---
title: "The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum"
author: "Sallust"
translator: "John Selby Watson"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 3 of 7
url: https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/3/
cite: "Sallust, tr. John Selby Watson, The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum, section 3. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/3/"
---

# The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum

*Sallust, tr. John Selby Watson*

Rome’s war with a Numidian king, and the corruption it exposed: “a city for sale.”

> Latin: from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0631.phi002, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John Selby Watson, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0631.phi002.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 3. Chapters 32–48

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/3/#p-N

[¶0] 32. By repeating these and similar sentiments, Memmius prevailed on the people to send Lucius Cassius, who was then prætor, to Jugurtha, and to bring him, under guarantee of the public faith, to Rome, in order that, by the prince's evidence, the misconduct of Scaurus and the rest, whom they charged with having taken bribes, might more easily be made manifest. During the course of these proceedings at Rome, those whom Bestia had left in Numidia in command of the army, following the example of their general, had been guilty of many scandalous transactions. Some, seduced by gold, had restored Jugurtha his elephants; others had sold him his deserters; others had ravaged the lands of those at peace with us; so strong a spirit of rapacity, like the contagion of a pestilence, had pervaded the breasts of all. Cassius, when the measure proposed by Memmius had been carried, and while all the nobility were in consternation, set out on his mission to Jugurtha, whom, alarmed as he was, and despairing of his fortune, from a sense of guilt, he admonished " that since he had surrendered himself to the Romans, he had better make trial of their mercy than their power." He also pledged his own word, which Jugurtha valued not less than that of the public, for his safety. Such, at that period, was the reputation of Cassius.

> Latin: 32. Haec atque alia huiuscemodi saepe in contione dicendo Memmius populo persuadet, uti L. Cassius, qui tum praetor erat, ad Iugurtham mitteretur eumque interposita fide publica Romam duceret, quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et relicuorum, quos pecuniae captae arcessebat, delicta patefierent. Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti morem imperatoris sui plurima et flagitiosissima facinora fecere. Fuere qui auro corrupti elephantos Iugurthae traderent, alii perfugas vendebant, pars ex pacatis praedas agebant: tanta vis auaritiae [in] animos eorum ueluti tabes invaserat. At Cassius praetor perlata rogatione a C. Memmio ac perculsa omni nobilitate ad Iugurtham proficiscitur eique timido et ex conscientia diffidenti rebus suis persuadet, quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam eius experiri mallet. Privatim praeterea fidem suam interponit, quam ille non minoris quam publicam ducebat: talis ea tempestate fama de Cassio erat.

[¶1] 33. Jugurtha, accordingly, accompanied Cassius to Rome, but without any mark of royalty, and in the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant; and, though he felt great confidence on his own part, and was supported by all those through whose power or villainy he had accomplished his projects, he purchased, by a vast bribe, the aid of Caius Bæbius, a tribune of the people, by whose audacity he hoped to be protected against the law, and against all harm. An assembly of the people being convoked, Memmius although they were violently exasperated against Jugurtha, (some demanding that he should be cast into prison, others that, unless he should name his accomplices in guilt, he should be put to death, according to the usage of their ancestors, as a public enemy), yet, regarding rather their character than their resentment, endeavored to calm their turbulence and mitigate their rage; and assured them that, as far as depended on him, the public faith should not be broken. At length, when silence was obtained, he brought forward Jugurtha, and addressed them. He detailed the misdeeds of Jugurtha at Rome and in Numidia, and set forth his crimes toward his father and brothers; and admonished the prince, " that the Roman people, though they were well aware by whose support and agency he had acted, yet desired further testimony from himself; that, if he disclosed the truth, there was great hope for him in the honor and clemency of the Romans; but if he concealed it, he would certainly not save his accomplices, but ruin himself and his hopes forever."

> Latin: 33. Igitur Iugurtha contra decus regium cultu quam maxime miserabili cum Cassio Romam venit. Ac tametsi in ipso magna vis animi erat, confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat, quae supra diximus, C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cuius impudentia contra ius et iniurias omnis munitus foret. At C. Memmius aduocata contione, quamquam regi infesta plebes erat et pars in vincula duci iubebat, pars, nisi socios sceleris sui aperiret, more maiorum de hoste supplicium sumi, dignitati quam irae magis consulens sedare motus et animos eorum mollire, postremo confirmare fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore. Post ubi silentium coepit, producto Iugurtha verba facit, Romae Numidiaeque facinora eius memorat, scelera in patrem fratresque ostendit. Quibus iuuantibus quibusque ministris ea egerit, quamquam intellegat populus Romanus, tamen velle manufesta magis ex illo habere. Si verum aperiat, in fide et clementia populi Romani magnam spem illi sitam; sin reticeat, non sociis saluti fore, sed se suasque spes corrupturum.

