5.12. “My praetorian prefect, thinking to undertake an enterprise conducing to the public weal, entered into conversations with a general of yours, through the agency of some individuals of little worth and without consulting me, on the subject of peace. This we neither reject nor refuse, if only it take place with dignity and honour, without at all prejudicing our self-respect or our majesty.”
5.12. “Praefectus praetorio meus, opinatus aggredi negotium publicae utilitati conducens, cum duce tuo per quosdam ignobiles, me inconsulto, sermones conseruit super pace. Non refutamus hanc nec repellimus: adsit modo cum decore et honestate, nihil pudori nostro praereptura vel maiestati.”
5.13. “For at this time, when the sequence of events (may envy’s breezes be placated!) has beamed in manifold form upon us, when with the overthrow of the usurpers the whole Roman world is subject to us, it is absurd and silly to surrender what we long preserved unmolested when we were still confined within the bounds of the Orient.”
5.13. “Est enim absonum et insipiens nunc cum gestarum rerum ordines (placatae sint aurae invidiae!) nobis multipliciter illuxerunt, cum deletis tyrannis, totus orbis Romanus nobis obtemperat, ea prodere, quae contrusi in orientales angustias, diu servavimus inlibata.”
5.14. “Furthermore, pray make an end of those intimidations which (as usual) are directed against us, since there can be no doubt that it was not through slackness, but through self-restraint that we have sometimes accepted battle rather than offered it, and that when we are set upon, we defend our territories with the most valiant spirit of a good conscience; for we know both by experience and by reading that while in some battles, though rarely, the Roman cause has stumbled, yet in the main issue of our wars it has never succumbed to defeat.”
5.14. “Cessent autem quaeso formidines, quae nobis intentantur ex more, cum ambigi nequeat, non inertia nos sed modestia, pugnas interdum excepisse potius quam intulisse, et nostra quotiens lacessimur, fortissimo bonae conscientiae spiritu defensare, id experiendo legendoque scientes, in proeliis quibusdam raro rem titubasse Romanam, in summa vero bellorum numquam ad deteriora prolapsam.”
5.15. This embassy having been sent back without obtaining anything—for no fuller answer could be made to the king’s unbridled greed—after a very few days it was followed by Count Prosper, Spectatus, tribune and secretary, and likewise, at the suggestion of Musonianus, the philosopher Eustathius, as a master of persuasion; they carried with them letters of the emperor and gifts, and meanwhile planned by some craft or other to stay Sapor’s preparations, so that his northern provinces might not be fortified beyond the possibility of attack.
5.15. Hanc legationem nullo impetrato remissam,— nec enim effrenatae regis cupiditati responderi amplius quicquam potuit—post paucissimos dies secutus est Prosper comes et Spectatus tribunus, et notarius itemque Eustathius, Musoniano suggerente philosophus, ut opifex suadendi; imperatoris scripta perferentes et munera, enisuri apparatum interim Saporis arte quadam suspendere, ne supra humanum modum provinciae munirentur arctoae.
6.1. In the midst of these uncertainties the Juthungi, a branch of the Alamanni bordering on Italian territory, forgetful of the peace and the treaty which they had obtained by their prayers, were laying waste Raetia with such violence as even to attempt the besieging of towns, contrary to their habit.
6.1. Inter quae ita ambigua, Iuthungi Alamannorum pars Italicis conterminans tractibus, obliti pacis et foederum, quae adepti sunt obsecrando, Raetias turbulente vastabant, adeo ut etiam oppidorum temptarent obsidia praeter solitum.
6.2. To drive them back Barbatio was sent with a strong force; he had been promoted in place of Silvanus to be infantry commander. He was a coward but a fluent speaker, and having thoroughly roused the enthusiasm of the soldiers he utterly defeated a large number of the foe, so that only a small remnant, who for fear of danger had taken to flight, barely escaped and returned to their homes, not without tears and lamentations.
6.2. Ad quos repellendos cum valida manu missus Barbatio, in locum Silvani peditum promotus magister, ignavus sed verbis effusior, alacritate militum vehementer erecta, prostravit acerrime multos, ita ut exigua portio, quae periculi metu se dedit in fugam, aegre dilapsa, lares suos non sine lacrimis reviseret et lamentis.
6.3. In this battle, we are assured, Nevitta, commander of a troop of cavalry and afterwards consul, was present and conducted himself manfully.
6.3. Huic pugnae Nevitta, postea consul, equestris praepositus turmae, et adfuisse et fortiter fecisse firmatur.
7.1. At that same time fearful earthquakes throughout Asia, Macedonia, and Pontus with their repeated shocks shattered numerous cities and mountains. Now among the instances of manifold disaster was pre-eminent the collapse of Nicomedia, the metropolis of Bithynia; and of the misfortune of its destruction I shall give a true and concise account.
7.1. Eisdem diebus terrae motus horrendi, per Macedoniam Asiamque et Pontum, assiduis pulsibus oppida multa concusserunt et montes. Inter monumenta tamen multiformium aerumnarum, eminuere Nicomediae clades, Bithyniae urbium matris, cuius ruinarum eventum vere breviterque absolvam.
