--- title: "The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum" author: "Sallust" translator: "John Selby Watson" languages: [la, en] shelf: "Classical Latin" section: 5 of 7 url: https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/5/ cite: "Sallust, tr. John Selby Watson, The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum, section 5. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/5/" --- # The Jugurthine War · Bellum Iugurthinum *Sallust, tr. John Selby Watson* Rome’s war with a Numidian king, and the corruption it exposed: “a city for sale.” > Latin: from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0631.phi002, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: John Selby Watson, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0631.phi002.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 5. Chapters 65–84 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/sallust-jugurtha/5/#p-N [¶0] 65. There was then in our army a Numidian named Gauda, the son of Mastanabal, and grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa, in his will, had appointed next heir to his immediate successors. This man had been debilitated by ill-health, and, from the effect of it, was somewhat impaired in his understanding. He had petitioned Metellus to allow him a seat, like a prince, next to himself, and a troop of horse for a bodyguard; but Metellus had refused him both; the seat, because it was granted only to those whom the Roman people had addressed as kings, and the guard, because it would be an indignity to Roman cavalry to act as guards to a Numidian. While Gauda was discontented at these refusals, Marius paid him a visit, and prompted him, with his assistance, to seek revenge for the affronts put upon him by the general; inflating his mind, which was as weak as his body, with flattering speeches, telling him that he was a prince, a great man, and the grandson of Masinissa; that if Jugurtha were taken or killed, he would immediately become king of Numidia; and that this event might soon happen, if he himself were sent as consul to the war. Thus partly the influence of Marius himself, and partly the hope of obtaining peace, induced Gauda, as well as most of the Roman knights, both soldiers and merchants, to write to their friends at Rome, in a style of censure, respecting Metellus's management of the war, and to intimate that Marius should be appointed general. The consulship, accordingly, was solicited for him by numbers of people, with the most honorable demonstrations in his favor. It happened that the people too, at this juncture, having just triumphed over the nobility by the Mamilian law, were eager to raise commoners to office. Hence every thing was favorable to Marius's views. > Latin: 65. Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Numida quidam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum imminuta. Cui Metellus petenti, more regum ut sellam iuxta poneret, item postea custodiae causa turmam equitum Romanorum, utrumque negauerat: honorem, quod eorum modo foret, quos populus Romanus reges appellauisset; praesidium, quod contumeliosum in eos foret, si equites Romani satellites Numidae traderentur. Hunc Marius anxium aggreditur atque hortatur, ut contumeliarum in imperatorem cum suo auxilio poenas petat. Hominem ob morbos animo parum valido secunda oratione extollit: illum regem, ingentem virum, Masinissae nepotem esse; si Iugurtha captus aut occisus foret, imperium Numidiae sine mora habiturum; id adeo mature posse evenire, si ipse consul ad id bellum missus foret. Itaque et illum et equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores, alios ipse, plerosque pacis spes impellit, uti Romam ad suos necessarios aspere in Metellum de bello scribant, Marium imperatorem poscant. Sic illi a multis mortalibus honestissima suffragatione consulatus petebatur. Simul ea tempestate plebs nobilitate fusa per legem Mamiliam nouos extollebat. Ita Mario cuncta procedere. [¶1] 66. Jugurtha, meantime, who, after relinquishing his intention to surrender, had renewed the war, was now hastening the preparations for it with the utmost diligence. He assembled an army; he endeavored, by threats or promises, to recover the towns that had revolted from him; he fortified advantageous positions; he repaired or purchased arms, weapons, and other necessaries, which he had given up on the prospect of peace; he tried to seduce the slaves of the Romans, and even tempted with bribes the Romans themselves who occupied the garrisons; he, indeed, left nothing untried or neglected, but put every engine in motion. Induced by the entreaties of their king, from whom, indeed, they had never been alienated in affection, the leading inhabitants of Vacca, a city in which Metellus, when Jugurtha began to treat for peace, had placed a garrison, entered into a conspiracy against the Romans. As for the common people of the town, they were, as is generally the case, and especially among the Numidians, of a fickle disposition, factious and turbulent, and therefore already desirous of a change, and adverse to peace and quiet. Having arranged their plans, they fixed upon the third day following for the execution of them, because that day, being a festival, celebrated throughout Africa, would promise merriment and dissipation rather than alarm. When the time came, they invited the centurions and military tribunes, with Titus Turpilius Silanus, the governor of the town, to their several houses, and butchered them all, except Turpilius, at their banquets; and then fell upon the common soldiers, who, as was to be expected on such a day, when discipline was relaxed, were wandering about without their arms. The populace followed the example of their chiefs, some of them having been previously instructed to do so, and others induced by a liking for such disorders, and, though ignorant of what had been done or intended, finding sufficient gratification in tumult and variety. > Latin: 66. Interim Iugurtha, postquam omissa deditione bellum incipit, cum magna cura parare omnia, festinare: cogere exercitum; civitatis, quae ab se defecerant, formidine aut ostentando praemia affectare; communire suos locos, arma tela aliaque, quae spe pacis amiserat, reficere aut commercari; servitia Romanorum allicere et eos ipsos, qui in praesidiis erant, pecunia temptare; prorsus nihil intactum neque quietum pati, cuncta agitare. Igitur Vagenses, quo Metellus initio Iugurtha pacificante praesidium imposuerat, fatigati regis suppliciis