---
title: "The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum"
author: "Sallust"
translator: "John Selby Watson"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 2 of 7
url: https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/2/
cite: "Sallust, tr. John Selby Watson, The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/2/"
---

# The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum

*Sallust, tr. John Selby Watson*

Rome’s war with a Numidian king, and the corruption it exposed: “a city for sale.”

> Latin: from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0631.phi002, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John Selby Watson, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0631.phi002.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 2. Chapters 16–31

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/2/#p-N

[¶0] 16. Yet that party gained the superiority in the senate, which preferred money and interest to justice. A decree was made, "that ten commissioners should divide the kingdom, which Micipsa had possessed, between Jugurtha and Adherbal." Of this commission the leading person was Lucius Opimius, a man of distinction, and of great influence at that time in the senate, from having in his consulship, on the death of Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, prosecuted the victory of the nobility over the plebeians with great severity. Jugurtha, though he had already counted Scaurus among his friends at Rome, yet received him with the most studied ceremony, and, by presents and promises, wrought on him so effectually, that he preferred the prince's interest to his own character, honor, and all other considerations. The rest of the commissioners he assailed in a similar way, and gained over most of them; by a few only integrity was more regarded than lucre. In the division of the kingdom, that part of Numidia which borders on Mauretania, and which is superior in fertility and population, was allotted to Jugurtha; of the other part, which, though better furnished with harbors and buildings, was more valuable in appearance than in reality, Adherbal became the possessor.

> Latin: 16. Vicit tamen in senatu pars illa, quae vero pretium aut gratiam anteferebat. Decretum fit, uti decem legati regnum, quod Micipsa obtinuerat, inter Iugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent. Cuius legationis princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia consul C. Graccho et M. Fuluio Flacco interfectis acerrime victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exercuerat. Eum Iugurtha tametsi Romae in amicis habuerat, tamen accuratissime recepit, dando et pollicendo multa perfecit, uti fama, fide, postremo omnibus suis rebus commodum regis anteferret. Relicuos legatos eadem via aggressus plerosque capit, paucis carior fides quam pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae Mauretaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior, Iugurthae traditur; illam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit.

[¶1] 17. My subject seems to require of me, in this place, a brief account of the situation of Africa, and of those nations in it with whom we have had war or alliances. But of those tracts and countries, which, from their heat, or difficulty of access, or extent of desert, have been but little visited, I can not possibly give any exact description. Of the rest I shall speak with all possible brevity. In the division of the earth, most writers consider Africa as a third part; a few admit only two divisions, Asia and Europe, and include Africa in Europe. It is bounded, on the west, by the strait connecting our sea with the ocean; on the east, by a vast sloping tract, which the natives call the Catabathmos." The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees. There is a scarcity of water both from rain and from land-springs. The natives are healthy, swift of foot, and able to endure fatigue. Most of them die by the gradual decay of age, except such as perish by the sword or beasts of prey; for disease finds but few victims. Animals of a venomous nature they have in great numbers. Concerning the original inhabitants of Africa, the settlers that afterward joined them, and the manner in which they intermingled, I shall offer the following brief account, which, though it differs from the general opinion, is that which was interpreted to me from the Punic volumes said to have belonged to King Hiempsal, and which the inhabitants of that country believe to be consistent with fact. For the truth of the statement, however, the writers themselves must be responsible.

> Latin: 17. Res postulare videtur Africae situm paucis exponere et eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, attingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem aut asperitatem, item solitudines minus frequentata sunt, de iis haud facile compertum narrauerim. Cetera quam paucissimis absoluam. In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte tertia Africam posuere, pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse, sed Africam in Europa. Ea finis habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et Oceani, ab ortu solis decliuem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant. mare saevum, importuosum; ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, arbori infecundus; caelo terraque penuria aquarum. genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum; ac plerosque senectus dissoluit, nisi qui ferro aut bestiis interiere, nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat; ad hoc malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint quique postea accesserint aut quo modo inter se permixti sint, quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diuersum est, tamen, uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est utique rem sese habere cultores eius terrae putant, quam paucissimis dicam. Ceterum fides eius rei penes auctores erit.

[¶2] 18. Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getulians and Libyans, rude and uncivilized tribes, who subsisted on the flesh of wild animals, or, like cattle, on the herbage of the soil. They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler; they wandered about, without fixed habitations, and slept in the abodes to which night drove them. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations, having lost its leader, and many candidates severally claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Of its constituent troops, the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, having sailed over into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea. The Persians, however, settled more toward the ocean, and used the inverted keels of their vessels for huts, there being no wood in the country, and no opportunity of obtaining it, either by purchase or barter, from the Spaniards; for a wide sea, and an unknown tongue, were barriers to all intercourse. These, by degrees, formed intermarriages with the Getulians; and because, from constantly trying different soils, they were perpetually shifting their abodes, they called themselves NUMIDIANS. And to this day the huts of the Numidian boors, which they call mapalia, are of an oblong shape, with curved roofs; resembling the hulls of ships. The Medes and Armenians connected themselves with the Libyans, who dwelled near the African sea; while the Getulians lay more to the sun," not far from the torrid heats; and these soon built themselves towns, as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants. The name of Medes the Libyans gradually corrupted, changing it, in their barbarous tongue, into Moors. Of the Persians the power rapidly increased; and at length, the children, through excess of population, separating from the parents, they took possession, under the name of Numidians, of those regions bordering on Carthage which are now called Numidia. In process of time, the two parties, each assisting the other, reduced the neighboring tribes, by force or fear, under their sway; but those who had spread toward our sea, made the greater conquests: for the Lybians are less warlike than the Getulians. At last nearly all lower Africa/un> was occupied by the Numidians; and all the conquered tribes were merged in the nation and name of their conquerors.