7.2. On the twenty-fourth of August, at the first break of day, thick masses of darkling clouds overcast the face of the sky, which had just before been brilliant; the sun’s splendour was dimmed, and not even objects near at hand or close by could be discerned, so restricted was the range of vision, as a foul, dense mist rolled up and settled over the ground.
7.2. Primo lucis exortu, diem nonum kal. Septembrium, concreti nubium globi nigrantium, laetam paulo ante caeli speciem confuderunt, et amendato solis splendore, nec contigua vel apposita cernebantur; ita oculorum obtutu praestricto, humo involutus crassae caliginis squalor insedit.
7.3. Then, as if the supreme deity were hurling his fateful bolts and raising the winds from their very quarters, a mighty tempest of raging gales burst forth; and at its onslaught were heard the groans of the smitten mountains and the crash of the wave-lashed shore; these were followed by whirlwinds and waterspouts, which, together with a terrific earthquake, completely overturned the city and its suburbs.
7.3. Dein velut numine summo fatales contorquente manubias, ventosque ab ipsis excitante cardinibus, magnitudo magnitude furentium incubuit procellarum, cuius impetu pulsorum auditus est montium gemitus, et elisi litoris fragor, haecque secuti typhones atque presteres, cum horrifico tremore terrarum, civitatem et suburbana funditus everterunt.
7.4. And since most of the houses were carried down the slopes of the hills, they fell one upon another, while everything resounded with the vast roar of their destruction. Meanwhile the highest points re-echoed all manner of outcries, of those seeking their wives, their children, and whatever near kinsfolk belonged to them.
7.4. Et quoniam acclivitate collium aedes pleraeque vehebantur, aliae super alias concidebant, reclangentibus cunctis sonitu ruinarum immenso. Inter quae clamoribus variis celsa culmina resultabant, quaeritantium coniugium liberosque, et siquid necessitudines artae constringunt coustringunt.
7.5. Finally, after the second hour, but well before the third, the air, which was now bright and clear, revealed the fatal ravages that lay concealed. For some who had been crushed by the huge bulk of the debris falling upon them perished under its very weight; some were buried up to their necks in the heaps of rubbish, and might have survived had anyone helped them, but died for want of assistance; others hung impaled upon the sharp points of projecting timbers.
7.5. Post horam denique secundam (multo ante tertiam) aer iam sudus et liquidus latentes retexit funereas strages. Non nulli enim superruentium ruderum vi nimia constipati, sub ipsis interiere ponderibus; quidam collo tenus aggeribus obruti, cum superesse possent siqui iuvissent, auxiliorum inopia necabantur; alii lignorum exstantium acuminibus fixi pendebant.
7.6. The greater number were killed at one blow, and where there were just now human beings, were then seen confused piles of corpses. Some were imprisoned unhurt within slanting houseroofs, to be consumed by the agony of starvation. Among these was Aristaenetus, vice-governor of the recently created diocese which Constantius, in honour of his wife, Eusebia, had named Pietas; by this kind of mishap he slowly panted out his life amid torments.
7.6. Uno ictu caesi complures, paulo ante homines tunc tune promiscae strages cadaverum cernebantur. Quosdam domorum inclinata fastigia intrinsecus servabant intactos, angore et inedia consumendos. Inter quos Aristaenetus affectatam recens dioecensin curans vicaria potestate, quam Constantius ad honorem uxoris Eusebiae, Pietatis cognominarat, animam hoc casu cruciatam diutius exhalavit.
7.7. Others, who were overwhelmed by the sudden magnitude of the disaster, are still hidden under the same ruins; some who with fractured skulls or amputated arms or legs hovered between life and death, imploring the aid of others in the same case, were abandoned, despite their pleas and protestations.
7.7. Alii subita magnitudine ruinae oppressi, eisdem adhuc molibus conteguntur. Collisis quidam capitibus, vel umeris praesectis aut cruribus, inter vitae mortisque confinia, aliorum adiumenta paria perferentium implorantes, cum obtestatione magna deserebantur.
7.8. And, the greater part of the temples and private houses might have been saved, and of the population as well, had not a sudden onrush of flames, sweeping over them for five days and nights, burned up whatever could be consumed.
7.8. Et superesse potuit aedium sacrarum et privatarum, hominumque pars maior, ni palantes abrupti flammarum ardores per quinque dies et noctes, quicquid consumi poterat exussissent.
7.9. I think the time has come to say a few words about the theories which the men of old have brought together about earthquakes; for the hidden depths of the truth itself have neither been sounded by this general ignorance of ours, nor even by the everlasting controversies of the natural philosophers, which are not yet ended after long study.
7.9. Adesse tempus existimo, pauca dicere quae de terrae pulsibus coniectura veteres collegerunt. Ad ipsius enim veritatis arcana, non modo haec nostra vulgaris inscitia, sed ne sempiterna quidem lucubrationibus longis nondum exhausta, physicorum iurgia penetrarunt.
7.10. Hence in the books of ritual and in those which are in conformity with the pontifical priesthood, nothing is said about the god that causes earthquakes, and this with due caution, for fear that by naming one deity instead of another, since it is not clear which of them thus shakes the earth, impieties may be perpetrated.
7.10. Unde et in ritualibus et pontificio sacerdotio obtemperantibus libris super auctore motus terrae nihil dicitur caute, ne alio deo pro alio nominato, cum qui eorum terram concutiat, sit in abstruse, piacula committantur.
7.11. Now earthquakes take place (as the theories state, and among them Aristotle is perplexed and troubled) either in the tiny recesses of the earth, which in Greek we call σύριγγαι, under the excessive pressure of surging waters; or at any rate (as Anaxagoras asserts) through the force of the winds, which penetrate the innermost parts of the earth; for when these strike the solidly cemented walls and find no outlet, they violently shake those stretches of land under which they crept when swollen. Hence it is generally observed that during an earthquake not a breath of wind is felt where we are, because the winds are busied in the remotest recesses of the earth.
7.11. Accidunt autem, (ut opiniones aestimant inter quas Aristoteles aestuat et laborat), aut in cavernis minutis terrarum, quas Graece σύριγγας appellamus, impulsu crebriore aquis undabundis; aut certe (ut Anaxagoras affirmat,) ventorum vi subeuntium ima terrarum; qui cum soliditatibus concrustatis inciderint, eruptiones nullas reperientes, eas partes soli convibrant, quas subrepserint tumidi. Unde plerumque observatur, terra tremente, ventorum apud nos spiramina nulla sentiri, quod in ultimis eius secessibus occupantur.
7.12. Anaximander says that when the earth dries up after excessive summer drought, or after soaking rainstorms, great clefts open, through which the upper air enters with excessive violence; and the earth, shaken by the mighty draft of air through these, is stirred from its very foundations. Accordingly such terrible disasters happen either in seasons of stifling heat or after excessive precipitation of water from heaven. And that is why the ancient poets and theologians call Neptune (the power of the watery element) Ennosigaeos and Sisichthon.
7.12. Anaximander ait, arescentem nimia aestuum siccitate, aut post madores imbrium terram rimas pandere grandiores, quas penetrat supernus aer violentus et nimius, ac per eas vehementi spiritu quassatam, cieri propriis sedibus. Qua de causa terrores huius modi, vaporatis temporibus, aut nimia aquarum caelestium superfusione, contingunt. Ideoque Neptunum, umentis substantiae potestatem, Ennosigaeon et Sisichthona poetae veteres et theologi nuncuparunt.
7.13. Now earthquakes take place in four ways; for they are either brasmatiae, or upheavings, which lift up the ground from far within, like a tide and force upward huge masses, as in Asia Delos came to the surface, and Hiera, Anaphe, and Rhodes, called in former ages Ophiusa and Pelagia, and once drenched with a shower of gold; also Eleusis in Boeotia, Vulcanus in the Tyrrhenian Sea, and many more islands. Or they are climatiae which rush along to one side and obliquely, levelling cities, buildings, and mountains. Or they are chasmatiae, or gaping, which with their intensive movement suddenly open abysses and swallow up parts of the earth; as in the Atlantic Ocean an island more extensive than all Europe, and in the Crisaean Gulf, Helice and Bura; and in the Ciminian district of Italy the town of Saccumum; these were all sunk into the deep abysses of Erebus, and lie hidden in eternal darkness.
7.13. Fiunt autem terrarum motus modis quattuor: aut enim brasmatiae sunt, qui humum more aestus imitus suscitantes, sursum propellunt immanissimas moles, ut in Asia Delos emersit, et Hiera et Anaphe et Rhodus, Ophiusa et Pelagia, prioribus saeculis dictitata, aureo quondam imbri perfusa, et Eleusin in Boeotia, et apud Tyrrenos Vulcanus, insulaeque plures; aut climatiae qui limes ruentes atque obliqui, urbes aedificia montesque complanant; aut chasmatiae qui grandiore motu patefactis subito voratrinis, terrarum partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico mari, Europaeo orbe spatiosior insula, et in Crisaeo sinu Helice et Bura, et in Ciminia Italiae parte, oppidum Saccumum, ad Erebi profundos hiatus abactae, aeternis tenebris occultantur.
7.14. Among these three sorts of earthquakes the mycematiae are heard with a threatening roar, when the elements break up into their component parts and clash of their own accord, or slide back when the ground settles. For then of necessity the crashing and rumbling of the earth must resound like the bellowing of a bull. But to return to the episode which we began.
7.14. Inter haec tria genera terrae motuum, mycematiae sonitu audiuntur minaci, cum dissolutis elementa compagibus, ultro assiliunt, vel relabuntur considentibus terris. Tune enim necesse est velut taurinis reboare mugitibus, fragores fremitusque terrenos. Sed hinc ad exorsa.
8.1. Now Caesar, while wintering in Paris, hastened with the greatest diligence to forestall the Alamanni, who were not yet assembled in one body, but were all venturesome and cruel to the point of madness after the battle of Strasburg; and while waiting for the month of July, when the campaigns in Gaul begin, he was for a long time in much anxiety. For he could not leave until the grain supply was brought up from Aquitania during the mild summer season, after the breaking up of the cold weather and frost.
8.1. At Caesar hiemem apud Parisios agens, Alamannos praevenire studio maturabat ingenti, nondum in unum coactos, sed ad insaniam post Argentoratum audaces omnes et saevos, opperiensque Iulium mensem, unde sumunt Gallicani procinctus exordia, diutius angebatur. Nec enim egredi poterat, antequam ex Aquitania aestatis remissione, solutis frigoribus et pruinis, veheretur annona.
8.2. But as careful planning is victorious over nearly all difficulties, he turned over in his mind many various possibilities; and this at last he found to be the only one, namely, without waiting for the height of the season, to fall upon the savages before he was looked for. And having settled on this plan, he had the grain allowance for twenty days taken from what was to be consumed in the winter quarters, and baked up to serve for some time; he put this hard-tack (as they commonly call it) on the backs of his willing soldiers, and relying on this supply he set out under favourable auspices (as he did before), thinking that within the fifth or sixth month two urgent and inevitable campaigns might be brought to completion.
8.2. Sed ut est difficultatum paene omnium diligens ratio victrix, multa mente versans et varia, id tandem repperit solum, ut anni maturitate non exspectata, barbaris occurreret insperatus, firmatoque consilio, XX dierum frumentum, ex eo quod erat in sedibus consumendum, ad usus diuturnitatem excoctum, bucellatum (ut vulgo appellant,) umeris imposuit libentium militum, hocque subsidio fretus, secundis (ut ante,) auspiciis profectus est, intra mensem quintum vel sextum, duas expeditiones consummari posse urgentes et necessarias arbitratus.
8.3. After these preparations he first of all aimed at the Franks, those namely whom custom calls the Salii, who once had the great assurance to venture to fix their abodes on Roman soil at Toxiandria. But when he had reached Tongres, a deputation of the aforesaid people met him, expecting to find the commander even then in winter quarters; and they offered peace on these terms, that while they remained quiet, as in their own territories, no one should attack or molest them. After having fully discussed the matter and proposed in reply some puzzling conditions, as if intending to remain in the same district until they returned, he gave these envoys gifts and dismissed them.
8.3. Quibus paratis, petit primos omnium Francos, eos videlicet quos consuetudo Salios appellavit, ausos olim in Romano solo apud Toxandriam Toxiandriam locum habitacula sibi figere praelicenter. Cui cum Tungros venisset, occurrit legatio praedictorum, opinantium reperiri imperatorem etiam tum in hibernis, pacem sub hac lege praetendens, ut quiescentes eos tamquam in suis, nec lacesseret quisquam nec vexaret. Hos legatos negotio plene digesto, oppositaque condicionum perplexitate, ut in eisdem tractibus moraturus, dum redeunt, muneratos absolvit.
8.4. But quicker than a flash he followed them up after their departure, and sending his general Severus along the river bank, fell upon the whole troop suddenly and smote them like a thunderstorm; at once they took to entreaties rather than to resistance, and he turned the outcome of his victory into the timely direction of mercy by receiving them in surrender with their property and their children.
8.4. Dictoque citius secutus profectos, Severo duce misso per ripam, subito cunctos aggressus, tamquam fulminis turbo perculsit, iamque precantes potius quam resistentes, in opportunam clementiae partem effectu victoriae flexo, dedentes se cum opibus liberisque suscepit.
8.5. The Chamavi also had ventured to make a similar attempt; with the same rapidity he attacked these, killed a part of them, and a part, who resisted stoutly and were taken alive, he put in irons; others, who made tracks for home in headlong flight, he allowed for the time to get away unharmed, in order not to tire his soldiers by a long chase. A little later they sent delegates to make supplication and to provide for their safety, and as they lay prostrate on the ground before his eyes he granted them peace on condition that they should return unmolested to their homes.
8.5. Chamavos itidem ausos similia adortus, eadem celeritate partim cecidit, partim acriter repugnantes, vivosque captos, compegit in vincula, alios praecipiti fuga repedantes ad sua, ne militem spatio longo defatigaret, abire interim permisit innocuos; quorum legatis paulo postea missis precatum consultumque rebus suis, humi prostratis sub obtutibus eius, pacem hoc tribuit pacto, ut ad sua redirent incolumes.
9.1. So, as everything was proceeding in accordance with his prayers, he made haste with watchful solicitude to put the well-being of the provinces in every way on a firm footing; and he planned to repair (as time would permit) three forts situated in a straight line along the banks overhanging the river Meuse, which had long since been overthrown by the obstinate assaults of the savages; and they were immediately restored, the campaign being interrupted for a short time.
9.1. Cunctis igitur ex voto currentibus, studio pervigili properans, modis omnibus utilitatem fundare provinciarum, munimenta tria recta serie superciliis imposita fluminis Mosae, subversa dudum obstinatione barbarica, reparare pro tempore cogitabat, et ilico sunt instaurata, procinctu paulisper omisso.
9.2. And to the end that speed might make his wise policy safe, he took a part of the seventeen days’ provisions, which the soldiers, when they marched forward on their expedition carried about their necks, and stored it in those same forts, hoping that what had been deducted might be replaced from the harvests of the Chamavi.
9.2. Atque ut consilium prudens celeritas faceret tutum, ex annona decem dierum et septem, quam in expeditionem pergens vehebat cervicibus miles, portionem subtractam in eisdem condidit castris, sperans ex Chamavorum segetibus id suppleri posse quod ablatum est.
9.3. But it turned out far otherwise; for the crops were not yet even ripe, and the soldiers, after using up what they carried, could find no food anywhere; and resorting to outrageous threats, they assailed Julian with foul names and opprobrious language, calling him an Asiatic, a Greekling and a deceiver, and a fool with a show of wisdom. And as some are usually to be found among the soldiers who are noteworthy for their volubility, they kept bawling out such words as these and many others to the same purport:
9.3. Longe autem aliter accidit. Frugibus enim nondum etiam maturis, miles, expensis quae portabat, nusquam reperiens victus, extrema minitans Iulianum compellationibus incessebat et probris, Asianum appellans Graeculum et fallacem, et specie sapientiae stolidum. Utque inveniri solent quidam inter armatos verborum volubilitate conspicui, haec et similia multa strepebant:
9.4. “Where are we being dragged, robbed of the hope of a better lot? We have long endured hardships of the bitterest kind to bear, in the midst of snows and the pinch of cruel frosts; but now (Oh shameful indignity!), when we are pressing on to the final destruction of the enemy it is by hunger, the most despicable form of death, that we are wasting away.”
9.4. “Quo trahimur spe meliorum abolita, olim quidem dura et perpessu asperrima per nives tolerantes et acumina crudelium pruinarum? Sed nunc (pro nefas!) cum ultimis hostium fatis instamus, fame, ignavissimo mortis genere tabescentes.”
9.5. “And let no man imagine us incitors to mutiny; we protest that we are speaking for our lives alone, asking for neither gold nor silver, which we have not been able to handle or even look upon for a long time, and which are denied us just as if it were against our country that we had been convicted of having undertaken so much toil and danger.”
9.5. “Et nequi nos turbarum existimet concitores, pro vita loqui sola testamur, non aurum neque argentum petentes, quae olim nec contrectare potuimus nec videre, ita nobis negata, velut contra rem publicam, tot suscepisse labores et pericula confutatis.”
9.6. And they had good reason for their complaints. For through all their career of laudable achievements, and the critical moments of hazard, the soldiers, though worn out by their labours in Gaul, had received neither donative nor pay from the very day that Julian was sent there, for the reason that he himself had no funds available anywhere from which to give, nor did Constantius allow any to be expended in the usual manner.
9.6. Et erat ratio iusta querellarum. Inter tot enim rerum probabilium cursus, articulosque necessitatum ancipites, sudoribus Gallicanis miles exhaustus, nec donativum meruit nec stipendium, iam inde ut Iulianus illo est missus, ea re quod nec ipsi quod daret suppetere poterat usquam, nec Constantius erogari more solito permittebat.
9.7. And it was evident that this was done through malice rather than through niggardliness, from the fact that when this same Julian was asked by a common soldier, as they often do, for money for a shave, and had given him some small coin, he was assailed for it with slanderous speeches by Gaudentius, who was then a secretary. He had remained in Gaul for a long time to watch Julian’s actions, and Caesar afterwards ordered that he be put to death, as will be shown in the proper place.
9.7. Hocque exinde claruit fraude potius quam tenacitate committi, quod cum idem Caesar petenti ex usu gregario cuidam, ut barbas detonderet, dedisset aliquid vile, contumeliosis calumniis appetitus est a Gaudentio tunc tune notario, ad explorandos eius actus diu morato per Gallias, quem postea ipse interfici iusserat, ut loco monstrabitur competenti.
10.1. At length, after the mutiny had been quelled, not without various sorts of fair words, they built a pontoon bridge and crossed the Rhine; but when they set foot in the lands of the Alamanni, Severus, master of the horse, who had previously been a warlike and energetic officer, suddenly lost heart.
10.1. Lenito tandem tumultu, non sine blanditiarum genere vario, contextoque navali ponte transito Rheno, terris Alamannorum calcatis, Severus magister equitum, bellicosus ante haec et industrius, repente conmarcuit commarcuit.
10.2. And he that had often encouraged one and all to brave deeds, now advised against fighting and seemed despicable and timid—perhaps through fear of his coming death, as we read in the books of Tages or of Vegoe that those who are shortly to be struck by lightning are so dulled in their senses that they can hear neither thunder nor any louder crashes whatsoever. And contrary to his usual custom, he had marched so lazily that he intimidated the guides, who were leading the way rapidly, and threatened them with death unless they would all agree, and unanimously make a statement, that they were wholly ignorant of the region. So they, being thus forbidden, and in fear of his authority, on no occasion went ahead after that.
10.2. Et qui saepe universos universes ad fortiter faciendum hortabatur et singulos, tunc tune dissuasor pugnandi, contemptus videbatur et timidus, mortem fortasse metuens adventantem, ut in Tageticis libris legitur vel Vegonicis Vegoicis fulmine mox tangendos adeo hebetari, ut nec tonitruum nec maiores aliquos possint audire fragores. Et iter ignaviter egerat praeter solitum, ut ductores, viarum praeeuntes alacri gradu, ultima minitando terreret, ni omnes conspirantes in unum, se loca penitus ignorare firmarent. Qui interdicti, metuentes auctoritatem, nusquam deinde sunt progressi.
10.3. Now in the midst of these delays Suomarius, king of the Alamanni, of his own initiative met the Romans unexpectedly with his troops, and although he had previously been haughty and cruelly bent upon harming the Romans, at that time on the contrary he thought it an unlooked-for gain if he were allowed to keep what belonged to him. And inasmuch as his looks and his gait showed him to be a suppliant, he was received and told to be of good cheer and set his mind at rest; whereupon he completely abandoned his own independence and begged for peace on bended knee.
10.3. Inter has tamen moras, Alamannorum rex Suomarius ultro cum suis improvisus occurrit, ferox ante saeviensque in damna Romana, sed tum lucrum existimans insperatum, si propria retinere permitteretur. Et quia vultus incessusque supplicem indicabat, susceptus bonoque animo esse iussus et placido, nihil arbitrio suo relinquens, pacem genibus curvatis oravit.
10.4. And he obtained it, with pardon for all that was past, on these terms: that he should deliver up his Roman captives and supply the soldiers with food as often as it should be needed, receiving security for what he brought in just like any ordinary contractor. And if he did not present it on time, he was to know that the same amount would again be demanded of him.
10.4. Et eam cum concessione praeteritorum sub hac meruit lege, ut captivos redderet nostros, et quotiens sit necesse, militibus alimenta praeberet, susceptorum vilium more securitates accipiens pro illatis: quas si non ostendisset in tempore, sciret se rursus eadem flagitandum.
10.5. When this, which was properly arranged, had been carried out without a hitch, since the territory of a second king, Hortarius by name, was to be attacked and nothing seemed to be lacking but guides, Caesar had given orders to Nestica, a tribune of the targeteers, and Charietto, a man of extraordinary bravery, to take great pains to seek out and catch one and bring him in captive. Quickly a young Alamann was seized and led in, and on condition of having his life spared he promised to show the way.
10.5. Quod ita recte dispositum est, impraepedite completo, Hortari nomine petendus erat regis alterius pagus, et quia nihil videbatur deesse praeter ductores, Nesticae tribuno scutariorum, et Chariettoni viro fortitudinis mirae, imperaverat Caesar, ut magna quaesitum industria, comprehensumque offerrent sibi captivum, et correptus velociter, adulescens ducitur Alamannus, pacto obtinendae salutis pollicitus itinera se monstraturum.
10.6. He led and the army followed, but it was prevented from going forward by a barricade of tall felled trees. But when they finally, by long and circuitous detours, reached the spot, every man in the army, wild with anger, joined in setting the fields on fire and raiding flocks and men; and if they resisted, they butchered them, without compunction.
10.6. Hoc progresso secutus exercitus, celsarum arborum obsistente concaede, ire protinus vetabatur. Verum per circuitus longos et flexuosos ubi ventum est tandem ad loca, ira quisque percitus armorum urebat agros et peoora diripiebat et homines hominess, resistentesque sine ulla parsimonia contruncabant.
10.7. The king was overwhelmed by these calamities, and when he saw the numerous legions and the ruins of his villages which they had burned down, now fully convinced that the final wreck of his fortunes was at hand, he too begged for pardon and under the solemn sanction of an oath promised that he would do what might be ordered. Being bidden to restore all prisoners—for that was insisted on with special earnestness—he did not keep faith but held back a large number and gave up only a few.
10.7. His malis perculsus, rex cum multiplices legiones, vicorumque reliquias cerneret exustorum, ultimas fortunarum iacturas adesse iam contemplatus, oravit ipse quoque veniam, facturum se imperanda iurandi exsecratione promisit. Captivos restituere universos—id enim cura agebatur impensiore—iussus fidem non praestitit. Detentisque plurimis reddidit paucos.
10.8. On learning this, Julian was roused to righteous indignation, and when the king came to receive presents, as was usual, he would not release his four attendants, on whose aid and loyalty he chiefly relied, until all the captives returned.
10.8. Quo cognito ad indignationem iustam Iulianus erectus, cum munerandus venisset ex more, quattuor comites eius, quorum ope et fide maxime nitebatur, non ante absolvit, dum omnes rediere captivi.