neque antea voluntate alienati, principes civitatis inter se coniurant. Nam uulgus, uti plerumque solet et maxime Numidarum, ingenio mobili, seditiosum atque discordiosum erat, cupidum novarum rerum, quieti et otio aduersum. Dein compositis inter se rebus in diem tertium constituunt, quod is festus celebratusque per omnem Africam ludum et lasciuiam magis quam formidinem ostentabat. Sed ubi tempus fuit, centuriones tribunosque militaris et ipsum praefectum oppidi T. Turpilium Silanum alius alium domos suas inuitant. Eos omnis praeter Turpilium inter epulas obtruncant, postea milites palantis inermos, quippe in tali die ac sine imperio, aggrediuntur. Idem plebes facit, pars edocti ab nobilitate, alii studio talium rerum incitati, quis acta consiliumque ignorantibus tumultus ipse et res novae satis placebant. [¶2] 67. The Roman soldiers, perplexed with sudden alarm, and not knowing what was best for them to do, were in trepidation. At the citadel, where their standards and shields were, was posted a guard of the enemy; and the city-gates, previously closed, prevented escape. Women and children, too, on the roofs of the houses, hurled down upon them, with great eagerness, stones and whatever else their position furnished. Thus neither could such twofold danger be guarded against, nor could the bravest resist the feeblest; the worthy and the worthless, the valiant and the cowardly, were alike put to death unavenged. In the midst of this slaughter, while the Numidians were exercising every cruelty, and the town was closed on all sides, Turpilius was the only one, of all the Italians, that escaped unhurt. Whether his flight was the consequence of compassion in his entertainer, of compact, or of chance, I have never discovered; but since, in such a general massacre, he preferred inglorious safety to an honorable name, he seems to have been a worthless and infamous character. > Latin: 67. Romani milites, improuiso metu incerti ignarique, quid potissimum facerent, trepidare. Arce oppidi, ubi signa et scuta erant, praesidium hostium, portae ante clausae fuga prohibebant; ad hoc mulieres puerique pro tectis aedificiorum saxa et alia, quae locus praebebat, certatim mittere. Ita neque caueri anceps malum neque a fortissimis infirmissimo generi resisti posse: iuxta boni malique, strenui et inbelles inulti obtruncari. In ea tanta asperitate saevissimis Numidis et oppido undique clauso Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit. Id misericordiane hospitis an pactione aut casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus, nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, improbus intestabilisque videtur. [¶3] 68. When Metellus heard of what had happened at Vacca, he retired for a time, overpowered with sorrow, from the public gaze; but at length, as indignation mingled with his grief, he hastened, with the utmost spirit, to take vengeance for the outrage. He led forth, at sunset, the legion that was in winter quarters with him, and as many Numidian horse as he could, and arrived, about the third hour on the following day, at a certain plain surrounded by rising grounds. Here he acquainted the soldiers, who were now exhausted with the length of their march, and averse to further exertion, that the town of Vacca was not above a mile distant, and that it became them to bear patiently the toil that remained, with the hope of exacting revenge for their countrymen, the bravest and most unfortunate of men. He likewise generously promised them the whole of the plunder. Their courage being thus revived, he ordered them to resume their march, the cavalry maintaining an extended line in front, and the infantry, with their standards concealed, keeping the closest order behind. > Latin: 68. Metellus postquam de rebus Vagae actis comperit, paulisper maestus ex conspectu abit. Deinde ubi ira et aegritudo permixta sunt, cum maxima cura ultum ire iniurias festinat. legionem, cum qua hiemabat, et quam plurimos potest Numidas equites pariter cum occasu solis expeditos educit et postera die circiter hora tertia pervenit in quandam planitiem locis paulo superioribus circumventam. Ibi milites fessos itineris magnitudine et iam abnuentis omnia docet oppidum Vagam non amplius mille passuum abesse, decere illos relicuum laborem aequo animo pati, dum pro civibus suis, viris fortissimis atque miserrimis, poenas caperent; praeterea praedam benigne ostentat. Sic animis eorum arrectis equites in primo late, pedites quam artissime ire et signa occultare iubet. [¶4] 69. The people of Vacca, perceiving an army coming toward them, judged rightly at first that it was Metellus, and shut their gates; but, after a while, when they saw that their fields were not laid waste, and that the front consisted of Numidian cavalry, they imagined that it was Jugurtha, and went out with great joy to meet him. A signal being immediately given, both cavalry and infantry commenced an attack; some cut down the multitude pouring from the town, others hurried to the gates, others secured the towers, revenge and the hope of plunder prevailing over their weariness. Thus Vacca triumphed only two days in its treachery; the whole city, which was great and opulent, was given up to vengeance and spoliation. Turpilius, the governor, whom we mentioned as the only person that escaped, was summoned by Metellus to answer for his conduct, and not being able to clear himself, was condemned, as a native of Latium, to be scourged and put to death. > Latin: 69. Vagenses ubi animum aduertere ad se versum exercitum pergere, primo, uti erat res, Metellum esse rati portas clausere; deinde ubi neque agros vastari et eos, qui primi aderant, Numidas equites vident, rursum Iugurtham arbitrati cum magno gaudio obvii procedunt. Equites peditesque repente signo dato alii uulgum effusum oppido caedere, alii ad portas festinare, pars turris capere: ira atque praedae spes amplius quam lassitudo posse. Ita Vagenses biduum modo ex perfidia laetati; civitas magna et opulens cuncta poenae aut praedae fuit. Turpilius, quem praefectum oppidi unum ex omnibus profugisse supra ostendimus, iussus a Metello causam dicere, postquam sese parum expurgat, condemnatus verberatusque capite poenas soluit; nam is civis ex Latio erat. [¶5] 70. About this time, Bomilcar, at whose persuasion Jugurtha had entered upon the capitulation which he had discontinued through fear, being distrusted by the king, and distrusting him in return, grew desirous of a change of government. He accordingly meditated schemes for Jugurtha's