> Latin: 18. Africam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incultique, quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum uti pecoribus. Ii neque moribus neque lege aut imperio cuiusquam regebantur: uagi palantes quas nox coegerat sedes habebant. Sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus eius, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce ac passim multis sibi quisque imperium petentibus brevi dilabitur. Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii nauibus in Africam transuecti proximos nostro mari locos occupauere, sed Persae intra Oceanum magis, iique alueos nauium inversos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in agris neque ab Hispanis emendi aut mutandi copia erat: mare magnum et ignara lingua commercio prohibebant. Ii paulatim per conubia Gaetulos secum miscuere et, quia saepe temptantes agros alia, deinde alia loca petiuerant, semet ipsi Numidas appellauere. Ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant, oblonga, incuruis lateribus, tecta quasi nauium carinae sunt. Medis autem et Armeniis accessere Libyes—nam ii propius mare Africum agitabant, Gaetuli sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus—, iique mature oppida habuere; nam freto divisi ab Hispania mutare res inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paulatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua Mauros pro Medis appellantes. Sed res Persarum brevi adoleuit, ac postea nomine Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, possedere ea loca, quae proxima Carthagine[m] Numidia appellatur. Deinde utrique alteris freti finitimos armis aut metu sub imperium suum coegere, nomen gloriamque sibi addidere, magis ii, qui ad nostrum mare processerant, quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicose. Denique Africae pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est, victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere.

[¶3] 19. At a later period, the Phœnicians, some of whom wished to lessen their numbers at home, and others, ambitious of empire, engaged the populace, and such as were eager for change, to follow them, founded Hippo, Adrumetum, Leptis, and other cities, on the sea-coast; which, soon growing powerful, became partly a support, and partly an honor, to their parent state. Of Carthage I think it better to be silent, than to say but little; especially as time bids me hasten to other matters. Next to the Catabathmos, then, which divides Egypt from Africa, the first city along the sea-coast is Cyrene, a colony of Theræans; after which are the two Syrtes, with Leptis between them; then the Altars of the Philæni, which the Carthaginians considered the boundary of their dominion on the side of Egypt; beyond these are the other Punic towns. The other regions, as far as Mauretania, the Numidians occupy; the Moors are nearest to Spain. To the south of Numidia, as we are informed, are the Getulians, of whom some live in huts, and others lead a vagrant and less civilized life; beyond these are the Ethiopians; and further on, regions parched by the heat of the sun. At the time of the Jugurthine war, most of the Punic towns, and the territories which Carthage had lately possessed, were under the government of Roman prætors; a great part of the Getulians, and Numidia as far as the river Mulucha, were subject to Jugurtha; while the whole of the Moors were governed by Bocchus, a king who knew nothing of the Romans but their name, and who, before this period, was as little known to us, either in war or peace. Of Africa and its inhabitants I have now said all that my narrative requires.

> Latin: 19. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pars imperi cupidine sollicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum auidis, Hipponem Hadrumetum Leptim aliasque urbis in ora maritima condidere; eaeque brevi multum auctae, pars originibus suis praesidio, aliae decori fuere. Nam de Carthagine silere melius puto quam parum dicere, quoniam alio properare tempus monet. Igitur ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari prima Cyrene est, colonia Theraeon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes interque eas Leptis, deinde Philaenon arae, quem locum Aegyptum versus finem imperi habuere Carthaginienses, post aliae Punicae urbes. Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent, proximi Hispania[m] Mauri sunt. Super Numidiam Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius uagos agitare, post eos Aethiopas esse, dein loca exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Iugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novissime habuerant, populus Romanus per magistratus administrabat; Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidae usque ad flumen Muluccham sub Iugurtha erant; Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. De Africa et eius incolis ad necessitudinem rei satis dictum.

[¶4] 20. When the commissioners, after dividing the kingdom, had left Africa, and Jugurtha saw that, contrary to his apprehensions, he had obtained the object of his crimes; he then being convinced of the truth of what he had heard from his friends at Numantia, "that all things were purchasable at Rome," and being also encouraged by the promises of those whom he had recently loaded with presents, directed his views to the domain of Adherbal. He was himself bold and warlike, while the other, at whose destruction he aimed, was quiet, unfit for arms, of a mild temper, a fit subject for injustice, and a prey to fear rather than an object of it. Jugurtha, accordingly, with a powerful force, made a sudden irruption into his dominions, took several prisoners, with cattle and other booty, set fire to the buildings, and made hostile demonstrations against several places with his cavalry. He then retreated, with all his followers, into his own kingdom, expecting that Adherbal, roused by such provocation, would avenge his wrongs by force, and thus furnish a pretext for war. But Adherbal, thinking himself unable to meet Jugurtha in the field, and relying on the friendship of the Romans more than on the Numidians, merely sent embassadors to Jugurtha to complain of the outrage; and, although they brought back but an insolent reply, yet he resolved to endure any thing rather than have recourse to war, which, when he attempted it before, had ended in his defeat. By such conduct the eagerness of Jugurtha was not at all allayed; for he had now, indeed, in imagination, possessed himself of all Adherbal's dominions. He therefore renewed hostilities, not, as before, with a predatory band, but at the head of a large army which he had collected, and openly aspired to the sovereignty of all Numidia. Wherever he marched, he ravaged the towns and the fields, drove off booty, and raised confidence in his own men and dismay among the enemy.