10.9. Finally the king was summoned by Caesar to an interview and reverenced him with trembling eyes; and overcome at the sight of the conqueror, he was forced to accept these hard terms, namely, that inasmuch as it was fitting that after so many successes the cities also should be rebuilt which the violence of the savages had destroyed, the king should furnish carts and timber from his own supplies and those of his subjects. And when he had promised this and taken oath that if he did any disloyal act, he should expiate it with his heart’s blood, he was allowed to return to his own domains. For as to supplying grain, as Suomarius did, he could not be coerced, for the reason that his country had been ravaged to the point of ruin, and nothing to give to us could be found.
10.9. Ad colloquium tandem accitus a Caesare, trementibus oculis adorato, victorisque superatus aspectu, condicione difficili premebatur, hac scilicet ut quoniam consentaneum erat, post tot secundos eventus, civitates quoque reparari, vi barbarorum excisas, carpenta et materias ex opibus suis suorumque praeberet; et haec pollicitus imprecatusque (si perfidum quicquam egisset,) luenda sibi cruore supplicia, ad propria remeare permissus est. Annonam enim transferre, ita ut Suomarius, ea re compelli non potuit, quod ad internicionem regione eius vastata, nihil inveniri poterat quod daretur.
10.10. So those kings, who in times past were inordinately puffed up with pride, and accustomed to enrich themselves with the spoils of our subjects, put their necks, now bowed down, under the yoke of Roman dominion, and ungrudgingly obeyed our commander, as if born and brought up among our tributaries. And after this conclusion of events the soldiers were distributed among their usual posts and Caesar returned to winter quarters.
10.10. Ita reges illi tumentes quondam immaniter, rapinisque ditescere assueti nostrorum, Romanae potentiae iugo subdidere colla iam domita, et velut inter tributarios nati et educati, obsecundabant imperiis ingravate. Quibus hoc modo peractis, disperso per stationes milite consuetas, ad hiberna regressus est Caesar.
11.1. Presently, when all this became known at Constantius’ court—for it was necessary that Caesar, like any subordinate, should render an account to Augustus of all his acts—all those who had the chief influence in the palace and were now past masters in flattery turned Julian’s well-devised and successful achievements into mere mockery by endless silly jests of this sort: “This fellow, a nanny-goat and no man, is getting insufferable with his victories,” jibing at him for being hairy, and calling him a “chattering mole” and “an ape in purple,” and “a Greekish pedant,” and other names like these; and by ringing bells, so to speak, in the ears of an emperor eager to hear these and similar things, they tried to bury his merits with shameless speeches, railing at him as a lazy, timid, unpractical person, and one who embellished his ill success with fine words; all of which did not take place then for the first time.
11.1. Haec cum in comitatu Constantii subinde noscerentur—erat enim necesse, tamquam apparitorem, Caesarem super omnibus gestis ad Augusti referre scientiam—omnes qui plus poterant in palatio, adulandi professores iam docti, recte consulta prospereque completa vertebant in deridiculum, talia sine modo strepentes insulse: “In odium venit cum victoriis suis capella, non homo,” ut hirsutum Iulianum carpentes, appellantesque “loquacem talpam” et “purpuratam simiam” et “litterionem Graecum,” et his congruentia plurima. Atque ut tintinnabula principi resonantes, audire haec taliaque gestienti, virtutes eius obruere verbis impudentibus conabantur ut segnem incessentes et timidum et umbratilem, gestaque secus verbis comptioribus exornantem; quod non tunc tune primitus accidit.
11.2. For as the greatest glory is always habitually subject to envy, we read that even against the renowned leaders of ancient days faults and charges were trumped up, even if none could be discovered, by spiteful persons incensed by their brilliant exploits.
11.2. Namque ut solet amplissima quaeque gloria obiecta esse semper invidiae, legimus in veteres quoque magnificos duces vitia criminaque, etiam si inveniri non poterant, finxisse malignitatem, spectatissimis actibus eorum offensam.
11.3. As, for example, Cimon, the son of Miltiades, was accused of incest, although often before and particularly near the river Eurymedon in Pamphylia he annihilated a countless host of the Persians, and compelled a nation always swollen with pride to sue humbly for peace. Likewise Scipio Aemilianus was accused of inactivity by the malice of his rivals, although by his effective vigilance two most powerful cities, bent on the destruction of Rome, were razed to the ground.
11.3. Ut Cimonem Miltiadis filium, insimulatum incesti, qui saepe ante et prope Eurymedonta Pamphylium flumen Persarum populum delevit innumerum, coegitque gentem insolentia semper elatam obsecrare suppliciter pacem; Aemilianum itidem Scipionem ut somniculosum aemulorum incusari malivolentia, cuius impetrabili vigilantia, obstinatae in perniciem Romae, duae potentissimae sunt urbes excisae.
11.4. And also even in the case of Pompey, some malevolent critics, who after much search found nothing for which he could be blamed, noted these two laughable and silly facts: that in a certain characteristic way he used to scratch his head with one finger, and that for some time, to cover up an ugly ulcer, he wore a white bandage tied around his leg; the one of these things he did, they affirmed, because he was dissipated, the other because he planned a revolution, snarling at him with the somewhat pointless reason, that it mattered not what part of his body he bound with the emblem of kingly majesty —and this to a man than whom, as the clearest of proofs show; none was more valiant or circumspect with regard to his country.
11.4. Nec non etiam in Pompeium obtrectatores iniqui, multa scrutantes, cum nihil unde vituperari deberet, inveniretur, duo haec observarunt ludibriosa et irrita: quod genuino quodam more caput digito uno scalpebat, quodque aliquandiu tegendi ulceris causa deformis fasciola candida crus colligatum gestabat: quorum alterum factitare ut dissolutum, alterum ut novarum rerum cupidum asserebant; nihil interesse oblatrantes argumento subfrigido, quam partem corporis redimiret regiae maiestatis insigni; eum virum, quo nec fortior nec autem cautior quisquam patriae fuit, ut documenta praeclara testantur.
11.5. While these things were thus happening, at Rome Artemius, who held the office of vice-prefect, also succeeded Bassus, who a short time after he had been promoted to be prefect of the city had died a natural death. His administration suffered from mutinous disturbances, but had no remarkable incident which is worth relating.
11.5. Dum haec ita aguntur, Romae Artemius curans vicariam praefecturam, pro Basso quoque agebat, qui recens promotus urbi praefectus, fatali decesserat sorte, cuius administratio seditiones perpessa est turbulentas, nec memorabile quicquam habuit quod narrari sit dignum.
12.1. As Augustus meanwhile was taking his winter rest at Sirmium, frequent serious reports showed that the Sarmatians and the Quadi, who were in agreement because they were neighbours and had like customs and armour, had united and were raiding the Pannonias and Second Moesia in detached bands.
12.1. Augusto inter haec quiescenti per hiemem apud Sirmium, indicabant nuntii graves et crebri, permixtos Sarmatas et Quados, vicinitate et similitudine morum armaturaeque concordes, Pannonias Moesiarumque alteram cuneis incursare dispersis.
12.2. These people, better fitted for brigandage than for open warfare, have very long spears and cuirasses made from smooth and polished pieces of horn, fastened like scales to linen shirts; most of their horses are made serviceable by gelding, in order that they may not at sight of mares become excited and run away, or when in ambush become unruly and betray their riders by loud neighing.
12.2. Quibus ad latrocinia magis quam aperto habilibus Marti, hastae sunt longiores et loricae ex cornibus rasis et laevigatis, plumarum specie linteis indumentis innexae; equorumque plurimi ex usu castrati, ne aut feminarum visu exagitati, raptentur, aut in subsidiis ferocientes, prodant hinnitu densiore vectores.
12.3. And they run over very great distances, pursuing others or themselves turning their backs, being mounted on swift and obedient horses and leading one, or sometimes even two, to the end that an exchange may keep up the strength of their mounts and that their freshness may be renewed by alternate periods of rest.
12.3. Et per spatia discurrunt amplissima, sequentes alios vel ipsi terga vertentes, insidendo velocibus equis et morigeris, trahentesque singulos, interdum et binos, uti permutatio vires foveat iumentorum, vigorque otio integretur alterno.
12.4. And so, when the spring equinox was past, the emperor mustered a strong force of soldiers and set out under the guidance of a more propitious fortune; and although the river Ister was in flood since the masses of snow and ice were now melted, having come to the most suitable place, he crossed it on a bridge built over the decks of ships and invaded the savages’ lands with intent to lay them waste. They were outwitted by his rapid march, and on seeing already at their throats the troops of a fighting army, which they supposed could not yet be assembled owing to the time of year, they ventured neither to take breath nor make a stand, but to avoid unlooked-for destruction all took to precipitate flight.
12.4. Aequinoctio itaque temporis verni confecto, imperator coacta militum valida manu, ductu laetioris fortunae profectus, cum ad locum aptissimum pervenisset, flumen Histrum exundantem pruinarum iam resoluta congerie, super navium foros ponte contexto transgressus, populandis barbarorum incubuit terris. Qui itinere festinato praeventi, catervasque bellatoris exercitus iugulis suis imminere cernentes, quem nondum per anni tempus colligi posse rebantur, nec spirare ausi nec stare, sed vitantes exitium insperatum, semet omnes effuderunt in fugam.
12.5. The greater number, since fear clogged their steps, were cut down; if speed saved any from death, they hid in the obscure mountain gorges and saw their country perishing by the sword; and they might undoubtedly have protected her, had they resisted with the same vigour that had marked their flight.
12.5. Stratisque plurimis, quorum gressus vinxerat timor, si quos exemit celeritas morti, inter latebrosas convalles montium occultati, videbant patriam ferro pereuntem, quam vindicassent profecto, si vigore quo discesserant restitissent.