[¶2] 34. But when Memmius had concluded his speech, and Jugurtha was expected to give his answer, Caius Bæbius, the tribune of the people, whom I have just noticed as having been bribed, enjoined the prince to hold his peace; and though the multitude, who formed the assembly, were desperately enraged, and endeavored to terrify the tribune by outcries, by angry looks, by violent gestures, and by every other act to which anger prompts, his audacity was at last triumphant. The people, mocked and set at naught, withdrew from the place of assembly; and the confidence of Jugurtha, Bestia, and the others, whom this investigation had alarmed, was greatly augmented.

> Latin: 34. Deinde ubi Memmius dicendi finem fecit et Iugurtha respondere iussus est, C. Baebius tribunus plebis, quem pecunia corruptum supra diximus, regem tacere iubet, ac tametsi multitudo, quae in contione aderat, vehementer accensa terrebat eum clamore, uultu, saepe impetu atque aliis omnibus, quae ira fieri amat, vicit tamen impudentia. Ita populus ludibrio habitus ex contione discedit; Iugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos illa quaestio exagitabat, animi augescunt.

[¶3] 35. There was at this period in Rome a certain Numidian named Massiva, a son of Gulussa and grandson of Masinissa, who, from having been, in the dissensions among the princes, opposed to Jugurtha, had been obliged, after the surrender of Cirta and the murder of Adherbal, to make his escape out of Africa. Spurius Albinus, who was consul with Quintus Minucius Rufus the year after Bestia, prevailed upon this man, as he was of the family of Masinissa, and as odium and terror hung over Jugurtha for his crimes, to petition the senate for the kingdom of Numidia. Albinus, being eager for the conduct of a war, was desirous that affairs should be disturbed, rather than sink into tranquillity; especially as, in the division of the provinces, Numidia had fallen to himself, and Macedonia to Minucius. When Massiva proceeded to carry these suggestions into execution, Jugurtha, finding that he had no sufficient support in his friends, as a sense of guilt deterred some, and evil report or timidity others, from coming forward in his behalf, directed Bomilcar, his most attached and faithful adherent, to procure by the aid of money, by which he had already effected so much, assassins to kill Massiva; and to do it secretly if he could; but, if secrecy should be impossible, to cut him off' in any way whatsoever. This commission Bomilcar soon found means to execute; and, by the agency of men versed in such service, ascertained the direction of his journeys, his hours of leaving home, and the times at which he resorted to particular places, and, when all was ready, placed his assassins in ambush. One of their number sprung upon Massiva, though with too little caution, and killed him; but being himself caught, he made, at the instigation of many, and especially of Albinus the consul, a full confession. Bomilcar was accordingly committed for trial, though rather on the principles of reason and justice than in accordance with the law of nations, as he was in the retinue of one who had come to Rome on a pledge of the public faith for his safety. But Jugurtha, though clearly guilty of the crime, did not cease to struggle against the truth, until he perceived that the infamy of the deed was too strong for his interest or his money. For which reason, although, at the commencement of the proceedings, he had given fifty of his friends as bail for Bomilcar, yet, thinking more of his kingdom than of the sureties, he sent him off privately into Numidia; for he feared that if such a man should be executed, his other subjects would be deterred from obeying him. A few days after, he himself departed, having been ordered by the senate to quit Italy. But, as he was going from Rome, he is said, after frequently looking back on it in silence, to have at last exclaimed, "That it was a venal city, and would soon perish, if it could but find a purchaser!"

> Latin: 35. Erat ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam nomine Massiua, Gulussae filius, Masinissae nepos, qui, quia in dissensione regum Iugurthae aduersus fuerat, dedita Cirta et Adherbale interfecto profugus ex patria abierat. Huic Sp. Albinus, qui proximo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Rufo consulatum gerebat, persuadet, quoniam ex stirpe Masinissae sit Iugurthamque ob scelera invidia cum metu urgeat, regnum Numidiae ab senatu petat. Auidus consul belli gerendi movere quam senescere omnia malebat. Ipsi prouincia Numidia, Minucio Macedonia evenerat. Quae postquam Massiua agitare coepit neque Iugurthae in amicis satis praesidi est, quod eorum alium conscientia, alium mala fama et timor impediebat, Bomilcari, proximo ac maxime fido sibi, imperat, pretio, sicuti multa confecerat, insidiatores Massiuae paret ac maxime occulte, sin id parum procedat, quouis modo Numidam interficiat. Bomilcar mature regis mandata exequitur et per homines talis negoti artifices itinera egressusque eius, postremo loca atque tempora cuncta explorat. Deinde, ubi res postulabat, insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo numero, qui ad caedem parati erant, paulo inconsultius Massiuam aggreditur. Illum obtruncat, sed ipse deprehensus multis hortantibus et in primis Albino consule indicium profitetur. Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex iure gentium Bomilcar, comes eius, qui Romam fide publica venerat. At Iugurtha manufestus tanti sceleris non prius omisit contra verum niti, quam animaduertit supra gratiam atque pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quamquam in priore actione ex amicis quinquaginta uades dederat, regno magis quam uadibus consulens clam in Numidiam Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus, ne relicuos popularis metus invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumptum foret. Et ipse paucis diebus eodem profectus est, iussus a senatu Italia decedere. Sed postquam Roma egressus est, fertur saepe eo tacitus respiciens postremo dixisse: "Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit."