destruction, racking his invention night and day. At last, to leave nothing untried, he sought an accomplice in Nabdalsa, a man of noble birth and great wealth, who was in high regard and favor with his countrymen, and who, on most occasions, used to command a body of troops distinct from those of the king, and to transact all business to which Jugurtha, from fatigue, or from being occupied with more important matters, was unable to attend; employments by which he had gained both honors and wealth. By these two men in concert, a day was fixed for the execution of their treachery; succeeding matters they agreed to settle as the exigences of the moment might require. Nabdalsa then proceeded to join his troops, which he kept in readiness, according to orders, among the winter quarters of the Romans, to prevent the country from being ravaged by the enemy with impunity. But as Nabdalsa, growing alarmed at the magnitude of the undertaking, failed to appear at the appointed time, and allowed his fears to hinder their plans, Bomilcar, eager for their execution, and disquieted at the timidity of his associate, lest he should relinquish his original intentions and adopt some new course, sent him a letter by some confidential person, in which he "reproached him with pusillanimity and irresolution, and conjured him by the gods, by whom he had sworn, not to turn the offers of Metellus to his own destruction;" assuring him " that the fall of Jugurtha was approaching; that the only thing to be considered was whether he should perish by their hand or by that of Metellus; and that, in consequence, he might consider whether to choose rewards, or death by torture." > Latin: 70. Per idem tempus Bomilcar, cuius impulsu Iugurtha deditionem, quam metu deseruit, inceperat, suspectus regi et [ipse] eum suspiciens novas res cupere, ad perniciem eius dolum quaerere, die noctuque fatigare animum. Denique omnia temptando socium sibi adiungit Nabdalsam, hominem nobilem, magnis opibus, clarum acceptumque popularibus suis, qui plerumque seorsum ab rege exercitum ductare et omnis res exequi solitus erat, quae Iugurthae fesso aut maioribus asstricto superauerant; ex quo illi gloria opesque inventae. Igitur utriusque consilio dies insidiis statuitur; cetera, uti res posceret, ex tempore parari placuit. Nabdalsa ad exercitum profectus, quem inter hiberna Romanorum iussus habebat, ne ager inultis hostibus vastaretur. Is postquam magnitudine facinoris perculsus ad tempus non venit metusque rem impediebat, Bomilcar, simul cupidus incepta patrandi et timore soci anxius, ne omisso uetere consilio nouum quaereret, litteras ad eum per homines fidelis mittit, in quis mollitiam socordiamque viri accusare, testari deos, per quos iurauisset, monere, ne praemia Metelli in pestem conuerteret: Iugurthae exitium adesse, ceterum suane an Metelli virtute periret, id modo agitari; proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet. [¶6] 71. It happened that when this letter was brought, Nabdalsa, overcome with fatigue, was reposing on his couch, where, after reading Bomilcar's letter, anxiety at first, and afterward, as is usual with a troubled mind, sleep overpowered him. In his service there was a certain Numidian, the manager of his affairs, a person who possessed his confidence and esteem, and who was acquainted with all his designs except the last. He, hearing that a letter had arrived, and supposing that there would be occasion, as usual, for his assistance or suggestions, went into the tent, and, while his master was asleep, took up the letter thrown carelessly upon the cushion behind his head, and read it; and, having thus discovered the plot, set off in haste to Jugurtha. Nabdalsa, who awoke soon after, missing the letter, and hearing of the whole affair, and how it had happened, at first attempted to pursue the informer, but finding that pursuit was vain, he went himself to Jugurtha to try to appease him; saying that the disclosure which he intended to make, had been anticipated by the perfidy of his servant; and beseeching him with tears, by his friendship, and by his own former proofs of fidelity, not to think that he could be guilty of such treachery. > Latin: 71. Sed cum eae litterae allatae, forte Nabdalsa exercito corpore fessus in lecto quiescebat, ubi cognitis Bomilcaris verbis primo cura, deinde, uti aegrum animum solet, somnus cepit. Erat ei Numida quidam negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque et omnium consiliorum nisi novissimi particeps. Qui postquam allatas litteras audivit et ex consuetudine ratus opera aut ingenio suo opus esse in tabernaculum introiit, dormiente illo epistulam super caput in puluino temere positam sumit ac perlegit, dein propere cognitis insidiis ad regem pergit. Nabdalsa paulo post experrectus ubi neque epistulam repperit et rem omnem, uti acta erat, [ex perfugis] cognovit, primo indicem persequi conatus, postquam id frustra fuit, Iugurtham placandi gratia accedit; dicit, quae ipse parauisset facere, perfidia clientis sui praeuenta; lacrimans obtestatur per amicitiam perque sua antea fideliter acta, ne super tali scelere suspectum sese haberet. [¶7] 72. To these entreaties the king replied with a mildness far different from his real feelings. After putting to death Bomilcar, and many others whom he knew to be privy to the plot, he refrained from any further manifestation of resentment, lest an insurrection should be the consequence of it. But after this occurrence he had no peace either by day or by night; he thought himself safe neither in any place, nor with any person, nor at any time; he feared his subjects and his enemies alike; he was always on the watch, and was startled at every sound; he passed the night sometimes in one place, and sometimes in another, and often in places little suited to royal dignity; and sometimes, starting from his sleep, he would seize his arms and raise an alarm. He was indeed so agitated by extreme terror, that he appeared under the influence of madness. > Latin: 72. Ad ea rex, aliter atque animo gerebat, placide respondit. Bomilcare aliisque multis, quos socios insidiarum cognoverat, interfectis iram oppresserat, ne qua ex eo negotio seditio oreretur. Neque post id locorum Iugurthae dies aut nox ulla quieta fuit: neque loco neque mortali cuiquam aut tempori satis credere, civis hostisque iuxta metuere, circumspectare omnia et omni strepitu pauescere, alio atque alio loco, saepe contra decus regium, noctu requiescere, interdum somno excitus arreptis armis tumultum