> Latin: 20. Postquam diviso regno legati Africa decessere et Iugurtha contra timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt, certum esse ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus expleuerat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus; at is quem petebat quietus, inbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus iniuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. Igitur ex improuiso finis eius cum magna manu invadit, multos mortalis cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu accedit, deinde, cum omni multitudine in regnum suum conuertit, existimans Adherbalem dolore permotum iniurias suas manu vindicaturum eamque rem belli causam fore. At ille, quod neque se parem armis existimabat et amicitia populi Romani magis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Iugurtham de iniuriis questum misit. Qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta rettulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere, quia temptatum antea secus cesserat. Neque eo magis cupido Iugurthae minuebatur, quippe qui totum eius regnum animo iam invaserat. Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu comparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. Ceterum, qua pergebat, urbis agros vastare, praedas agere, suis animum hostibus terrorem augere.

[¶5] 21. Adherbal, when he found that matters had arrived at such a point, that he must either abandon his dominions, or defend them by force of arms, collected an army from necessity, and advanced to meet Jugurtha. Both armies took up their position near the town of Cirta, at no great distance from the sea; but, as evening was approaching, encamped without coming to an engagement. But when the night was far advanced, and twilight was beginning to appear, the troops of Jugurtha, at a given signal, rushed into the camp of the enemy, whom they routed and put to flight, some half asleep and others resuming their arms. Adherbal, with a few of his cavalry, fled to Cirta; and, had there not been a number of Romans in the town, who repulsed his Numidian pursuers from the walls, the war between the two princes would have been begun and ended on the same day. Jugurtha proceeded to invest the town, and attempted to storm it with the aid of mantelets, towers, and every kind of machines; being anxious above all things, to take it before the embassadors could arrive at Rome, who, he was informed, had been dispatched thither by Adherbal before the battle was fought. But as soon as the senate heard of their contention, three young men were sent as deputies into Africa, with directions to go to both of the princes, and to announce to them, in the words of the senate and people of Rome, " that it was their will and resolution that they should lay down their arms, and settle their disputes rather by arbitration than by the sword; since to act thus would be to the honor both of the Romans and themselves."

> Latin: 21. Adherbal ubi intellegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relinquendum esset aut armis retinendum, necessario copias parat et Iugurthae obvius procedit. Interim haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit et, quia diei extremum erat, proelium non inceptum. Sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, obscuro etiam tum lumine milites Iugurthini signo dato castra hostium invadunt, semisomnos partim, alios arma sumentis fugant funduntque. Adherbal cum paucis equitibus Cirtam profugit, et ni multitudo togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. Igitur Iugurtha oppidum circumsedit, vineis turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur, maxime festinans tempus legatorum antecapere, quos ante proelium factum ab Adherbale Romam missos audiuerat. Sed postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controuersiis suis iure potius quam bello disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse.

[¶6] 22. These deputies soon arrived in Africa, using the greater dispatch, because, while they were preparing for their journey, a report was spread at Rome of the- battle which had been fought, and of the siege of Cirta; but this report told much less than the truth. Jugurtha, having given them an audience, replied, "that nothing was of greater weight with him, nothing more respected, than the authority of the senate; that it had been his endeavor, from his youth, to deserve the esteem of all men of worth; that he had gained the favor of Publius Scipio, a man of the highest eminence, not by dishonorable practices, but by merit; that, for the same good qualities, and not from want of heirs to the throne, he had been adopted by Micipsa; but that, the more honorable and spirited his conduct had been, the less could his feelings endure injustice; that Adherbal had formed designs against his life, on discovering which, he had counteracted his malice; that the Romans would act neither justly nor reasonably, if they withheld from him the common right of nations; and, in conclusion, that he would soon send embassadors to Rome to explain the whole of his proceedings." On this understanding, both parties separated. Of addressing Adherbal the deputies had no opportunity.

> Latin: 22. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis quod Romae, dum proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatione Cirtae audiebatur; sed is rumor clemens erat. Quorum Iugurtha accepta oratione respondit sibi neque maius quicquam neque carius auctoritate senatus esse. Ab adulescentia ita se enisum, ut ab optimo quoque probaretur; virtute, non malitia P. Scipioni, summo viro, placuisse; ob easdem artis a Micipsa, non penuria liberorum in regnum adoptatum esse. Ceterum, quo plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suum iniuriam minus tolerare. Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; quod ubi comperisset, sceleri eius obviam isse. Populum Romanum neque recte neque pro bono facturum, si ab iure gentium sese prohibuerit. Postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum. Ita utrique digrediuntur. Adherbalis appellandi copia non fuit.

[¶7] 23. Jugurtha, as soon as he thought that they had quitted Africa, surrounded the walls of Cirta, which, from the nature of its situation, he was unable to take by assault, with a rampart and a trench; he also erected towers, and manned them with soldiers; he made attempts on the place, by force or by stratagem, day and night; he held out bribes, and some times menaces, to the besieged; he roused his men, by exhortations, to efforts of valor, and resorted, with the utmost perseverance, to every possible expedient. Adherbal, on the other hand, seeing that his affairs were in a desperate condition, that his enemy was determined on his ruin, that there was no hope of succor, and that the siege, from want of provisions, could not long be protracted, selected from among those who had fled with him to Cirta, two of his most resolute supporters, whom he induced, by numerous promises, and an affecting representation of his distress, to make their way in the night, through the enemy's lines, to the nearest point of the coast, and from thence to Rome.

> Latin: 23. Iugurtha ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est neque propter loci naturam Cirtam armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turris extruit easque praesidiis firmat; praeterea dies noctisque aut per vim aut dolis temptare; defensoribus moenium praemia modo, modo formidinem ostentare; suos hortando ad virtutem arrigere; prorsus intentus cuncta parare. Adherbal ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas, hostem infestum, auxili spem nullam, penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse, ex iis, qui una Cirtam profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit; eos multa pollicendo ac miserando casum suum confirmat, uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent.

[¶8] 24. The Numidians, in a few days executed their commission; and a letter from Adherbal was read in the senate, of which the following was the purport: "It is not through my own fault, Conscript Fathers, that I so often send requests to you; but the violence of Jugurtha compels me; whom so strong a desire for my destruction has seized, that he pays no regard either to you or to the immortal gods; my blood he covets beyond every thing. Five months, in consequence, have I, the ally and friend of the Roman people, been besieged with an armed force; neither the remembrance of my father Micipsa's benefits, nor your decrees, are of any avail for my relief; and whether I am more closely pressed by the sword, or by famine, I am unable to say. "From writing further concerning Jugurtha, my present condition deters me; for I have experienced, even before, that little credit is given to the unfortunate. Yet I can perceive that his views extend further than to myself, and that he does not expect to possess, at the same time, your friendship and my kingdom; which of the two he thinks the more desirable, must be manifest to every one. For, in the first place, he murdered my brother Hiempsal; and, in the next, expelled me from my dominions; which, however, may be regarded as our own wrongs, and as having no reference to you. But now he occupies your kingdom with an army; he keeps me, whom you appointed a king over the Numidians, in a state of blockade; and in what estimation he holds the words of your embassadors, my perils may serve to show. What then is left, except your arms, that can make an impression upon him? "I could wish, indeed, that what I now write, as well as the complaints which I lately made before the senate, were false, rather than that my present distresses should confirm the truth of my statements. But since I am born to be an example of Jugurtha's villainy, I do not now beg a release from death or distress, but only from the tyranny of an enemy, and from bodily torture. Respecting the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, determine as you please, but if the memory of my grandfather Masinissa is still cherished by you, deliver me, I entreat you, by the majesty of your empire, and by the sacred ties of friendship, from the inhuman hands of Jugurtha."

> Latin: 24. Numidae paucis diebus iussa efficiunt. litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitatae, quarum sententia haec fuit: "Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres conscripti, sed vis Iugurthae subigit, quem tanta libido extinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos neque deos immortalis in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit. Itaque quintum iam mensem socius et amicus populi Romani armis obsessus teneor; neque mihi Micipsae patris mei beneficia neque vestra decreta auxiliantur; ferro an fame acrius urgear, incertus sum. Plura de Iugurtha scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea, et iam antea expertus sum parum fidei miseris esse; nisi tamen intellego illum supra quam ego sum petere neque simul amicitiam vestram et regnum meum sperare. utrum grauius existimet, nemini occultum est. Nam initio occidit Hiempsalem fratrem meum, deinde patrio regno me expulit. Quae sane fuerint nostrae iniuriae, nihil ad vos. Verum nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet, me, quem vos imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet; legatorum verba quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. Quid est relicuum nisi vis vestra, quo moveri possit? nam ego quidem vellem, et haec, quae scribo, et illa, quae antea in senatu questus sum, uana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret. Sed quoniam eo natus sum, ut Iugurthae scelerum ostentui essem, non iam mortem neque aerumnas, tantummodo inimici imperium et cruciatus corporis deprecor. regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti libet, consulite; me manibus impiis eripite, per maiestatem imperi, per amicitiae fidem, si ulla apud vos memoria remanet aui mei Masinissae."

[¶9] 25. When this letter was read, there were some who thought that an army should be dispatched into Africa, and relief afforded to Adherbal, as soon as possible; and that the senate, in the mean time, should give judgment on the conduct of Jugurtha, in not having obeyed the embassadors. But by the partisans of Jugurtha, the same that had before supported his cause, effectual exertions were made to prevent any decree from being passed; and thus the public interest, as is too frequently the case, was defeated by private influence. An embassy was, however, dispatched into Africa, consisting of men of advanced years, and of noble birth, and who had filled the highest offices of the state; among whom was Marcus Scaurus, already mentioned, a man who had held the consulship, and who was at that time chief of the senate. These embassadors, as their business was an affair of public odium, and as they were urged by the entreaties of the Numidians, embarked in three days; and having soon arrived at Utica, sent a letter from thence to Jugurtha, desiring him " to come to the province as quickly as possible, as they were deputed by the senate to meet him." Jugurtha, when he found that men of eminence, whose influence at Rome he knew to be powerful, were come to put a stop to his proceedings, was at first perplexed, and distracted between fear and cupidity. He dreaded the displeasure of the senate, if he should disobey the embassadors; while his eager spirit, blinded by the lust of power, hurried him on to complete the injustice which he had begun. At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed. He accordingly drew his army round the city of Cirta, and endeavored, with his utmost efforts, to force an entrance; having the strongest hopes, that, by dividing the attention of the enemy's troops, he should be able, by force or artifice, to secure an opportunity of success. When his attempts, however, were unavailing, and he found himself unable, as he had designed, to get Adherbal into his power before he met the embassadors, fearing that, by further delay, he might irritate Scaurus, of whom he stood in great dread, he proceeded with a small body of cavalry into the Province. Yet, though serious menaces were repeated to him in the name of the senate, because he had not desisted from the siege, nevertheless, after spending a long time in conference, the embassadors departed without making any impression upon him.

> Latin: 25. His litteris recitatis fuere qui exercitum in Africam mittendum censerent et quam primum Adherbali subueniendum; de Iugurtha interim uti consuleretur, quoniam legatis non paruisset. Sed ab isdem illis regis fautoribus summa ope enisum, ne tale decretum fieret. Ita bonum publicum, uti in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia deuictum. legantur tamen in Africam maiores natu nobiles, amplis honoribus usi. In quis fuit M. Scaurus, de quo supra memorauimus, consularis et tum senatus princeps. Ii, quod res in invidia erat, simul et ab Numidis obsecrati, triduo nauem ascendere. Dein brevi Vticam appulsi litteras ad Iugurtham mittunt: quam ocissime ad prouinciam accedat, seque ad eum ab senatu missos. Ille ubi accepit homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae pollere audiuerat, contra inceptum suum venisse, primo commotus metu atque libidine diuersus agitabatur: timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. vicit tamen in auido ingenio prauum consilium. Igitur exercitu circumdato summa vi Cirtam irrumpere nititur, maxime sperans diducta manu hostium aut vi aut dolis sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus procedit neque quod intenderat efficere potest, ut, prius quam legatos conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur, ne amplius morando Scaurum, quem plurimum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis equitibus in prouinciam venit. Ac tametsi senati verbis graues minae nuntiabantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumpta legati frustra discessere.

[¶10] 26. When news of this result was brought to Cirta, the Italians, by whose exertions the city had been defended, and who trusted that, if a surrender were made, they would be able, from respect to the greatness of the Roman power, to escape without personal injury, advised Adherbal to deliver himself and t: he city to Jugurtha, stipulating only that his life should be spared, and leaving all other matters to the care of the senate. Adherbal, though he thought nothing less trustworthy than the honor of Jugurtha, yet, knowing that those who advised could also compel him if he resisted, surrendered the place according to their desire. Jugurtha immediately proceeded to put Adherbal to death with torture, and massacred all the inhabitants that were of age, whether Numidians or Italians, as each fell in the way of his troops.

> Latin: 26. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent, uti seque et oppidum Iugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur; de ceteris senatui curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnis potiora fide Iugurthae rebatur, tamen, quia penes eosdem, si aduersaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. Iugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat, deinde omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit.

[¶11] 27. When this outrage was reported at Rome, and became a matter of discussion in the senate, the former partisans of Jugurtha applied themselves, by interrupting the debates and protracting the time, sometimes exerting their interest, and sometimes quarreling with particular members, to palliate the atrocity of the deed. And had not Caius Memmius, one of the tribunes of the people elect, a man of energy, and hostile to the power of the nobility, convinced the people of Rome that an attempt was being made, by the agency of a small faction, to have the crimes of Jugurtha pardoned, it is certain that the public indignation against him would have passed off under the protraction of the debates; so powerful was party interest, and the influence of Jugurtha's money. When the senate, however, from consciousness of misconduct, became afraid of the people, Numidia and Italy, by the Sempronian law, were appointed as provinces to the succeeding consuls, who were declared to be Publius Scipio Nasica, and Lucius Bestia Calpurnius. Numidia fell to Calpurnius, and Italy to Scipio. An army was then raised to be sent into Africa; and pay, and all other necessaries of war, were decreed for its use.

> Latin: 27. Quod postquam Romae cognitum est et res in senatu agitari coepta, idem illi ministri regis interpellando ac saepe gratia, interdum iurgiis trahendo tempus atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac ni C. Memmius tribunus plebis designatus, vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis, populum Romanum edocuisset id agi, ut per paucos factiosos Iugurthae scelus condonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis erat. Sed ubi senatus dilicti conscientia populum timet, lege Sempronia prouinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae; consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius; Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obuenit. Deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scribitur; stipendium aliaque, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur.

[¶12] 28. When Jugurtha received this news, which was utterly at variance with his expectations, as he had felt convinced that all things were purchasable at Rome, he sent his son, with two of his friends, as deputies to the senate, and directed them, like those whom he had sent on the murder of Hiempsal, to attack every body with bribes. Upon the approach of these deputies to Rome, the senate was consulted by Bestia, whether they would allow them to be admitted within the gates; and the senate decreed, " that, unless they came to surrender Jugurtha's kingdom and himself, they must quit Italy within the ten following days." The consul directed this decree to be communicated to the Numidians, who consequently returned home without effecting their object. Calpurnius, in the mean time, having raised an army, chose for his officers men of family and intrigue, hoping that whatever faults he might commit, would be screened by their influence; and among these was Scaurus, of whose disposition and character we have already spoken. There were, indeed, in our consul Calpurnius, many excellent qualities, both mental and personal, though avarice interfered with the exercise of them; he was patient of labor, of a penetrating intellect, of great foresight, not inexperienced in war, and extremely vigilant against danger and surprise. The troops were conducted through Italy to Rhegium, from thence to Sicily, and from Sicily into Africa; and Calpurnius's first step, after collecting provisions, was to invade Numidia with spirit, where he took many prisoners, and several towns, by force of arms.

> Latin: 28. At Iugurtha contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venire in animo haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiaris ad senatum legatos mittit iisque uti illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, praecipit, omnis mortalis pecunia aggrediantur. Qui postquam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus est, placeretne legatos Iugurthae recipi moenibus, iique decrevere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum venissent, uti in diebus proximis decem Italia decederent. Consul Numidis ex senatus decreto nuntiari iubet. Ita infectis rebus illi domum discedunt. Interim Calpurnius parato exercitu legat sibi homines nobilis factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita fore sperabat. In quis fuit Scaurus, cuius de natura et habitu supra memorauimus. Nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque artes et animi et corporis erant, quas omnis auaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis prouidens, belli haud ignarus, firmissimus contra pericula et invidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Regium atque inde Siciliam, porro ex Sicilia in Africam transuectae. Igitur Calpurnius initio paratis commeatibus acriter Numidiam ingressus est, multosque mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit.

[¶13] 29. But when Jugurtha began, through his emissaries, to tempt him with bribes, and to show the difficulties of the war which he had undertaken to conduct, his mind, corrupted with avarice, was easily altered. His accomplice, however, and manager in all his schemes, was Scaurus; who, though he had at first, when most of his party were corrupted, displayed violent hostility to Jugurtha, yet was afterward seduced, by a vast sum of money, from integrity and honor to injustice and perfidy-Jugurtha, however, at first sought only to purchase a suspension of hostilities, expecting to be able, during the interval, to make some favorable impression, either by bribery or by interest, at Rome; but when he heard that Scaurus was co-operating with Calpurnius, he was elated with great hopes of regaining peace, and resolved upon a conference with them in person respecting the terms of it. In the mean time, for the sake of giving confidence to Jugurtha, Sextus the quæstor was dispatched by the consul to Vaga, one of the prince's towns; the pretext for his journey being the receiving of corn, which Calpurnius had openly demanded from Jugurtha's emissaries, on the ground that a truce was observed through their delay to make a surrender. Jugurtha then, as he had determined, paid a visit to the consul's camp, where, having made a short address to the council, respecting the odium cast upon his conduct, and his desire for a capitulation, he arranged other matters with Bestia and Scaurus in secret; and the next day, as if by an evident majority of voices, he was formally allowed to surrender. But, as was demanded in the hearing of the council, thirty elephants, a considerable number of cattle and horses, and a small sum of money, were delivered into the hands of the quæstor. Calpurnius then returned to Rome to preside at the election of magistrates, and peace was observed throughout Numidia and the Roman army.

> Latin: 29. Sed ubi Iugurtha per legatos pecunia temptare bellique, quod administrabat, asperitatem ostendere coepit, animus aeger auaritia facile conuersus est. Ceterum socius et administer omnium consiliorum assumitur Scaurus, qui tametsi a principio plerisque ex factione eius corruptis acerrime regem impugnauerat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in prauum abstractus est. Sed Iugurtha primo tantummodo belli moram redimebat, existimans sese aliquid interim Romae pretio aut gratia effecturum. Postea vero quam participem negoti Scaurum accepit, in maximam spem adductus recuperandae pacis statuit cum iis de omnibus pactionibus praesens agere. Ceterum interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Iugurthae Vagam. Cuius rei species erat acceptio frumenti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis imperauerat, quoniam deditionis mora indutiae agitabantur. Igitur rex, uti constituerat, in castra venit, ac pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, relicua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit. Dein postero die quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in deditionem accipitur. Sed, uti pro consilio imperatum erat, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi cum paruo argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romam ad magistratus rogandos proficiscitur. In Numidia et exercitu nostro pax agitabatur.

[¶14] 30. When rumor had made known the affairs transacted in Africa, and the mode in which they had been brought to pass, the conduct of the consul became a subject of discussion in every place and company at Rome. Among the people there was violent indignation; as to the senators, whether they would ratify so flagitious a proceeding, or annul the act of the consul, was a matter of doubt. The influence of Scaurus, as he was said to be the supporter and accomplice of Bestia, was what chiefly restrained the senate from acting with justice and honor. But Caius Memmius, of whose boldness of spirit, and hatred to the power of the nobility, I have already spoken, excited the people by his harangues, during the perplexity and delay of the senators, to take vengeance on the authors of the treaty; he exhorted them not to abandon the public interest or their own liberty; he set before them the many tyrannical and violent proceedings of the nobles, and omitted no art to inflame the popular passions. But as the eloquence of Memmius, at that period, had great reputation and influence I have thought proper to give in full one out of many of his speeches; and I take, in preference to others, that which he delivered in the assembly of the people, after the return of Bestia, in words to the following effect:

> Latin: 30. Postquam res in Africa gestas quoque modo actae forent fama diuulgauit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem grauis invidia, patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subuerterent, parum constabat. Ac maxime eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque impediebat. At C. Memmius, cuius de libertate ingeni et odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senatus contionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari, monere, ne rem publicam, ne libertatem suam desererent, multa superba et crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostendere; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum incendebat. Sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmi facundia clara pollensque fuit, decere existimaui unam ex tam multis orationem eius perscribere, ac potissimum ea dicam, quae in contione post reditum bestiae huiusce modi verbis disseruit:

[¶15] 31. " Were not my zeal for the good of the state, my fellow-citizens, superior to every other feeling, there are many considerations which would deter me from appearing in your cause; I allude to the power of the opposite party, your own tameness of spirit, the absence of all justice, and, above all, the fact that integrity is attended with more danger than honor. Indeed, it grieves me to relate, how, during the last fifteen years, you have been a sport to the arrogance of an oligarchy; how dishonorably, and how utterly unavenged, your defenders have perished; and how your spirit has become degenerate by sloth and indolence; for not even now, when your enemies are in your power, will you rouse yourselves to action, but continue still to stand in awe of those to whom you should be a terror. " Yet, notwithstanding this state of things, I feel prompted to make an attack on the power of that faction. That liberty of speech, therefore, which has been left me by my father, I shall assuredly exert against them; but whether I shall use it in vain, or for your advantage, must, my fellow-citizens, depend upon yourselves. I do not, however, exhort you, as your ancestors have often done, to rise in arms against injustice. There is at present no need of violence, no need of secession; for your tyrants must work their fall by their own misconduct. " After the murder of Tiberius Gracchus, whom they accused of aspiring to be king, persecutions were instituted against the common people of Rome; and after the slaughter of Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius, many of your order were put to death in prison. But let us leave these proceedings out of the question; let us admit that to restore their rights to the people, was to aspire to sovereignty; let us allow that what can not be avenged without shedding the blood of citizens, was done with justice. You have seen with silent indignation, however, in past years, the treasury pillaged; you have seen kings, and free people, paying tribute to a small party of Patricians, in whose hands were both the highest honors and the greatest wealth; but to have carried on such proceedings with impunity, they now deem but a small matter; and, at last, your laws and your honor, with every civil and religious obligation, have been sacrificed for the benefit of your enemies. Nor do they, who have done these things, show either shame or contrition, but parade proudly before your faces, displaying their sacerdotal dignities, their consulships, and some of them their triumphs, as if they regarded them as marks of honor, and not as fruits of their dishonesty. Slaves, purchased with money, will not submit to unjust commands from their masters; yet you, my fellow-citizens, who are born to empire, tamely endure oppression. "But who are these that have thus taken the government into their hands? Men of the most abandoned character, of blood-stained hands, of insatiable avarice, of enormous guilt, and of matchless pride; men by whom integrity, reputation, public spirit, and indeed every thing, whether honorable or dishonorable, is converted to a means of gain. Some of them make it their defense that they have killed tribunes of the people; others, that they have instituted unjust prosecutions; others, that they have shed your blood; and thus, the more atrocities each has committed, the greater is his security; while your oppressors, whom the same desires, the same aversions, and the same fears, combine in strict union (a union which among good men is friendship, but among the bad confederacy in guilt), have excited in you, through your want of spirit, that terror which they ought to feel for their own crimes. " But if your concern to preserve your liberty were as great as their ardor to increase their power of oppression, the state would not be distracted as it is at present; and the marks of favor which proceed from you, would be conferred, not on the most shameless, but on the most deserving. Your forefathers, in order to assert their rights and establish their authority, twice seceded in arms to Mount Aventine; and will not you exert yourselves, to the utmost of your power, in defense of that liberty which you received from them? Will you not display so much the more spirit in the cause, from the reflection that it is a greater disgrace to lose what has been gained, than not to have gained it at all? "But some will ask me, 'What course of conduct, then, would you advise us to pursue?' I would advise you to inflict punishment on those who have sacrificed the interests of their country to the enemy; not, indeed, by arms, or any violence (which would be more unbecoming, however, for you to inflict than for them to suffer), but by prosecutions, and by the evidence of Jugurtha himself, who, if he has really surrendered, will doubtless obey your summons; whereas, if he shows contempt for it, you will at once judge what sort of a peace or surrender it is, from which springs impunity to Jugurtha for his crimes, immense wealth to a few men in power, and loss and infamy to the republic. "But perhaps you are not yet weary of the tyranny of these men; perhaps these times please you less than those when kingdoms, provinces, laws, rights, the administration of justice, war and peace, and indeed every thing civil and religious, was in the hands of an oligarchy; while you, that is, the people of Rome, though unconquered by foreign enemies, and rulers of all nations around, were content with being alloyed to live; for which of you had spirit to throw off your slavery? For myself, indeed, though I think it most disgraceful to receive an injury without resenting it, yet I could easily allow you to pardon these basest of traitors, because they are your fellow-citizens, were it not certain that your indulgence would end in your destruction. For such is their presumption, that to escape punishment for their misdeeds will have but little effect upon them, unless they be deprived, at the same time, of the power of doing mischief; and endless anxiety will remain for you, if you shall have to reflect that you must either be slaves or preserve your liberty by force of arms. "Of mutual trust, or concord, what hope is there? They wish to be lords, you desire to be free; they seek to inflict injury, you to repel it; they treat your allies as enemies, your enemies as allies. With feelings so opposite, can peace or friendship subsist between you? I warn, therefore, and exhort you, not to allow such enormous dishonesty to go unpunished. It is not an embezzlement of the public money that has been committed; nor is it a forcible extortion of money from your allies; offenses which, though great, are now, from their frequency, considered as nothing; but the authority of the senate, and your own power, have been sacrificed to the bitterest of enemies, and the public interest has been betrayed for money, both at home and abroad; and unless these misdeeds be investigated, and punishment be inflicted on the guilty, what remains for us but to live the slaves of those who committed them For those who do what they will with impunity are undoubtedly kings. "I do not, however, wish to encourage you, O Romans, to be better satisfied at finding your fellow-citizens guilty than innocent, but merely to warn you not to bring ruin on the good, by suffering the bad to escape. It is far better, in any government, to be unmindful of a service than of an injury; for a good man, if neglected, only becomes less active; but a bad man, more daring. Besides, if the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, the state will seldom need extraordinary support from the virtuous."

> Latin: 31. "Multa me dehortantur a vobis, Quirites, ni studium rei publicae omnia superet: opes factionis, vestra patientia, ius nullum, ac maxime quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. Nam illa quidem piget dicere, his annis quindecim quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum, quam foede quamque inulti perierint vestri defensores, ut vobis animus ab ignavia atque socordia corruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem obnoxiis inimicis exurgitis atque etiam nunc timetis eos, quibus decet terrori esse. Sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis potentiae animus subigit. Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar. Verum id frustra an ob rem faciam, in vestra manu situm est, Quirites. Neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe maiores vestri fecere, uti contra iniurias armati eatis. Nihil vi, nihil secessione opus est; necesse est suomet ipsi more praecipites eant. Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt; post C. Gracchi et C. Fului caedem item vestri ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt: utriusque cladis non lex, verum libido eorum finem fecit. Sed sane fuerit regni paratio plebi sua restituere; quicquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequitur, iure factum sit. Superioribus annis taciti indignabamini aerarium expilari, reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus uectigal pendere, penes eosdem et summam gloriam et maximas divitias esse. Tamen haec talia facinora impune suscepisse parum habuere, itaque postremo leges, maiestas vestra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt. Neque eos qui ea fecere pudet aut paenitet, sed incedunt per ora vestra magnifici, sacerdotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes; proinde quasi ea honori, non praedae habeant. Servi aere parati iniusta imperia dominorum non perferunt; vos, Quirites, in imperio nati aequo animo servitutem toleratis? At qui sunt ii, qui rem publicam occupauere? Homines sceleratissimi, cruentis manibus, immani auaritia, nocentissimi et idem superbissimi, quibus fides decus pietas, postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. Pars eorum occidisse tribunos plebis, alii quaestiones iniustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse pro munimento habent. Ita quam quisque pessime fecit, tam maxime tutus est. metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. Quod si tam vos libertatis curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt, profecto neque res publica sicuti nunc vastaretur et beneficia vestra penes optimos, non audacissimos forent. maiores vestri parandi iuris et maiestatis constituendae gratia bis per secessionem armati Auentinum occupauere; vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, nonne summa ope nitemini? Atque eo vehementius, quo maius dedecus est parta amittere quam omnino non parauisse. Dicet aliquis "quid igitur censes?" Vindicandum in eos, qui hosti prodidere rem publicam, non manu neque vi, quod magis vos fecisse quam illis accidisse indignum est, verum quaestionibus et indicio ipsius Iugurthae. Qui si dediticius est, profecto iussis vestris oboediens erit; sin ea contemnit, scilicet existimabitis, qualis illa pax aut deditio sit, ex qua ad Iugurtham scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentis maximae divitiae, ad rem publicam damna atque dedecora pervenerint; nisi forte nondum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet et illa quam haec tempora magis placent, cum regna prouinciae leges iura iudicia bella atque paces, postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos erant; vos autem, hoc est populus Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gentium, satis habebatis animam retinere. Nam servitutem quidem quis vestrum recusare audebat? Atque ego tametsi viro flagitiosissimum existimo impune iniuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissimis ignoscere, quoniam ciues sunt, aequo animo paterer, ni misericordia in perniciem casura esset. Nam et illis, quantum importunitatis habent, parum est impune male fecisse, nisi deinde faciendi licentia eripitur, et vobis aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, cum intellegetis aut seruiendum esse aut per manus libertatem retinendam. Nam fidei quidem aut concordiae quae spes est? Dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse; facere illi iniurias, vos prohibere; postremo sociis nostris ueluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur. Potestne in tam diuersis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse? quare moneo hortorque vos, ne tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus aerari factus est neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae, quae quamquam gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine iam pro nihilo habentur; hosti acerrimo prodita senatus auctoritas, proditum imperium vestrum est; domi militiaeque res publica venalis fuit. Quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum in noxios, quid erit relicuum, nisi ut illis qui ea fecere oboedientes vivamus? Nam impune quae libet facere, id est regem esse. Neque ego vos, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis civis vestros perperam quam recte fecisse, sed ne ignoscendo malis bonos perditum eatis. Ad hoc in re publica multo praestat benefici quam malefici immemorem esse: bonus tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas, at malus improbior. Ad hoc si iniuriae non sint, haut saepe auxili egeas."