[¶4] 36. The war being now renewed, Albinus hastened to transport provisions, money, and other things necessary for the army, into Africa, whither he himself soon followed, with the hope that, before the time of the comitia, which was not far distant, he might be able, by an engagement, by capitulation, or by some other method, to bring the contest to a conclusion. Jugurtha, on the other hand, tried every means of protracting the war, continually inventing new causes for delay; at one time he promised to surrender, at another he feigned distrust; he retreated when Albinus attacked him, and then, lest his men should lose courage, attacked in return, and thus amused the consul with alternate procrastinations of war and of peace. There were some, at that time, who thought that Albinus understood Jugurtha's object, and who believed that so ready a protraction of the war, after so much haste at the commencement, was to be attributed less to tardiness than to treachery. However this might be, Albinus, when time passed on, and the day of the comitia approached, left his brother Aulus in the camp as proprætor, and returned to Rome.

> Latin: 36. Interim Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare; ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quouis modo bellum conficeret. At contra Iugurtha trahere omnia et alias, deinde alias morae causas facere; polliceri deditionem ac deinde metum simulare; cedere instanti et paulo post, ne sui diffiderent, instare: ita belli modo, modo pacis mora consulem ludifficare. Ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili regis existimarent neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent. Sed postquam dilapso tempore comitiorum dies adventabat, Albinus Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore relicto Romam decessit.

[¶5] 37. The republic, at this time was grievously distracted by the contentions of the tribunes. Two of them, Publius Lucullus and Lucius Annius, were struggling against the will of their colleagues, to prolong their term of office; and this dispute put off the comitia throughout the year. In consequence of this delay, Aulus, who, as I have just said, was left as proprætor in the camp, conceiving hopes either of finishing the war, or of extorting money from Jugurtha by the terror of his army, drew out his troops in the month of January, from their winter-quarters into the field, and by forced marches, during severe weather, made his way to the town of Suthul, where Jugurtha's treasures were deposited. And though this place, both from the inclemency of the season, and from its advantageous situation, could neither be taken nor besieged; for around its walls, which were built on the edge of a steep hill, a marshy plain, flooded by the rains of winter, had been converted into a lake; yet Aulus, either as a feint to strike terror into Jugurtha, or blinded by avarice, began to move forward his vineæ, to cast up a rampart, and to hasten all necessary preparations for a siege.

> Latin: 37. Ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribuniciis atrociter res publica agitabatur. P. Lucullus et L. Annius tribuni plebis resistentibus collegis continuare magistratum nitebantur, quae dissensio totius anni comitia impediebat. Ea mora in spem adductus Aulus, quem pro praetore in castris relictum supra diximus, aut conficiendi belli aut terrore exercitus ab rege pecuniae capiendae milites mense Ianuario ex hibernis in expeditionem euocat, magnisque itineribus hieme aspera pervenit ad oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. Quod quamquam et saevitia temporis et opportunitate loci neque capi neque obsideri poterat—nam circum murum situm in praerupti montis extremo planities limosa hiemalibus aquis paludem fecerat—, tamen aut simulandi gratia, quo regi formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus ob thesauros oppidi potiendi vineas agere, aggerem iacere aliaque, quae incepto usui forent, properare.

[¶6] 38. Jugurtha, seeing the proprætor's vanity and ignorance, artfully strengthened his infatuation; he sent him, from time to time, deputies with submissive messages, while he himself, as if desirous to escape, led his army away through woody defiles and cross-roads. At length he succeeded in alluring Aulus, by the prospect of a surrender on conditions, to leave Suthul, and pursue him, as if in full retreat, into the remoter parts of the country. Meanwhile, by means of skillful emissaries, he tampered night and day with our men, and prevailed on some of the officers, both of infantry and cavalry, to desert to him at once, and upon others to quit their posts at a given signal, that their defection might thus be less observed. Having prepared matters according to his wishes, he suddenly surrounded the camp of Aulus, in the dead of night, with a vast body of Numidians. The Roman soldiers were alarmed with an unusual disturbance; some of them seized their arms, others hid themselves, others encouraged those that were afraid; but consternation prevailed every where; for the number of the enemy was great, the sky was thick with clouds and darkness, the danger was indiscernible, and it was uncertain whether it were safer to flee or to remain. Of those whom I have just mentioned as being bribed, one cohort of Ligurians, with two troops of Thracian horse, and a few common soldiers, went over to Jugurtha; and the chief centurion of the third legion allowed the enemy an entrance at the very post which he had been appointed to defend, and at which all the Numidians poured into the camp. Our men fled disgracefully, the greater part having thrown away their arms, and took possession of a neighboring hill. Night, and the spoils of the camp, prevented the enemy from making full use of this victory. On the following day, Jugurtha, coming to a conference with Aulus, told him, " that though he held him hemmed in by famine and the sword, yet that, being mindful of human vicissitudes, he would, if they would make a treaty with him, allow them to depart uninjured; only that they must pass under the yoke, and quit Numidia within ten days." These terms were severe and ignominious; but, as death was the alternative, peace was concluded as Jugurtha desired.