facere: ita formidine quasi vecordia exagitari. [¶8] 73. Metellus, hearing from some deserters of the fate of Bomilcar, and the discovery of the conspiracy, made fresh preparations for action, and with the utmost dispatch, as if entering upon an entirely new war. Marius, who was still importuning him for leave of absence, he allowed to go home; thinking that as he served with reluctance, and bore him personal enmity, he was not likely to prove a very useful officer. The common people at Rome, having learned the contents of the letters written from Africa concerning Metellus and Marius, had listened to the accounts given of both with eagerness. But the noble birth of Metellus, which had previously been a motive for paying him honor, had now become a cause of unpopularity; while the obscurity of Marius's origin had procured him favor. In regard to both, however, party feeling had more influence than the good or bad qualities of either. The factious tribunes, too, inflamed the populace, charging Metellus, in their harangues, with offenses worthy of death, and exaggerating the excellent qualities of Marius. At length the people were so excited that all the artisans and rustics, whose whole subsistence and credit depended on their labor, quitting their several employments, attended Marius in crowds, and thought less of their own wants than of his exaltation. Thus the nobility being borne down, the consulship, after the lapse of many years, was once more given to a man of humble birth. And afterward, when the people were asked by Manilius Mancinus, one of their tribunes, whom they would appoint to carry on the war against Jugurtha, they, in a full assembly, voted it to Marius. The senate had previously decreed it to Metellus; but that decree was thus rendered abortive. > Latin: 73. Igitur Metellus, ubi de casu Bomilcaris et indicio patefacto ex perfugis cognovit, rursus tamquam ad integrum bellum cuncta parat festinatque. Marium fatigantem de profectione, simul et inuitum et offensum sibi parum idoneum ratus, domum dimittit. Et Romae plebes litteris, qua de Metello ac Mario missae erant, cognitis volenti animo de ambobus acceperant. Imperatori nobilitas, quae antea decori fuit, invidiae esse; at illi alteri generis humilitas fauorem addiderat. Ceterum in utroque magis studia partium quam bona aut mala sua moderata. Praeterea seditiosi magistratus uulgum exagitare, Metellum omnibus contionibus capitis arcessere, Mari virtutem in maius celebrare. Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant. relictis operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent. Ita perculsa nobilitate post multas tempestates nouo homini consulatus mandatur. Et postea populus a tribuno plebis T. Manlio Mancino rogatus, quem vellet cum Iugurtha bellum gerere, frequens Marium iussit. Sed paulo... Decreverat: ea res frustra fuit. [¶9] 74. During this period, Jugurtha, as he was bereft of his friends (of whom he had put to death the greater number, while the rest, under the influence of terror, had fled partly to the Romans, and partly to Bocchus), as the war, too, could not be carried on without officers, and as he thought it dangerous to try the faith of new ones after such perfidy among the old, was involved in doubt and perplexity; no scheme, no counsel, no person could satisfy him; he changed his route and his captains daily; he hurried sometimes against the enemy, and some-times toward the deserts; depended at one time on flight, and at another on resistance; and was unable to decide whether he could less trust the courage or the fidelity of his subjects. Thus, in whatever direction he turned his thoughts, the prospect was equally disheartening. In the midst of his irresolution, Metellus suddenly made his appearance with his army. The Numidians were assembled and drawn up by Jugurtha, as well as time permitted; and a battle was at once commenced. Where the king commanded in person, the struggle was maintained for some time; but the rest of his force was routed and put to flight at the first onset. The Romans took a considerable number of standards and arms, but not many prisoners; for, in almost every battle, their feet afforded more security to the Numidians than their swords. > Latin: 74. Eodem tempore Iugurtha amissis amicis, quorum plerosque ipse necauerat, ceteri formidine pars ad Romanos, alii ad regem Bocchum profugerant, cum neque bellum geri sine administris posset et nouorum fidem in tanta perfidia ueterum experiri periculosum duceret, varius incertusque agitabat. Neque illi res neque consilium aut quisquam hominum satis placebat: itinera praefectosque in dies mutare; modo aduersum hostis, interdum in solitudines pergere; saepe in fuga ac post paulo in armis spem habere; dubitare, virtuti an fidei popularium minus crederet: ita quocumque intenderat, res aduersae erant. Sed inter eas moras repente sese Metellus cum exercitu ostendit. Numidae ab Iugurtha pro tempore parati instructique, dein proelium incipitur. Qua in parte rex pugnae affuit, ibi aliquamdiu certatum, ceteri eius omnes milites primo congressu pulsi fugatique. Romani signorum et armorum [et] aliquanto numero, hostium paucorum potiti; nam ferme Numidis in omnibus proeliis magis pedes quam arma tuta sunt. [¶10] 75. In consequence of this defeat, Jugurtha, feeling less confidence in the state of his affairs than ever, retreated with the deserters, and part of his cavalry, first into the deserts, and afterward to Thala, a large and opulent city, where lay the greater portion of his treasures, and where there was magnificent provision for the education of his children. When Metellus was informed of this, although he knew that there was, between Thala and the nearest river, a dry and desert region fifty miles broad, yet, in the hope of finishing the war if he should gain possession of the town, he resolved to surmount all difficulties, and to conquer even Nature herself. He gave orders that the beasts of burden, therefore, should be lightened of all the baggage excepting ten days' provision; and that they should be laden with skins and other utensils for holding water. He also collected from the fields as many laboring cattle as he could find, and loaded them with vessels of all sorts, but chiefly wooden, taken from the cottages of the Numidians. He directed such of the neighboring people, too, as had submitted to him after the retreat of Jugurtha, to bring him as much water as they could carry, appointing a time and a place for them to be in attendance. He then loaded his beasts from the river, which, as I have intimated, was the nearest water to the town, and, thus provided, set out for Thala. When he came to the place at which he had desired the Numidians to meet him, and had pitched and fortified his camp, so copious a fall of rain is said to have happened, as would have furnished more than sufficient water for his whole army. Provisions, too, were brought him far beyond his expectations; for the Numidians, like most people after a recent surrender, had done more than was required of them. The men, however, from a religious feeling, preferred using the rain-water; the fall of which greatly increased their courage, for they thought themselves the peculiar care of the gods. On the next day, to the surprise of Jugurtha, they arrived at Thala. The inhabitants, who thought themselves secured by the difficulties of the approach to them, were astonished at so strange and unexpected a sight, but, nevertheless, prepared for their defense. Our men showed equal alacrity on their side. > Latin: 75. Ea fuga Iugurtha impensius modo rebus suis diffidens cum perfugis et parte equitatus in solitudines, dein Thalam pervenit, in oppidum magnum atque opulentum, ubi plerique thesauri filiorumque eius multus pueritiae cultus erat. Quae postquam Metello comperta sunt, quamquam inter Thalam flumenque proximum in spatio milium quinquaginta loca arida atque vasta esse cognoverat, tamen spe patrandi belli, si eius oppidi potitus foret, omnis asperitates superuadere ac naturam etiam vincere aggreditur. Igitur omnia iumenta sarcinis leuari iubet nisi frumento dierum decem, ceterum utris modo et alia aquae idonea portari. Praeterea conquirit ex agris quam plurimum potest domiti pecoris eoque imponit vasa cuiusque modi, sed pleraque lignea collecta ex tuguriis Numidarum. Ad hoc finitimis imperat, que se post regis fugam Metello dederant, quam plurimum quisque aquae portaret; diem locumque, ubi praesto forent, praedicit; ipse ex flumine, quam proximam oppido aquam esse supra diximus, iumenta onerat: eo modo instructus ad Thalam proficiscitur. Deinde ubi ad id loci ventum, quo Numidis praeceperat, et castra posita munitaque sunt, tanta repente caelo missa vis aquae dicitur, ut ea modo exercitui satis superque foret. Praeterea commeatus spe amplior, quia Numidae, sicuti plerique in nova deditione, officia intenderant. Ceterum milites religione pluvia magis usi, eaque res multum animis eorum addidit, nam rati sese dis immortalibus curae esse. Deinde postero die contra opinionem Iugurthae ad Thalam perveniunt. Oppidani, qui se locorum asperitate munitos crediderant, magna atque insolita re perculsi, nihilo segnius bellum parare; idem nostri facere. [¶11] 76. But Jugurtha himself, believing that to Metellus, who, by his exertions, had triumphed over every obstacle, over arms, deserts, seasons, and finally over Nature herself that controls all, nothing was impossible, fled with his children, and a great portion of his treasure, from the city during the night. Nor did he ever, after this time, continue more than one day or night in any place; pretending to be hurried away by business, but in reality dreading treachery, which he thought he might escape by change of residence, as schemes of such a kind are the result of leisure and opportunity. Metellus, seeing that the people of Thala were determined on resistance, and that the town was defended both by art and situation, surrounded the walls with a rampart and a trench. He then directed his machines against the most eligible points, threw up a mound, and erected towers upon it to protect the works and the workmen. The townsmen, on the other hand, were exceedingly active and diligent; and nothing was neglected on either side. At last the Romans, though exhausted with much previous fatigue and fighting, got possession, forty days after their arrival, of the town, and the town only; for all the spoil had been destroyed by the deserters; who, when they saw the walls shaken by the battering-ram, and their own situation desperate, had conveyed the gold and silver, and whatever else is esteemed valuable, to the royal palace, where, after being sated with wine and luxuries, they destroyed the treasures, the building, and themselves, by fire, and thus voluntarily submitted to the sufferings which, in case of being conquered, they dreaded at the hands of the enemy. > Latin: 76. Sed rex, nihil iam infectum Metello credens, quippe qui omnia, arma tela, locos tempora, denique naturam ipsam ceteris imperitantem industria vicerat, cum liberis et magna parte pecuniae ex oppido noctu profugit. Neque postea in ullo loco amplius uno die aut una nocte moratus, simulabat sese negoti gratia properare, ceterum proditionem timebat, quam vitare posse celeritate putabat: nam talia consilia per otium et ex opportunitate capi. At Metellus, ubi oppidanos proelio intentos, simul oppidum et operibus et loco munitum videt, vallo fossaque moenia circumvenit. Dein duobus locis ex copia maxime idoneis vineas agere, [superque eas] aggerem iacere et super aggerem impositis turribus opus et administros tutari; contra haec oppidani festinare, parare; prorsus ab utrisque nihil relicuum fieri. Denique Romani, multo ante labore proeliisque fatigati, post dies quadraginta quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo potiti; praeda omnis ab perfugis corrupta. Ii postquam murum arietibus feriri resque suas afflictas vident, aurum atque argentum et alia, quae prima ducuntur, domum regiam comportant. Ibi vino et epulis onerati illaque et domum et semet igni corrumpunt, et quas victi ab hostibus poenas metuerant, eas ipsi volentes pependere. [¶12] 77. At the very time that Thala was taken, there came to Metellus embassadors from the city of Leptis, requesting him to send them a garrison and a governor; saying "that a certain Hamilcar, a man of rank, and of a factious disposition, against whom the magistrates and the laws were alike powerless, was trying to induce them to change sides; and that unless he attended to the matter promptly, their own safety," and the allies of Rome, would be in the utmost danger." For the people at Leptis, at the very commencement of the war with Jugurtha, had sent to the consul Bestia, and afterward to Rome, desiring to be admitted into friendship and alliance with us. Having been granted their request, they continued true and faithful adherents to us, and promptly executed all orders from Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus. They therefore readily obtained from the general the aid which they solicited; and four cohorts of Ligurians were dispatched to Leptis, with Caius Annius to be governor of the place. > Latin: 77. Sed pariter cum capta Thala legati ex oppido Lepti ad Metellum venerant orantes, uti praesidium praefectumque eo mitteret: Hamilcarem quendam, hominem nobilem factiosum, novis rebus studere, aduersum quem neque imperia magistratuum neque leges valerent; ni id festinaret, in summo periculo suam salutem, illorum socios fore. Nam Leptitani iam inde a principio belli Iugurthini ad Bestiam consulem et postea Romam miserant amicitiam societatemque rogatum. Deinde ubi ea impetrata, semper boni fidelesque mansere et cuncta a Bestia, Albino Metelloque imperata naue fecerant. Itaque ab imperatore facile quae petebant adepti. Emissae eo cohortes Ligurum quattuor et C. Annius praefectus. [¶13] 78. This city was built by a party of Sidonians, who, as I have understood, being driven from their country through civil dissensions, came by sea into those parts of Africa. It is situated between the two Syrtes, which take their name from their nature. These are two gulfs almost at the extremity of Africa, of unequal size, but of similar character. Those parts of them next to the land are very deep; the other parts some-times deep and sometimes shallow, as chance may direct; for when the sea swells, and is agitated by the winds, the waves roll along with them mud, sand, and huge stones; and thus the appearance of the gulfs changes with the direction of the wind. Of this people, the language alone has been altered by their intermarriages with the Numidians; their laws and customs continue for the most part Sidonian; which they have preserved with the greater case, through living at so great a distance from the king's dominions. Between them and the populous parts of Numidia lie vast and uncultivated deserts. > Latin: 78. Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum est, quos accepimus profugos ob discordias civilis nauibus in eos locos venisse, ceterum situm inter duas Syrtis, quibus nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prope in extrema Africa, impares magnitudine, pari natura; quorum proxima terrae praealta sunt, cetera uti fors tulit alta alia, alia in tempestate uadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum esse et saevire ventis coepit. limum harenamque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt: ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur. Syrtes ab tractu nominatae. Eius civitatis lingua modo conuersa conubio Numidarum, legum cultusque pleraque Sidonica; quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis aetatem agebant. Inter illos et frequentem Numidiam multi vastique loci erant. [¶14] 79. Since the affairs of Leptis have led me into these regions, it will not be foreign to my subject to relate the noble and singular act of two Carthaginians, which the place has brought to my recollection. At the time when the Carthaginians were masters of the greater part of Africa, the Cyrenians were also a great and powerful people. The territory that lay betweem them was sandy, and of a uniform appearance, without a stream or a hill to determine their respective boundaries; a circumstance which involved them in a severe and protracted war. After armies and fleets had been routed and put to flight on both sides, and each people had greatly weakened their opponents, fearing lest some third party should attack both victors and vanquished in a state of exhaustion, they came to an agreement, during a short cessation of arms, "that on a certain day deputies should leave home on either side, and that the spot where they should meet should be the common boundary between the two states." From Carthage, accordingly, were dispatched two brothers, who were named Philæni, and who traveled with great expedition. The deputies of the Cyrenians proceeded more slowly; but whether from indolence or accident I have not been informed. However, a storm of wind in these deserts will cause obstruction to passengers not less than at sea; for when a violent blast, sweeping over a level surface devoid of vegetation, raises the sand from the ground, it is driven onward with great force, and fills the mouth and eyes of the traveler, and thus, by hindering his view, retards his progress. The Cyranian deputies, finding that they had lost ground, and dreading punishment at home for their mismanagement, accused the Carthaginians of having left home before the time; quarreling about the matter, and preferring to do any thing rather than submit. The Philæni, upon this, asked them to name any other mode of settling the controversy, provided it were equitable; and the Cyrenians gave them their choice, " either that they should be buried alive in the spot which they claimed as the boundary for their people, or that they themselves, on the same conditions, should be allowed to go forward to whatever point they should think proper." The Philæni, having accepted the conditions, sacrificed themselves to the interest of their country, and were interred alive. The people of Carthage consecrated altars to the brothers on the spot; and other honors were instituted to them at home. I now return to my subject. > Latin: 79. Sed quoniam in eas regiones per Leptitanorum negotia venimus, non indignum videtur egregium atque mirabile facinus duorum Carthaginiensium memorare; eam rem nos locus admonuit. Qua tempestate Carthaginienses pleraque Africa imperitabant, Cyrenenses quoque magni atque opulenti fuere. Ager in medio harenosus, una specie; neque flumen neque mons erat, qui finis eorum discerneret. Quae res eos in magno diuturnoque bello inter se habuit. Postquam utrimque legiones, item classes saepe fusae fugataeque et alteri alteros aliquantum attriueret. veriti, ne mox victos victoresque defessos alius aggrederetur, per indutias sponsionem faciunt, uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur: quo in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque populi finis haberetur. Igitur Carthagine duo fratres missi, quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturauere iter pergere, Cyrenenses tardius iere. Id socordiane an casu acciderit, parum cognovi. Ceterum solet in illis locis tempestas haud secus atque in mari retinere. Nam ubi per loca aequalia et nuda gignentium ventus coortus harenam humo excitauit, ea magna vi agitata ora oculosque implere solet: ita prospectu impedito morari iter. Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se esse vident et ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuont, criminari Carthaginiensis ante tempus domo digressos, conturbare rem, denique omnia malle quam victi abire. Sed cum Poeni aliam condicionem, tantummodo aequam, peterent, Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciunt, ut vel illi, quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi viui obruerentur, vel eadem condicione sese quem in locum vellent processuros. Philaeni condicione probata seque vitamque suam rei publicae condonauere: ita viui obruti. Carthaginienses in eo loco Philaenis fratribus aras consecrauere, aliique illis domi honores instituti. Nunc ad rem redeo. [¶15] 80. After the loss of Thala, Jugurtha, thinking no place sufficiently secure against Metellus, fled with a few followers into the country of the Getulians, a people savage and uncivilized, and, at that period, unacquainted with even the name of Rome. Of these barbarians he collected a great multitude, and trained them by degrees to march in ranks, to follow standards, to obey the word of command, and to perform other military exercises. He also gained over to his interest, by large presents and larger promises, the intimate friends of king Bocchus, and working upon the king by their means, induced him to commence war against the Romans. This was the more practicable and easy, because Bocchus, at the commencement of hostilities with Jugurtha, had sent an embassy to Rome to solicit friendship and allliance; but a faction, blinded by avarice, and accustomed to sell their votes on every question honorable or dishonorable, had caused his advances to be rejected, though they were of the highest consequence to the war recently begun. A daughter of Bocchus, too, was married to Jugurtha, but such a connection, among the Numidians and Moors, is but lightly regarded; for every man has as many wives as he pleases, in proportion to his ability to maintain them; some ten, others more, but the kings most of all. Thus the affection of the husband is divided among a multitude; no one of them becomes a companion to him, but all are equally neglected. > Latin: 80. Iugurtha postquam amissa Thala nihil satis firmum contra Metellum putat, per magnas solitudines cum paucis profectus pervenit ad Gaetulos, genus hominum ferum incultumque et eo tempore ignarum nominis Romani. Eorum multitudinem in unum cogit ac paulatim consuefacit ordines habere, signa sequi, imperium obseruare, item alia militaria facere. Praeterea regis Bocchi proximos magnis muneribus et maioribus promissis ad studium sui perducit, quis adiutoribus regem aggressus impellit, uti aduersus Romanos bellum incipiat. Id ea gratia facilius proniusque fuit, quod Bocchus initio huiusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amicitiam petitum, quam rem opportunissimam incepto bello pauci impediuerant caeci auaritia, quis omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. Et iam antea Iugurthae filia Boccho nupserat, verum ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque leuis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurimas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia obtinet, pariter omnes viles sunt. [¶16] 81. The two kings, with their armies, met in a place settled by mutual agreement, where, after pledges of amity were given and received, Jugurtha inflamed the mind of Bocchus by observing " that the Romans were a lawless people, of insatiable covetousness, and the common enemies of mankind; that they had the same motive for making war on Bocchus as on himself and other nations, the lust of dominion; that all independent states were objects of hatred to them; at present, for instance, himself; a little before, the Carthaginians had been so, as well as king Perses; and that, in future, as any sovereign became conspicuous for his power, so would he assuredly be treated as an enemy by the Romans." Induced by these and similar considerations, they determined to march against Cirta, where Metellus had deposited his plunder, prisoners, and baggage. Jugurtha supposed that, if he took the city, there would be ample recompense for his exertions; or that, if the Roman general came to succor his adherents, he would have the opportunity of engaging him in the field. He also hastened this movement from policy, to lessen Bocchus's chance of peace; lest, if delay should be allowed, he should decide upon something different from war. > Latin: 81. Igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus conveniunt. Ibi fide data et accepta Iugurtha Bocchi animum oratione accendit: Romanos iniustos, profunda auaritia, communis omnium hostis esse; eandem illos causam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum aliis gentibus, libidinem imperitandi, quis omnia regna aduersa sint; tum sese, paulo ante Carthaginiensis, item regem Persen, post uti quisque opulentissimus videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore. His atque aliis talibus dictis ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt, quod … Ibique Metellus praedam captiuosque et impedimenta locauerat. Ita Iugurtha ratus aut capta urbe operae pretium fore aut, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset, proelio sese certaturos. Nam callidus id modo festinabat, Bocchi pacem imminuere, ne moras agitando aliud quam bellum mallet. [¶17] 82. Metellus, when he heard of the confederacy of the kings, did not rashly, or in every place, give opportunities of fighting, as he had been used to do since Jugurtha had been so often defeated, but, fortifying his camp, awaited the approach of the kings at no great distance from Cirta; thinking it better, when he should have learned something of the Moors, as they were new enemies in the field, to give battle on an advantage. In the mean time he was informed, by letters from Rome, that the province of Numidia was assigned to Marius, of whose election to the consulship he had already heard. Being affected at these occurrences beyond what was proper and decorous, he could neither restrain his tears nor govern his tongue; for though he was a man eminent in other respects, he had too little firmness in bearing trouble of mind. His irritation was by some imputed to pride; others said that a noble spirit was wounded by insult; many thought him chagrined because victory, just attained, was snatched from his grasp. But to me it is well known that he was more troubled at the honor bestowed on Marius than at the injustice done to himself; and that he would have shown much less uneasiness if the province of which he was deprived had been given to any other than Marius. > Latin: 82. Imperator postquam de regum societate cognovit, non temere neque, uti saepe iam victo Iugurtha consueuerat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam facit. Ceterum haud procul ab Cirta castris munitis reges opperitur, melius esse ratus cognitis Mauris, quoniam is nouos hostis accesserat, ex commodo pugnam facere. Interim Roma per litteras certior fit prouinciam Numidiam Mario datam; nam consulem factum ante acceperat. Quibus rebus supra bonum aut honestum perculsus neque lacrimas tenere neque moderari linguam, vir egregius in aliis artibus nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. Quam rem alii in superbiam vertebant, alii bonum ingenium contumelia accensum esse, multi quod iam parta victoria ex manibus eriperetur. Nobis satis cognitum est illum magis honore Mari quam iniuria sua excruciatum, neque tam anxie laturum fuisse, si adempta prouincia alii quam Mario traderetur. [¶18] 83. Discouraged, therefore, by such a mortification, and thinking it folly to promote another man's success at his own hazard, he sent deputies to Bocchus, entreating him " not to become an enemy to the Romans without cause;" and observing " that he had a fine opportunity of entering into friendship and alliance with them, which were far preferable to war; that though he might have confidence in his resources, he ought not to change certainties for uncertainties; that a war was easily begun, but discontinued with difficulty; that its commencement and conclusion were not dependent on the same party; that any one, even a coward, might commence hostilities, but that they could be broken off only when the conqueror thought proper; and that he should therefore consult for his interest and that of his kingdom, and not connect his own prosperous circumstances with the ruined fortunes of Jugurtha." To these representations the king mildly answered, "that he desired peace, but felt compassion for the condition of Jugurtha, to whom if similar proposals were made, all would easily be arranged." Metellus, in reply to this request of Bocchus, sent deputies with overtures, of which the king approved some, and rejected others. Thus, in sending messengers to and fro, the time passed away, and the war, according to the consul's desire, was protracted without being advanced. > Latin: 83. Igitur eo dolore impeditus et quia stultitiae videbatur alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos ad Bocchum mittit postulatum, ne sine causa hostis populo Romano fieret: habere tum magnam copiam societatis amicitiaeque coniungendae, quae potior bello esset, et, quamquam opibus suis confideret, tamen non debere incerta pro certis mutare. Omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum aegerrime desinere; non in eiusdem potestate initium eius et finem esse; incipere cuiuis etiam ignavo licere, deponi cum victores uelint. Proinde sibi regnoque suo consuleret neu florentis res suas cum Iugurthae perditis misceret. Ad ea rex satis placide verba facit: sese pacem cupere, sed Iugurthae fortunarum misereri; si eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura. Rursus imperator contra postulata Bocchi nuntios mittit; ille probare partim, alia abnuere. Eo modo saepe ab utroque missis remissisque nuntiis tempus procedere, et ex Metelli voluntate bellum intactum trahi. [¶19] 84. Marius, who, as I said before, had been made consul with great eagerness on the part of the populace, began, though he had always been hostile to the patricians, to inveigh against them, after the people gave him the province of Numidia, with great frequency and violence; he attacked them sometimes individually and sometimes in a body; he said that he had snatched from them the consulship as spoils from vanquished enemies; and uttered other remarks laudatory to himself and offensive to them. Meanwhile he made the provision for the war his chief object; he asked for reinforcements for the legions; he sent for auxiliaries from foreign states, kings, and allies; he also enlisted all the bravest men from Latium, most of whom were known to him by actual service, some few only by report, and induced, by earnest solicitation, even discharged veterans to accompany him. Nor did the senate, though adverse to him, dare to refuse him any thing; the additions to the legions they had voted even with eagerness, because military service was thought to be unpopular with the multitude, and Marius seemed likely to lose either the means of warfare, or the favor of the people. But such expectations were entertained in vain, so ardent was the desire of going with Marius that had seized on almost all. Every one cherished the fancy that he should return home laden with spoil, crowned with victory, or attended with some similar good fortune. Marius himself, too, had excited them in no small degree by a speech; for, when all that he required was granted, and he was anxious to commence a levy, he called an assembly of the people, as well to encourage them to enlist, as to inveigh, according to his practice, against the nobility. He spoke, on the occasion, as follows: > Latin: 84. At Marius, ut supra diximus, cupientissima plebe consul factus, postquam ei prouinciam Numidiam popuIus iussit, antea iam infestus nobilitati, tum vero multus atque ferox instare; singulos modo, modo uniuersos laedere; dictitare sese consulatum ex victis illis spolia cepisse, alia praeterea magnifica pro se et illis dolentia. Interim quae bello opus erant, prima habere: postulare legionibus supplementum, auxilia a populis et regibus arcessere, praeterea ex Latio sociisque fortissimum quemque, plerosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos, accire et ambiendo cogere homines emeritis stipendiis secum proficisci. Neque illi senatus, quamquam aduersus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat. Ceterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat, quia neque plebi militia volenti putabatur et Marius aut belli usum aut studia uulgi amissurus. Sed ea res frustra sperata: tanta libido cum Mario eundi plerosque invaserat. Sese quisque praeda locupletem fore, victorem domum rediturum, alia huiusce modi animis trahebant, et eos non paulum oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam postquam omnibus quae postulauerat, decretis milites scribere uult, hortandi causa simul et nobilitatem, uti consueuerat, exagitandi contionem populi aduocauit. Deinde hoc modo disseruit: