αὐτόπτας ἐσομένους τῶν γινομένων, ἅμα δὲ πειρασομένους λόγῳ διορθώσασθαι τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν ἄγνοιαν. — ὅτι τῶν Μασσαλιητῶν διαπρεσβευσαμένων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους κακῶς πάσχειν αὑτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν Λιγυστίνων, παραχρῆμα κατέστησαν Φλαμίνιον καὶ Ποπίλιον Λαινᾶτον καὶ Λεύκιον Πόπιον πρεσβευτάς. οἳ καὶ πλέοντες μετὰ τῶν Μασσαλιητῶν προσέσχον τῆς Ὀξυβίων χώρας κατὰ πόλιν Αἴγιτναν.

[¶34] He attempted to take Elaea, and made some assaults upon it; but being unable to effect anything, owing to Sosander, the king’s foster-brother, having thrown himself into the town with an army and repelling his assaults, he marched off towards Thyateira.

> Greek: οἱ δὲ Λιγυστῖνοι προακηκοότες ὅτι πάρεισιν ἐπιτάξοντες αὐτοῖς λύειν τὴν πολιορκίαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἔτι καθορμιζομένους ἐπελθόντες ἐκώλυσαν τῆς ἀποβάσεως,

[¶35] In the course of his march, he plundered the temple of Artemis in the Holy village; and the sacred enclosure of Apollo Cynneius at Temnus likewise he not only plundered but destroyed by fire. After these achievements he returned home, having waged war against the gods as well as against men. But Prusias’s infantry also suffered severely from famine and dysentery on their return march, so that the wrath of heaven appears to have quickly visited him for these crimes....

> Greek: τὸν δὲ Φλαμίνιον καταλαβόντες ἀποβεβηκότα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς ἀποτεθειμένον, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπολύεσθαι, τοῦ δὲ παρακούοντος ἤρξαντο τὰ σκεύη διαρπάζειν.

[¶36] After his defeat by Prusias Attalus appointed his brother Athenaeus to accompany Publius Lentulus to Rome to inform the Senate of what had happened. At Rome they had not paid much attention when a previous messenger named Andronicus had come from Attalus, with news of the original invasion;

> Greek: τῶν δὲ παίδων καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων ἀντιποιουμένων καὶ κωλυόντων, ἀπεβιάζοντο καὶ προσέφερον τούτοις τὰς χεῖρας.

[¶37] because they suspected that Attalus wished to attack Prusias himself, and was therefore getting up a case against him beforehand, and trying to prejudice him in their eyes by these accusations; and when Nicomedes and some ambassadors from Prusias, headed by Antiphilus, arrived and protested that there was not a word of truth in the statement, the Senate was still more incredulous of what had been said about Prusias. But when after a time the real truth was made known, the Senate still felt uncertain, and sent Lucius Apuleius and Gaius Petronius to investigate what was the state of the case in regard to these two kings.

> Greek: ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ τοῦ Φλαμινίου βοηθοῦντος τοῖς ἰδίοις, τοῦτον μὲν κατέτρωσαν, δύο δὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν κατέβαλον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατεδίωξαν εἰς τὴν ναῦν, ὡς τὸν Φλαμίνιον μόγις ἀποκόψαντα τἀπίγυα καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας διαφυγεῖν τὸν κίνδυνον.
οὗτος μὲν ἀποκομισθεὶς εἰς Μασσαλίαν ἐθεραπεύετο μετὰ πάσης ἐπιμελείας·

[¶38] BEFORE spring this year the Senate, after hearing the report of Publius Lentulus and his colleagues, who had just reached Rome from Asia, in the business of king Prusias, called in Athenaeus also, brother of king Attalus. The matter, however, did not need many words: the Senate promptly appointed Gaius Claudius Cento, Lucius Hortensius, and Gaius Arunculeius, to accompany Athenaeus home, with instructions to prevent Prusias from waging war against Attalus. Also Xeno of Aegium and Telecles of Tegea arrived as ambassadors from the Achaeans in behalf of the Achaean detenus. After the delivery of their speech, on the question being put to the vote, the Senators only refused the release of the accused persons by a very narrow majority. The man who really prevented the release from being carried was Aulus Postumius, who was praetor, and as such presided in the Senate on that occasion.

> Greek: ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος πυθομένη τὰ γεγονότα παραχρῆμα τὸν ἕνα τῶν ὑπάτων Κόιντον Ὀπίμιον ἐξαπέστελλε μετὰ δυνάμεως πολεμήσοντα τοῖς Ὀξυβίοις καὶ Δεκιήταις. ὁ δὲ Κόιντος συναθροίσας τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς τὴν τῶν Πλακεντίνων πόλιν καὶ ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν ἧκεν εἰς τοὺς Ὀξυβίους.

[¶39] Three alternatives were proposed—one for an absolute release, another for an absolute refusal, and a third for a postponement of the release for the present. The largest numbers were for the first of these three; but Postumius left out the third, and put the two first to the vote together, release or no release;

> Greek: στρατοπεδεύσας δὲ παρὰ τὸν Ἄπρωνα ποταμὸν ἀνεδέχετο τοὺς πολεμίους, πυνθανόμενος αὐτοὺς ἁθροίζεσθαι καὶ προθύμους εἶναι πρὸς τὸ διακινδυνεύειν.

[¶40] the result was that those who were originally for the postponement transferred their votes to the party that were against the release, and thus gave a majority against release.... When the ambassadors returned to Achaia with the news that the restoration of all the detenus had been only lost in the Senate by a narrow majority, the people becoming hopeful and elated sent Telecles of Megalopolis and Anaxidamus on a fresh mission at once. That was the state of things in the Peloponnese....

> Greek: καὶ προσαγαγὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Κόιντος πρὸς τὴν Αἴγιτναν, ἐν ᾗ συνέβη τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς παρασπονδηθῆναι, τὴν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν ἐξηνδραποδίσατο καὶ τοὺς ἀρχηγοὺς τῆς ὕβρεως ἀπέστειλε δεσμίους εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

[¶41] Aristocrates, the general of the Rhodians, was in appearance a man of mark and striking ability;

> Greek: καὶ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπήντα τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶42] and the Rhodians, judging from this, believed that they had in him a thoroughly adequate leader and guide in the war. But they were disappointed in their expectations: for when he came to the test of experience, like spurious coin when brought to the furnace, he was shown to be a man of quite a different sort. And this was proved by actual facts.... [Demetrius] offered him five hundred talents if he would surrender Cyprus to him, with other similar advantages and honours from himself if he would do him this service.... Archias, therefore, wishing to betray Cyprus to Demetrius, and being caught in the act and led off to stand his trial, hanged himself with one of the ropes of the awnings in the court.

> Greek: οἱ δʼ Ὀξύβιοι νομίζοντες ἀπαραίτητον αὑτοῖς εἶναι τὴν εἰς τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἁμαρτίαν, παραλόγῳ τινὶ χρησάμενοι θυμῷ καὶ λαβόντες ὁρμὴν παραστατικήν, πρὶν ἢ τοὺς Δεκιήτας αὐτοῖς συμμῖξαι, περὶ τετρακισχιλίους ἁθροισθέντες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶43] For it is a true proverb that led by their desires “the reckonings of the vain are vain.” This man, for instance, imagining that he was going to get five hundred talents, lost what he had already, and his life into the bargain.... About this time an unexpected misfortune befell the people of Priene. They had received a deposit of four hundred talents from Orophernes when he got possession of the kingdom; and subsequently when Ariarathes recovered his dominion he demanded the money of them.

> Greek: ὁ δὲ Κόιντος ἰδὼν τὴν ἔφοδον καὶ τὸ θράσος τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν μὲν ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῶν κατεπλάγη, θεωρῶν δὲ μηδενὶ λόγῳ ταύτῃ χρωμένους τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εὐθαρσὴς ἦν, ἅτε τριβὴν ἐν πράγμασιν ἔχων καὶ τῇ φύσει διαφερόντως ἀγχίνους ὑπάρχων.

[¶44] But they acted like honest men, in my opinion, in declaring that they would deliver it to no one as long as Orophernes was alive, except to the person who deposited it with them; while Ariarathes was thought by many to be committing a breach of equity in demanding a deposit made by another.

> Greek: διόπερ ἐξαγαγὼν τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατιὰν καὶ παρακαλέσας τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς καιροῖς ᾔει βάδην ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶45] However, up to this point, one might perhaps pardon his making the attempt, because he looked upon the money as belonging to his own kingdom; but to push his anger and imperious determination as much farther as he did seems utterly unjustifiable.

> Greek: χρησάμενος δὲ συντόνῳ προσβολῇ ταχέως ἐνίκησε τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἠνάγκασε φυγεῖν προτροπάδην.

[¶46] At the period I refer to, then, he sent troops to pillage the territory of Priene, Attalus assisting and urging him on from the private grudge which he entertained towards the Prienians.

> Greek: οἱ δὲ Δεκιῆται συνηθροισμένοι παρῆσαν, ὡς μεθέξοντες τοῖς Ὀξυβίοις τῶν αὐτῶν κινδύνων·

[¶47] After losing many slaves and cattle, some of them being slaughtered close to the city itself, the Prienians, unable to defend themselves, first sent an embassy to the Rhodians, and eventually appealed for protection to Rome.... But he would not listen to the proposal. So it came about that the Prienians, who had great hopes from the possession of so large a sum of money, found themselves entirely disappointed.

> Greek: ὑστερήσαντες δὲ τῆς μάχης τούς τε φεύγοντας ἐξεδέξαντο καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον συνέβαλον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις μετὰ μεγάλης ὁρμῆς καὶ προθυμίας.

[¶48] For they repaid Orophernes his deposit, and, thanks to this same deposit, were unjustly exposed to severe damage at the hands of Ariarathes....

> Greek: ἡττηθέντες δὲ τῇ μάχῃ παραυτίκα πάντες παρέδωκαν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν.

[¶49] This year there came ambassadors also from the people of Marseilles, who had long been suffering from the Ligurians, and at that time were being closely invested by them, while their cities of Antipolis and Nicaea were also subjected to a siege. They, therefore, sent ambassadors to Rome to represent the state of things and beg for help. On their being admitted, the Senate decided to send legates to see personally what was going on, and to endeavour by persuasion to correct the injurious proceedings of the barbarians.... At the same time as the Senate despatched Opimius to the war with the Oxybii, Ptolemy the younger arrived at Rome;

> Greek: ὁ δὲ Κόιντος κύριος γενόμενος τούτων τῶν ἐθνῶν παραυτίκα μὲν τῆς χώρας ὅσην ἐνεδέχετο προσέθηκε τοῖς Μασσαλιήταις, εἰς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ὅμηρα τοὺς Λιγυστίνους ἠνάγκασε διδόναι κατά τινας τακτοὺς χρόνους τοῖς Μασσαλιήταις·

[¶50] and being admitted to the Senate brought an accusation against his brother, laying on him the blame of the attack against his life. He showed the scars of his wounds, and speaking with all the bitterness which they seemed to suggest, moved his hearers to pity him;

> Greek: αὐτὸς δὲ παροπλίσας τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους καὶ διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτοῦ τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἐποιήσατο.

[¶51] and when Neolaidas and Andromachus also came on behalf of the elder Ptolemy, to answer the charges brought by his brother, the Senate refused even to listen to their pleas, having been entirely prepossessed by the accusations of the younger. They commanded them to leave Rome at once; while they assigned five commissioners to the younger, headed by Gnaeus Merula and Lucius Thermus, with a quinquereme for each commissioner, and ordered them to restore Ptolemy (Physcon) to Cyprus;

> Greek: καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὀξεῖαν ἔλαβε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν συντέλειαν. — ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιρούς, καθʼ οὓς ἐξέπεμψεν ἡ σύγκλητος τὸν Ὀπίμιον ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν Ὀξυβίων πόλεμον, ἧκε Πτολεμαῖος ὁ νεώτερος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην,

[¶52] and at the same time sent a circular to their allies in Greece and Asia, granting permission to them to assist in the restoration of Ptolemy.... When the commissioners under Hortensius and Arunculeius returned from Pergamum, and reported Prusias’s disregard of the orders of the Senate; and how by an act of treachery he had besieged them and Attalus in Pergamum, and had given rein to every kind of violence and lawlessness: the Senate, enraged and offended at what had happened, immediately appointed ten commissioners, headed by Lucius Anicius, Gaius Fannius, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, and sent them out with instructions to put an end to the war, and compel Prusias to indemnify Attalus for the injuries received by him during the war....

> Greek: καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐποιεῖτο κατηγορίαν τἀδελφοῦ, φέρων τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον. ἅμα δὲ τὰς ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων οὐλὰς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν δεικνὺς καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν δεινολογίαν ἀκόλουθον τούτοις διατιθέμενος ἐξεκαλεῖτο τοὺς ἀνθρώπους πρὸς ἔλεον.

[¶53] On the complaint of the ambassadors of Marseilles as to their injuries sustained at the hands of the Ligurians, the Senate at once appointed a commission, consisting of Flaminius, Popilius Laenas, and Lucius Pupius, who sailed with the envoys of Marseilles, and landed in the territory of the Oxybii at the town of Aegitna.

> Greek: ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου πρέσβεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Νεολαΐδαν καὶ Ἀνδρόμαχον, ἀπολογούμενοι πρὸς τὰς ὑπὸ τἀδελφοῦ γενομένας κατηγορίας.

[¶54] The Ligurians, hearing that they were come to bid them raise the siege, descended upon them as they lay at anchor, and prevented the rest from disembarking; but finding Flaminius already disembarked and his baggage landed, they began by ordering him to leave the country, and on his refusal they began to plunder his baggage.

> Greek: ὧν ἡ σύγκλητος οὐδʼ ἀνέχεσθαι δικαιολογουμένων ἠβουλήθη, προκατειλημμένη ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ νεωτέρου διαβολαῖς· ἀλλὰ τούτοις μὲν ἐπανάγειν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης προσέταξεν ἐξ αὐτῆς,

[¶55] His slaves and freedmen resisting this, and trying to prevent them, they began to use violence and attacked them with their weapons. When Flaminius came to the rescue of his men they wounded him, and killed two of his servants, and chased the rest down to their ship, so that Flaminius only escaped with his life by cutting away the hawsers and anchors. He was conveyed to Marseilles and his wound attended to with all possible care;

> Greek: τῷ δὲ νεωτέρῳ πέντε πρεσβευτὰς καταστήσασα τοὺς περὶ Γνάιον Μερόλαν καὶ Λεύκιον Θέρμον καὶ πεντήρη δοῦσα τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἑκάστῳ, τούτοις μὲν παρήγγειλε κατάγειν Πτολεμαῖον εἰς Κύπρον,

[¶56] but when the Senate was informed of the transaction, it immediately ordered one of the consuls, Quintus Opimius, to lead an army against the Oxybii and Deciatae. Having collected his army at Placentia, Quintus Opimius marched over the Apennines and arrived in the territory of the Oxybii; and, pitching his camp on the river Apro, awaited the enemy, being informed that they were mustering their forces and were eager to give him battle. Meanwhile, he advanced to Aegitna, where the ambassadors had been outraged, took the city by assault, and sold its inhabitants as slaves, sending the ringleaders in the outrage to Rome in chains. Having done this, he went to meet the enemy. The Oxybii, convinced that their violence to the ambassadors admitted of no terms being granted them, with all the courage of desperation, and excited to the highest pitch of furious enthusiasm, did not wait to be joined by the Deciatae, but, having collected to the number of about four thousand, rushed to the attack upon their enemy.

> Greek: τοῖς δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν συμμάχοις ἔγραψαν ἐξεῖναι συμπράττειν τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν κάθοδον. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἄτταλος ἔτι κατὰ χειμῶνα συνήθροιζε μεγάλας δυνάμεις, ἅτε καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀριαράθην καὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἐξαπεσταλκότων αὐτῷ στρατιὰν ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Δημήτριος Ἀριαράθου. ὄντος δὲ περὶ ταύτας αὐτοῦ τὰς κατασκευάς,

[¶57] Quintus was somewhat dismayed at the boldness of their attack, and at the desperate fury of the barbarians; but was encouraged by observing that the enemy were advancing in complete disorder, for he was an experienced soldier and a man of great natural sagacity.

> Greek: ἧκον ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης οἱ δέκα πρέσβεις, οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες αὐτῷ περὶ Κάδους καὶ κοινολογηθέντες περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ὥρμησαν πρὸς τὸν Προυσίαν.

[¶58] He therefore drew out his men, and, after a suitable harangue, advanced at a slow pace towards the enemy. His charge was delivered with great vigour: he quickly repulsed the enemy, killed a great many of them, and forced the rest into headlong flight.

> Greek: ἐπειδὴ δὲ συνέμιξαν, διεσάφουν αὐτῷ τὰ παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου μετὰ πολλῆς ἀνατάσεως.

[¶59] Meanwhile, the Deciatae had mustered their forces, and appeared on the ground intending to fight side by side with the Oxybii;

> Greek: ὁ δὲ Προυσίας ἔνια μὲν τῶν προσταττομένων προσεδέχετο, τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἀντέλεγε.

[¶60] but finding themselves too late for the battle, they received the fugitives in their ranks, and after a short time charged the Romans with great fury and enthusiasm; but being worsted in the engagement, they immediately all surrendered themselves and their city at discretion to the Romans.

> Greek: διόπερ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προσκόψαντες αὐτῷ τήν τε φιλίαν ἀπείπαντο καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν, καὶ πάντες ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀπηλλάττοντο πάλιν ὡς τὸν Ἄτταλον.

[¶61] Having thus become masters of these tribes, Opimius delivered over their territory on the spot to the people of Marseilles, and for the future forced the Ligurians to give hostages at certain fixed intervals to the Marsilians. He then deprived the tribes that had fought with them of their arms, and divided his army among the cities there for the winter, and himself took up his winter quarters in the country.

> Greek: ὁ δὲ Προυσίας μετανοήσας μέχρι μέν τινος ἐπηκολούθει λιπαρῶν, ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐδὲν ἤνυεν, ἀπαλλαγεὶς ἐν ἀμηχανίαις ἦν.

[¶62] Thus the war had a conclusion as rapid as its commencement.... All the previous winter Attalus had been busy collecting a large army, Ariarathes and Mithridates having sent him a force of cavalry and infantry, in accordance with the terms of their alliance with him.

> Greek: οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν μὲν Ἄτταλον ἐκέλευον προκαθίσαντα τῆς αὑτοῦ χώρας μετὰ δυνάμεως αὐτὸν μὲν μὴ κατάρχειν τοῦ πολέμου, ταῖς δὲ πόλεσι ταῖς αὑτοῦ καὶ ταῖς κώμαις τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρασκευάζειν·

[¶63] While he was still engaged in these preparations the ten commissioners arrived from Rome: who, after meeting and conferring with him at Cadi about the business, started to visit Prusias, to whom on meeting him they explained the orders of the Senate in terms of serious warning. Prusias at once yielded to some of the injunctions, but refused to submit to the greater part. The Romans grew angry, renounced his friendship and alliance, and one and all started to return to Attalus. Thereupon Prusias repented; followed them a certain distance with vehement entreaties; but, failing to gain any concession, left them in a state of great doubt and embarrassment.

> Greek: αὐτοὶ δὲ μερίσαντες σφᾶς αὐτούς, οἱ μὲν ἔπλεον κατὰ σπουδὴν ἀπαγγελοῦντες τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὴν ἀπείθειαν τοῦ Προυσίου, τινὲς δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰωνίας ἐχωρίσθησαν, ἕτεροι δʼ ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ Βυζάντιον τόπων, μίαν ἔχοντες καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν πρόθεσιν ἅπαντες,

[¶64] The Romans, on their return to Attalus, bade him station himself with his army on his own frontier, and not to begin the war himself, but to provide for the security of the towns and villages in his territory: while they divided themselves, one party sailing home with all speed to announce to the Senate the disobedience of Prusias; another departing for Ionia; and a third to the Hellespont and the ports about Byzantium, all with one and the same purpose, namely, to detach the inhabitants from friendship and alliance with Prusias, and to persuade them to adhere to Attalus and assist him to the best of their power....

> Greek: ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Προυσίου φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας ἀποκαλεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, Ἀττάλῳ δὲ προσνέμειν τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ συμμαχεῖν κατὰ δύναμιν. — κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Ἀθήναιος κατέπλευσε ναυσὶ καταφράκτοις ὀγδοήκοντα·