> Latin: 38. At Iugurtha cognita uanitate atque imperitia legati subdole eius augere amentiam, missitare supplicantis legatos, ipse quasi vitabundus per saltuosa loca et tramites exercitum ductare. Denique Aulum spe pactionis perpulit, uti relicto Suthule in abditas regiones sese ueluti cedentem insequeretur: ita delicta occultiora fuere. Interea per homines callidos diu noctuque exercitum temptabat, centuriones ducesque turmarum, partim uti transfugerent, corrumpere, alii signo dato locum uti desererent. Quae postquam ex sententia instruit, intempesta nocte de improuiso multitudine Numidarum Auli castra circumvenit. milites Romani, perculsi tumultu insolito, arma capere alii, alii se abdere, pars territos confirmare, trepidare omnibus locis. vis magna hostium, caelum nocte atque nubibus obscuratum, periculum anceps; postremo fugere an manere tutius foret, in incerto erat. Sed ex eo numero, quos paulo ante corruptos diximus, cohors una Ligurum cum duabus turmis Thracum et paucis gregariis militibus transiere ad regem, et centurio primi pili tertiae legionis per munitionem, quam uti defenderet acceperat, locum hostibus introeundi dedit, eaque Numidae cuncti irrupere. Nostri foeda fuga, plerique abiectis armis, proximum collem occupauerunt. Nox atque praeda castrorum hostis, quo minus victoria uterentur, remorata sunt. Deinde Iugurtha postero die cum Aulo in colloquio verba facit: tametsi ipsum cum exercitu fame et ferro clausum teneret, tamen se memorem humanarum rerum, si secum foedus faceret, incolumis omnis sub iugum missurum; praeterea uti diebus decem Numidia decederet. Quae quamquam gravia et flagiti plena erant, tamen, quia mortis metu mutabantur, sicuti regi libuerat, pax convenit.

[¶7] 39. When this affair was made known at Rome, consternation and dismay pervaded the city; some were concerned for the glory of the republic; others, ignorant of war, trembled for their liberty. But all were indignant at Aulus, and especially those who had been distinguished in the field, because, with arms in his hands, he had sought safety in disgrace rather than in resistance. The consul Albinus, apprehending, from the delinquency of his brother, odium and danger to himself, consulted the senate on the treaty which had been made, but, at the same time, raised recruits for the army, sent for auxiliaries to the allies and Latins, and made general preparations for war. The senate, as was just, decreed, "that no treaty could be made without their own consent and that of the people." The consul, though he was hindered by the influence of the tribunes from taking with him the force which he had raised, set out in a few days for the province of Africa, where the whole army, being withdrawn, according to the agreement, from Numidia, had gone into winter-quarters. When he arrived there, although he longed to pursue Jugurtha, and diminish the odium that had fallen on his brother, yet, when he saw the state of the troops, whom, besides the flight and relaxation of discipline, licentiousness, and debauchery had corrupted, he determined, under all the circumstances of the case, to attempt nothing.

> Latin: 39. Sed ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, metus atque maeror civitatem invasere: pars dolere pro gloria imperi, pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati; Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxime qui bello saepe praeclari fuerant, quod armatus dedecore potius quam manu salutem quaesiuerat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde periculum timens senatum de foedere consulebat, et tamen interim exercitui supplementum scribere, ab sociis et nomine Latino auxilia arcessere, denique omnibus modis festinare. Senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit suo atque populi iniussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri. Consul impeditus a tribunis plebis, ne quas parauerat copias secum portaret, paucis diebus in Africam proficiscitur; nam omnis exercitus, uti convenerat, Numidia deductus in prouincia hiemabat. Postquam eo venit, quamquam persequi Iugurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae animo ardebat, cognitis militibus, quos praeter fugam soluto imperio licentia atque lascivia corruperat, ex copia rerum statuit sibi nihil agitandum.

[¶8] 40. At Rome, in the mean time, Caius Mamilius Limetanus, one of the tribunes, proposed that the people should pass a bill for instituting an inquiry into the conduct of those by whose influence Jugurtha had set at naught the decrees of the senate, as well as of those who, whether as embassadors or commanders, had received money from him, or who had restored to him his elephants and deserters, or had made any compacts with the enemy relative to peace or war. To this bill some, who were conscious of guilt, and, others, who apprehended danger from the jealousy of parties, secretly raised obstructions through the agency of friends, and especially of men among the Latins and Italian allies, since they could not openly resist it, without admitting that these and similar practices met their approbation. But as to the people, it is incredible what eagerness they displayed, and with what spirit they approved, voted, and passed the bill, though rather from hatred to the nobility, against whom these severe measures were directed, than from concern for the republic; so violent was the fury of party. While the rest of the delinquents were in trepidation, Marcus Scaurus, whom I have previously noticed as Bestia's lieutenant, contrived, amid the exultation of the populace, the dismay of his own party, and the continued agitation in the city, to have himself elected one of the three commissioners who were appointed by the bill of Mamilius to carry it into execution. But the investigation, notwithstanding, was conducted with great rigor and violence, under the influence of common rumor and popular caprice; for the insolence of success, which had often distinguished the nobility, on this occasion characterized the people.

> Latin: 40. Interim Romae C. Mamilius Limetanus tribunus plebis rogationem ad populum promulgat, uti quaereretur in eos, quorum consilio Iugurtha senati decreta neglegisset, quique ab eo in legationibus aut imperiis pecunias accepissent, qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent, item qui de pace aut bello cum hostibus pactiones fecissent. Huic rogationi partim conscii sibi, alii ex partium invidia pericula metuentes, quoniam aperte resistere non poterant, quin illa et alia talia placere sibi faterentur, occulte per amicos ac maxime per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant. Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem iusserit, magis odio nobilitatis, cui mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae: tanta libido in partibus erat. Igitur ceteris metu perculsis M. Scaurus, quem legatum Bestiae fuisse supra docuimus, inter laetitiam plebis et suorum fugam, trepida etiam tum civitate, cum ex Mamilia rogatione tres quaesitores rogarentur, effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero crearetur. Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex rumore et libidine plebis: uti saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

[¶9] 41. The prevalence of parties among the people, and of factions in the senate, and of all evil practices attendant on them, had its origin at Rome, a few years before, during a period of tranquillity, and amid the abundance of all that mankind regarded as desirable. For, before the destruction of Carthage, the senate and people managed the affairs of the republic with mutual moderation and forbearance; there were no contests among the citizens for honor or ascendency; but the dread of an enemy kept the state in order. When that fear, however, was removed from their minds, licentiousness and pride, evils which prosperity loves to foster, immediately began to prevail; and thus peace, which they had so eagerly desired in adversity, proved, when they had obtained it, more grievous and fatal than adversity itself. The patricians carried their authority, and the people their liberty, to excess; every man took, snatched, and seized what he could. There was a complete division into two factions, and the republic was torn in pieces between them. Yet the nobility still maintained an ascendency by conspiring together; for the strength of the people, being disunited and dispersed among a multitude, was less able to exert itself. Things were accordingly directed, both at home and in the field, by the will of a small number of men, at whose disposal were the treasury, the provinces, offices, honors, and triumphs; while the people were oppressed with military service and with poverty, and the generals divided the spoils of war with a few of their friends. The parents and children of the soldiers, meantime, if they chanced to dwell near a powerful neighbor, were driven from their homes. Thus avarice, leagued with power, disturbed, violated, and wasted every thing, without moderation or restraint; disregarding alike reason and religion, and rushing headlong, as it were, to its own destruction. For whenever any arose among the nobility, who preferred true glory to unjust power, the state was immediately in a tumult, and civil discord spread with as much disturbance as attends a convulsion of the earth.

> Latin: 41. Ceterum mos partium et factionum ac deinde omnium malarum artium paucis ante annis Romae ortus est otio atque abundantia earum rerum, quae prima mortales ducunt. Nam ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter se rem publicam tractabant, neque gloriae neque dominationis certamen inter civis erat: metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi illa formido mentibus decessit, scilicet ea, quae res secundae amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. Ita quod in aduersis rebus optauerant otium, postquam adepti sunt, asperius acerbiusque fuit. Namque coepere nobilitas dignitatem, populus libertatem in libidinem vertere, sibi quisque ducere trahere rapere. Ita omnia in duas partis abstracta sunt, res publica, quae media fuerat, dilacerata. Ceterum nobilitas factione magis pollebat, plebis vis soluta atque dispersa in multitudine minus poterat. Paucorum arbitrio belli domique agitabatur; penes eosdem aerarium prouinciae magistratus gloriae triumphique erant; populus militia atque inopia urgebatur; praedas bellicas imperatores cum paucis diripiebant: interea parentes aut parui liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur. Ita cum potentia auaritia sine modo modestiaque invadere, polluere et vastare omnia, nihil pensi neque sancti habere, quoad semet ipsa praecipitauit. Nam ubi primum ex nobilitate reperti sunt, qui veram gloriam iniustae potentiae anteponerent, moveri civitas et dissensio civilis quasi permixtio terrae oriri coepit.

[¶10] 42. Thus when Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, whose forefathers had done much to increase the power of the state in the Punic and other wars, began to vindicate the liberty of the people, and to expose the misconduct of the few, the nobility, conscious of guilt, and seized with alarm, endeavored, sometimes by means of the allies and Latins, and sometimes by means of the equestrian order, whom the hope of coalition with the patricians had detached from the people, to put a stop to the proceedings of the Gracchi; and first they killed Tiberius, and a few years after Caius, who pursued the same measures as his brother, the one when he was tribune, and the other when he was one of a triumvirate for settling colonies; and with them they cut off Marcus Fulvius Flaccus. In the Gracchi, indeed, it must be allowed that, from their ardor for victory, there was not sufficient prudence. But to a reasonable man it is more agreeable to submit to injustice than to triumph over it by improper means. The nobility, however, using their victory with wanton extravagance, exterminated numbers of men by the sword or by exile, yet rather increased, for the time to come, the dread with which they were regarded, than their real power. Such proceedings have often ruined powerful states; for of two parties, each strives to suppress the other by any means whatever, and take vengeance with undue severity on the vanquished. But were I to attempt to treat of the animosities of parties, and of the morals of the state, with minuteness of detail, and suitably to the vastness of the subject, time would fail me sooner than matter. I therefore return to my subject.

> Latin: 42. Nam postquam Ti. Et C. Gracchus, quorum maiores Punico atque aliis bellis multum rei publicae addiderant, vindicare plebem in libertatem et paucorum scelera patefacere coepere, nobilitas noxia atque eo perculsa modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimouerat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat; et primo Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem Gaium, tribunum alterum, alterum triumuirum coloniis deducendis, cum M. Fuluio Flacco ferro necauerat. Et sane Gracchis cupidine victoriae haud satis moderatus animus fuit. Sed bono vinci satius est quam malo more iniuriam vincere. Igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex libidine sua usa multos mortalis ferro aut fuga extinxit plusque in relicuum sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit. Quae res plerumque magnas civitatis pessum dedit, dum alteri alteros vincere quouis modo et victos acerbius ulcisci volunt. Sed de studiis partium et omnis civitatis moribus si singillatim aut pro magnitudine parem disserere, tempus quam res maturius me deseret. Quam ob rem ad inceptum redeo.

[¶11] 43. After the treaty of Aulus, and the disgraceful flight of our army, Quintus Metellus and Marcus Silanus, the consuls elect, divided the provinces between them; and Numidia fell to Metellus, a man of energy, and, though an opponent of the popular party, yet of a character uniformly irreproachable. He, as soon as he entered on his office, regarded all other things as common to himself and his colleague, but directed his chief attention to the war which he was to conduct. Distrusting, therefore, the old army, he began to raise new troops, to procure auxiliaries from all parts, and to provide arms, horses, and other military requisites, besides provisions in abundance, and every thing else which was likely to be of use in a war varied in its character, and demanding great resources. To assist in accomplishing these objects, the allies and Latins, by the appointment of the senate, and different princes of their own accord, sent supplies; and the whole state exerted itself in the cause with the greatest zeal. Having at length prepared and arranged every thing according to his wishes, Metellus set out for Numidia, attended with sanguine expectations on the part of his fellow-citizens, not only because of his other excellent qualities, but especially because his mind was proof against gold; for it was through the avarice of our commanders, that, down to this period, our affairs in Numidia had been ruined, and those of the enemy rendered prosperous.

> Latin: 43. Post Auli foedus exercitusque nostri foedam fugam Metellus et Silanus consules designati prouincias inter se partiuerant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et, quamquam aduerso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. Is ubi primum magistratum ingressus est, alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus, ad bellum, quod gesturus erat, animum intendit. Igitur diffidens ueteri exercitui milites scribere, praesidia undique arcessere, arma tela equos et cetera instrumenta militiae parare, ad hoc commeatum affatim, denique omnia, quae in bello vario et multarum rerum egenti usui esse solent. Ceterum ad ea patranda senatus auctoritate, socii nomenque Latinum et reges ultro auxilia mittendo, postremo omnis civitas summo studio annitebatur. Itaque ex sententia omnibus rebus paratis compositisque in Numidiam proficiscitur, magna spe civium cum propter artis bonas tum maxime quod aduersum divitias invictum animum gerebat et auaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia nostrae opes contusae hostiumque auctae erant.

[¶12] 44. When he arrived in Africa, the command of the army was resigned to him by Albinus, the proconsul; but it was an army spiritless and unwarlike; incapable of encountering either danger or fatigue; more ready with the tongue than with the sword; accustomed to plunder our allies, while itself was the prey of the enemy; unchecked by discipline, and void of all regard to its character. The new general, accordingly, felt more anxiety from the corrupt morals of the men, than confidence or hope from their numbers. He determined, however, though the delay of the comitia had shortened his summer campaign, and though he knew his countrymen to be anxious for the result of his proceedings, not to commence operations, until, by a revival of the old discipline, he had brought the soldiers to bear fatigue. For Albinus, dispirited by the disaster of his brother Aulus and his army, and having resolved not to leave the province during the portion of the summer that he was to command, had kept the soldiers, for the most part, in a stationary camp, except when stench, or want of forage, obiged them to remove. But neither had the camp been fortified, nor the watches kept, according to military usage; every one had been allowed to leave his post when he pleased. The camp-followers, mingled with the soldiers, wandered about day and night, ravaging the country, robbing the houses, and vying with each other in carrying off cattle and slaves, which they exchanged with traders for foreign wine and other luxuries; they even sold the corn, which was given them from the public store, and bought bread from day to day; and, in a word, whatever abominations, arising from idleness and licentiousness, can be expressed or imagined, and even more, were to be seen in that army.

> Latin: 44. Sed ubi in Africam venit, exercitus [ei] traditus a Sp. Albino proconsule iners inbellis, neque periculi neque laboris patiens, lingua quam manu promptior, praedator ex sociis et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et modestia habitus. Ita imperatori nouo plus ex malis moribus sollicitudinis quam ex copia militum auxili aut spei bonae accedebat. Statuit tamen Metellus, quamquam et aestiuorum tempus comitiorum mora imminuerat et expectatione eventus civium animos intentos putabat, non prius bellum attingere, quam maiorum disciplina milites laborare coegisset. Nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitusque clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi prouincia, quantum temporis aestiuorum in imperio fuit, plerumque milites statiuis castris habebat, nisi cum odor aut pabuli egestas locum mutare subegerat. Sed neque muniebatur, neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur; uti cuique libebat, ab signis aberat; lixae permixti cum militibus diu noctuque uagabantur, et palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare, pecoris et mancipiorum praedas certantes agere eaque mutare cum mercatoribus vino aduecticio et aliis talibus; praeterea frumentum publice datum vendere, panem in dies mercari; postremo quaecumque dici aut fingi queunt ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta fuere et alia amplius.

[¶13] 45. But I am assured that Metellus, in these difficult circumstances, no less than in his operations against the enemy, proved himself a great and wise man; so just a medium did he observe between an affectation of popularity and an excessive enforcement of discipline. His first measure was to remove incentives to idleness, by a general order that no one should sell bread, or any other dressed provisions, in the camp; that no sutlers should follow the army; and that no common soldier should have a servant, or beast of burden, either in a camp or on a march. He made the strictest regulations, too, with regard to other things. He moved his camp daily, exercising the soldiers by marches across the country; he fortified it with a rampart and a trench, exactly as if the enemy had been at hand; he placed numerous sentinels by night, and went the rounds with his officers; and, when the army was on the march, he would be at one time in the front, at another in the rear, and at another in the center, to see that none quitted their ranks, that the men kept close to their standards, and that every soldier carried his provisions and his arms. Thus by preventing rather than punishing irregularities, he in a short time rendered his army effective.

> Latin: 45. Sed in ea difficultate Metellum nec minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum. Namque edicto primum adiumenta ignaviae sustulisse: ne quisquam in castris panem aut quem alium cibum coctum venderet, ne lixae exercitum insequerentur, ne miles hastatus aut gregarius in castris neue in agmine seruum aut iumentum haberet; ceteris arte modum statuisse. Praeterea transuersis itineribus cottidie castra movere, iuxta ac si hostes adessent vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras ponere et eas ipse cum legatis circumire; item in agmine in primis modo, modo [in] postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quispiam ordine egrederetur, ut cum signis frequentes incederent, miles cibum et arma portaret. Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmauit.

[¶14] 46. Jugurtha, meantime, having learned from his emissaries how Metellus was proceeding, and having heard, when lie was in Rome, of the integrity of the consul's character, began to despair of his plans, and at length actually endeavored to effect a capitulation. He therefore sent deputies to the consul with proposals of submission, stipulating only for his own life and that of his children, and offering to surrender every thing else to the Romans. But Metellus had already learned by experience, that the Numidians were a faithless race, of unsettled disposition, and fond of change; and he accordingly applied himself to each of the deputies separately, and after gradually sounding them, and finding them proper instruments for his purpose, prevailed on them, by large promises, to deliver Jugurtha into his hands; bringing him alive, if they could, or dead, if to take him alive was impracticable. In public, however, he directed that such an answer should be given to the king as would be agreeable to his wishes. A few days afterward, he led the army, which was now vigorous and resolute, into Numidia, where, instead of any appearance of war, he found the cottages full of people, and the cattle and laborers in the fields, while the officers of Jugurtha came from the towns and villages to meet him, offering to supply him with corn, to convey provisions for him, and to do whatever might be required of them. Metellus, notwithstanding, made no diminution in the caution with which he marched, but kept as much upon the defensive as if an enemy had been at hand; and he dispatched scouts to explore the country, thinking that these signs of submission were but pretense, and that the Numidians were watching an opportunity for treachery. He himself, with some light-armed cohorts, and a select body of slingers and archers, advanced always in the front; while Caius Marius, his lieutenant-general, at the head of the cavalry, had charge of the rear. The auxiliary horse, distributed among the tribunes of the legions and prefects of the cohorts, he placed on the flanks, so that, with the aid of the light troops mixed with them, they might repel the enemy whenever an approach should be made. For such was the subtlety of Jugurtha, and such his knowledge of the country and the art of war, that it was doubtful whether he was more formidable absent or present, offering peace or threatening hostilities.

> Latin: 46. Interea Iugurtha, ubi quae Metellus agebat ex nuntiis accepit, simul de innocentia eius certior Roma[e] factus, diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est. Igitur legatos ad consulem cum suppliciis mittit, qui tantummodo ipsi liberisque vitam peterent, alia omnia dederent populo Romano. Sed Metello iam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum auidum esse. Itaque legatos alium ab alio diuersos aggreditur ac paulatim temptando, postquam opportunos sibi cognovit, multa pollicendo persuadet, uti Iugurtham maxime viuum, sin id parum procedat, necatum sibi traderent. Ceterum palam quae ex voluntate forent regi nuntiari iubet. Deinde ipse paucis diebus intento atque infesto exercitu in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli faciem tuguria plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris erant. Ex oppidis et mapalibus praefecti regis obvii procedebant parati frumentum dare, commeatum portare, postremo omnia quae imperarentur facere. Neque Metellus idcirco minus, sed pariter ac si hostes adessent munito agmine incedere, late explorare omnia, illa deditionis signa ostentui credere et insidiis locum temptari. Itaque ipse cum expeditis cohortibus, item funditorum et sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos erat, in postremo C. Marius legatus cum equitibus curabat, in utrumque latus auxiliarios equites tribunis legionum et praefectis cohortium dispertiuerat, ut cum iis permixti uelites, quocumque accederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent. Nam in Iugurtha tantus dolus tantaque peritia locorum et militiae erat, ut, absens an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens perniciosior esset, in incerto haberetur.

[¶15] 47. There lay, not far from the route which Metellus was pursuing, a city of the Numidians named Vaga, the most celebrated place for trade in the whole kingdom, in which many Italian merchants were accustomed to reside and traffic. Here the consul, to try the disposition of the inhabitants, and, should they allow him, to take advantage of the situation of the place, established a garrison, and ordered the people to furnish him with corn, and other necessaries for war; thinking, as circumstances indeed suggested, that the concourse of merchants, and frequent arrival of supplies, would add strength to his army, and further the plans which he had already formed. In the midst of these proceedings, Jugurtha, with extraordinary earnestness, sent deputies to sue for peace, offering to resign every thing to Metellus, except his own life and that of his children. These, like the former, the consul first seduced to treachery, and then sent back; the peace which Jugurtha asked, he neither granted nor refused, but waited, during these delays, the performance of the deputies' promises.

> Latin: 47. Erat haud longe ab eo itinere, quo Metellus pergebat, oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxime celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueuerant Italici generis multi mortales. Huc consul, simul temptandi gratia, [et] si paterentur, et ob opportunitates loci, praesidium imposuit. Praeterea imperauit frumentum et alia, quae bello usui forent, comportare, ratus, id quod res monebat, frequentiam negotiatorum et commeatu[m] iuvaturum exercitum et iam paratis rebus munimento fore. Inter haec negotia Iugurtha impensius modo legatos supplices mittere, pacem orare, praeter suam liberorumque vitam omnia Metello dedere. Quos item uti priores consul illectos ad proditionem domum dimittebat, regi pacem, quam postulabat, neque abnuere neque polliceri et inter eas moras promissa legatorum expectare.

[¶16] 48. Jugurtha, on comparing the words of Metellus with his actions, perceived that he was assailed with his own artifices; for though peace was offered him in words, a most vigorous war was in reality pursued against him; one of his strongest cities was wrested from him; his country was explored by the enemy, and the affections of his subjects alienated. Being compelled, therefore, by the necessity of circumstances, he resolved to try the fortune of a battle. Having, with this view, informed himself of the exact route of the enemy, and hoping for success from the advantage of the ground, he collected as large a force of every kind as he could, and, marching by cross-roads, got in advance of Metellus' army. There was, in that part of Numidia, of which, on the division of the kingdom, Adherbal had become possessor, a river named Muthul, flowing from the south; and, about twenty miles from it, was a range of mountains running parallel with the stream, wild and uncultivated; but from the center of it stretched a kind of hill, reaching to a vast distance, covered with wild olives, myrtles, and other trees, such as grow in a dry and sandy soil. The plain, which lay between the mountains and the Muthul, was uninhabited from want of water, except the parts bordering on the river, which were planted with trees, and full of cattle and inhabitants.

> Latin: 48. Iugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis composuit ac se suis artibus temptari animaduertit, quippe cui verbis pax nuntiabatur, ceterum re bellum asperrimum erat, urbs maxima alienata, ager hostibus cognitus, animi popularium temptati, coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare. Igitur explorato hostium itinere, in spem victoriae adductus ex opportunitate loci, quam maximas potest copias omnium generum parat ac per tramites occultos exercitum Metelli anteuenit. Erat in ea parte Numidiae, quam Adherbal in divisione possederat, flumen oriens a meridie nomine Muthul, a quo aberat mons ferme milia viginti tractu pari, vastus ab natura et humano cultu. Sed ex eo medio quasi collis oriebatur, in immensum pertingens, uestitus oleastro ac murtetis aliisque generibus arborum, quae humi arido atque harenoso gignuntur. media autem planities deserta penuria aquae praeter flumini propinqua loca; ea consita arbustis pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur.