12.6. This took place in that part of Sarmatia which faces Second Pannonia, and with equal courage our soldiers, like a tempest, laid waste the enemies possessions round about Valeria, burning and plundering everything before them.
12.6. Gerebantur haec in ea parte Sarmatiae, quae secundam prospectat Pannoniam, parique fortitudine circa Valeriam opes barbaras urendo rapiendoque occurrentia militaris turbo vastabat.
12.7. Greatly disturbed by the vastness of this disaster, the Sarmatians abandoned their plan of hiding, and forming in three divisions, under pretence of suing for peace they planned to attack our soldiers with little danger, so that they could neither get their weapons ready nor parry the force of wounds, nor turn to flight, which is the last recourse in times of stress.
12.7. Cuius cladis immensitate permoti, posthabito latendi consilio, Sarmatae petendae specie pacis, agmine tripertito agentes, securius nostros aggredi cogitarunt ut nec expedire tela nec vim vulnerum declinare, nec quod est in rebus artissimis ultimum, verti possent in fugam.
12.8. Furthermore the Quadi, who had often been their inseparable companions in raids, came at once to share the perils of the Sarmatians; but their ready boldness did not help them either, rushing as they were upon evident hazards.
12.8. Aderant autem ilico Sarmatis periculorum Quadi participes, qui noxarum saepe socii fuerant indiscreti, sed ne eos quidem prompta iuvit audacia, in discrimina ruentes aperta.
12.9. For after very many of them had been cut down, the part that could save themselves escaped by paths familiar to them, and our army, their strength and courage aroused by this success, formed in closer order and hastened to the domain of the Quadi. They, dreading from their past disaster what impended, planned to sue suppliantly for peace and confidently presented themselves before the emperor, who was somewhat too lenient towards those and similar offences; and on the day named for settling the terms in like fashion, Zizais, a tall young man who was even then a royal prince, drew up the ranks of the Sarmatians in battle array to make their petition. And on seeing the emperor he threw aside his weapons and fell flat on his breast, as if lying lifeless. And since the use of his voice failed him from fear at the very time when he should have made his plea, he excited all the greater compassion; but after several attempts, interrupted by sobbing, he was able to set forth only a little of what he tried to ask.
12.9. Caesis enim compluribus, pars quae potuit superesse, per notos calles evasit; quo eventu vires et animos incitante, iunctis densius cuneis, ad Quadorum regna properabat exercitus, qui ex praeterito casu impendentia formidantes, rogaturi suppliciter pacem, fidentes ad principis venere conspectum, erga haec et similia lenioris, dictoque die statuendis condicionibus pari modo Zizais quoque etiam tum regalis, ardui corporis iuvenis, ordines Sarmatarum more certaminis instruxit ad preces; visoque imperatore, abiectis armis pectore toto procubuit, exanimis stratus. Et amisso vocis officio prae timore, tum cum orare deberet, maiorem misericordiam movit, conatus aliquotiens, parumque impediente singultu, permissus explicare quae poscebat.
12.10. At last, however, he was reassured and bidden to rise, and getting up on his knees and recovering the use of his voice, he begged that indulgence for his offences, and pardon, be granted him. Upon this the throng was admitted to make its entreaties, but mute terror closed their lips, so long as the fate of their superior was uncertain. But when he was told to get up from the ground and gave the long awaited signal for their petition, all threw down their shields and spears, stretched out their hands with prayers, and succeeded in many ways in outdoing their prince in lowly supplication.
12.10. Recreatus denique tandem, iussusque exsurgere, genibus nixus, usu linguae recuperate, concessionem delictorum sibi tribui supplicavit et veniam, eoque ad precandum admissa multitudo, cuius ora formido muta claudebat, periculo adhuc praestantioris ambiguo, ubi ille solo iussus attolli orandi signum exspectantibus diu monstravit, omnes clipeis telisque proiectis, manus precibus dederunt plura excogitantes, ut vincerent humilitate supplicandi regalem.
12.11. Their superior had also brought with therest of the Sarmatians Rumo, Zinafer and Fragiledus, who were petty kings, and a number of nobles, to make like requests, which they hoped would be granted. They, though overjoyed that their lives were spared, offered to make up for their hostile acts by burdensome conditions, and would have willingly submitted themselves with their possessions, their children, their wives, and the whole of their territories to the power of the Romans. However, kindness combined with equity prevailed, and when they were told to retain their homes without fear, they returned all their Roman prisoners. They also brought in the hostages that were demanded and promised from that time on to obey orders with the utmost promptness.
12.11. Duxerat potior cum ceteris Sarmatis etiam Rumonem et Zinafrum et Fragiledum subregulos, plurimosque optimates, cum impetrandi spe similia petituros. Qui, licet elati gaudio salutis indultae, condicionum sarcina compensare inimice facta pollicebantur, seque cum facultatibus et liberis et coniugibus terrarumque suarum ambitu Romanae potentiae libenter offerrent. Praevaluit tamen aequitati iuncta benignitas, iussique obtinere sedes impavidi, nostros reddidere captivos. Duxeruntque obsides postulatos postulates, et obedire praeceptis deinde promptissime spoponderunt.
12.12. Encouraged by this instance of mercy, there hastened to the spot with all their subjects the prince Araharius, and Usafer, a prominent noble, who were leaders of the armies of their countrymen; one of them ruled a part of the Transiugitani and the Quadi, the other some of the Sarmatians, peoples closely united by the same frontiers and like savagery. Since the emperor feared their people, lest under pretence of striking a treaty they might suddenly rise to arms, he separated the united divisions and bade those who were interceding for the Sarmatians to withdraw for a time, while the case of Araharius and the Quadi was being considered.
12.12. Hortante hoc exemplo clementiae, advolarunt regalis cum suis omnibus Araharius, et Usafer inter optimates excellens, agminum gentilium duces, quorum alter Transiugitanorum Quadorumque parti, alter quibusdam Sarmatis praeerat, locorum confiniis et feritate iunctissimis; quorum plebem veritus imperator, ne ferire foedera simulans, in arma repente consurgeret, discreto consortio, pro Sarmatis obsecrantes iussit paulisper abscedere, dum Araharii et Quadorum negotium spectaretur.
12.13. When these presented themselves in the manner of criminals, standing with bended bodies, and were unable to clear themselves of serious misdeeds, in fear of calamities of the worst kind they gave the hostages which were demanded, although never before had they been forced to present pledges for a treaty.
12.13. Qui cum reorum ritu oblati, stantes curvatis corporibus, facinora gravia purgare non possent, ultimae sortis infortunia metuentes, dederunt obsides imperatos, numquam antea pignora foederis exhibere compulsi.
12.14. When they had been justly and fairly disposed of, Usafer was admitted to make supplication, although Araharius stoutly objected and insisted that the terms which he himself had obtained ought to be valid also for the other as his partner, although Usafer was of inferior rank and accustomed to obey his commands.
12.14. His ex aequo bonoque compositis Usafer in preces admissus est, Arahario pertinaciter obstrepente, firmanteque pacem quam ipse meruit, ei quoque debere proficere, ut participi licet inferiori, et obtemperare suis imperiis consueto.
12.15. But after a discussion of the question, orders were given that the Sarmatians (as permanent dependents of the Romans) should be freed from the domination of others and should present hostages as bonds for keeping the peace; an offer which they gladly accepted.
12.15. Verum quaestione discussa, aliena potestate eripi Sarmatae iussi (ut semper Romanorum clientes,) offerre obsides quietis vincula conservandae, gratanter amplexi sunt.
12.16. Moreover, after this there offered themselves a very great number of kings and nations, coming together in companies, and begged that swords be poised at their very throats, as soon as they learned that Araharius had got off scot-free. And they too in the same way gained the peace which they sought, and sooner than was expected they summoned from the innermost parts of the kingdom and brought in as hostages the sons of eminent men, and also our prisoners (as had been stipulated), from whom they parted with as deep sighs as they did from their own countrymen.
12.16. Ingerebat autem se post haec maximus numerus catervarum confluentium nationum et regum, suspendi a iugulis suis gladios obsecrantium, postquam Araharium impune compererat abscessisse; et pari modo ipsi quoque adepti pacem quam poscebant, accitos ex intimis regni procerum filios obsidatus sorte opinione celerius obtulerunt, itidemque captivos (ut placuerat) nostros, quos haut minore gemitu perdidere quam suos.
12.17. These affairs once set in order, his attention was turned to the Sarmatians, who were deserving rather of pity than of anger; and to them this situation brought an incredible degree of prosperity; so that the opinion of some might well be deemed true, that fortune is either mastered or made by the power of a prince.
12.17. Quibus ordinatis translata est in Sarmatas cura, miseratione dignos potius quam simultate. Quibus incredibile quantum prosperitatis haec attulit causa: ut verum illud aestimaretur, quod opinantur quidam, fatum vinci principis potestate vel fieri.
12.18. The natives of this realm were once powerful and noble, but a secret conspiracy armed their slaves for rebellion; and since with savages all right is commonly might, they vanquished their masters, being their equals in courage and far superior in number.
12.18. Potentes olim ac nobiles erant huius indigenae regni, sed coniuratio clandestina servos armavit in facinus. Atque ut barbaris esse omne ius in viribus adsuevit, vicerunt dominos ferocia pares, et numero praeminentes.
12.19. The defeated, since fear prevented deliberation, fled to the Victohali, who dwelt afar off, thinking that to submit to protectors (considering their evil plight) was preferable to serving slaves. Bewailing this situation, after they had gained pardon and been assured of protection they asked that their freedom be guaranteed; whereupon the emperor, deeply moved by the injustice of their condition, in the presence of the whole army called them together, and addressing them in gracious terms, bade them yield obedience to none save himself and the Roman generals.
12.19. Qui confundente metu consilia, ad Victohalos discretos longius confugerunt, obsequi defensoribus, (ut in malis) optabile, quam servire mancipiis arbitrati; quae deplorantes, post impetratam veniam recepti in fidem, poscebant praesidia libertati, eosque iniquitate rei permotus, inspectante omni exercitu, convocatos allocutus verbis mollioribus imperator, nulli nisi sibi ducibusque Romanis parere praecepit.
12.20. And to give their restoration to freedom an increase of dignity, he set over them as their king Zizais, a man even then surely suited for the honours of a conspicuous fortune and (as the result showed) loyal; but no one was allowed, after these glorious achievements, to leave the place, until (as had been agreed) the Roman prisoners should come back.
12.20. Atque ut restitutio libertatis haberet dignitatis augmentum, Zizaim regem eisdem praefecit, conspicuae fortunae tum insignibus aptum profecto, (ut res docuit) et fidelem, nec discedere quisquam post haec gloriose gesta permissus est, antequam (ut placuerat) remearent nostri captivi.
12.21. After these achievements in the savages’ country, the camp was moved to Bregetio, to the end that there also tears or blood might quench what was left of the war of the Quadi, who were astir in those regions. Then their prince Vitrodorus, son of King Viduarius, and Agilimundus, his vassal, along with other nobles and officials governing various nations, seeing the army in the heart of their kingdom and native soil, prostrated themselves before the marching soldiers, and having gained pardon, did what was ordered, giving their children as hostages by way of pledge that they would fulfil the conditions imposed upon them. Then, drawing their swords, which they venerate as gods, they swore that they would remain loyal.
12.21. His in barbarico gestis, Bregetionem castra commota sunt, ut etiam ibi belli Quadorum reliquias, circa illos agitantium tractus, lacrimae vel sanguis extingueret. Quorum regalis Vitrodorus, Viduari filius regis, et Agilimundus subregulus, aliique optimates et iudices, variis populis praesidentes, viso exercitu in gremio regni solique genitalis, sub gressibus militum iacuere, et adepti veniam iussa fecerunt, sobolemque suam obsidatus pignore (ut obsecuturi condicionibus impositis) tradiderunt, eductisque mucronibus, quos pro numinibus colunt, iuravere se permansuros in fide.
13.1. When these events had been brought to a successful issue, as has been told, the public welfare required that the standards quickly be transported to the Limigantes, former slaves of the Sarmatians, for it was most shameful that they had with impunity committed many infamous outrages. For as if forgetting the past, when the free Sarmatians rebelled, those others also found the opportunity most favourable and broke over the Roman frontier, for this outrage alone making common cause with their masters and enemies.
13.1. His (ut narratum est) secundo finitis eventu, ad Limigantes, Sarmatas servos, ocius signa transferri utilitas publica flagitabat, quos erat admodum nefas, impune multa et nefaria perpetrasse. Nam velut obliti priorum, tunc erumpentibus Liberis, ipsi quoque tempus aptissimum nancti, limitem perrupere Romanum, ad hanc solam fraudem dominis suis hostibusque concordes.
13.2. Nevertheless, it was determined after driving out their former masters; according to others, the Limigantes were a tribe of the Sarmatians. after deliberation that this act also should be punished less severely than the heinousness of their crimes demanded, and vengeance was confined to transferring them to remote places, where they would lose the opportunity of molesting our territories; yet the consciousness of their long series of misdeeds warned them to fear danger.
13.2. Deliberatum est tamen, id quoque lenius vindicari, quam criminum magnitudo poscebat, hactenus ultione porrecta, ut ad longinqua translati, amitterent copiam nostra vexandi, quos pericula formidare monebat scelerum conscientia diutius commissorum.
13.3. Accordingly, suspecting that the weight of war would be directed against them, they got ready wiles and arms and entreaties. But at the first sight of our army, as if smitten by a stroke of lightning and anticipating the utmost, after having pleaded for life they promised a yearly tribute, a levy of their able youth, and slavery; but they were ready, as they showed by gestures and expression, to refuse if they should be ordered to move elsewhere, trusting to the protection of the situation in which they had established themselves in security, after driving out their masters.
13.3. Ideoque in se pugnae molem suspicati vertendam, dolos parabant et ferrum et preces. Verum aspectu primo exercitus tamquam fulminis ictu perculsi, ultimaque cogitantes, vitam precati, tributum annuum delectumque validae iuventutis et servitium spoponderunt, abnuere parati si iuberentur aliorsum migrare, ut gestibus indicabant et vultibus, locorum confisi praesidio, ubi lares post exactos dominos fixere securi.
13.4. For the Parthiscus rushing into those lands with winding course, mingles with the Hister. But while it flows alone and unconfined, it slowly traverses a long expanse of broad plain; near its mouth, however, it compresses this into a narrow tract, thus protecting those who dwell there from a Roman attack by the channel of the Danube, and making them safe from the inroads of other savages by the opposition of its own stream; for the greater part of the country is of a marshy nature, and since it is flooded when the rivers rise, is full of pools and overgrown with willows, and therefore impassable except for those well acquainted with the region. Besides this the larger river, enclosing the winding circuit of an island, which almost reaches the mouth of the Parthiscus, separates it from connection with the land.
13.4. Has enim terras Parthiscus irruens obliquatis meatibus, Histro miscetur. Sed dum solus licentius fluit, spatia longa et lata sensim praelabens, et ea coartans prope exitum in angustias, accolas ab impetu Romanorum alveo Danubii defendit, a barbaricis vero excursibus suo tutos praestat obstaculo, ubi pleraque umidioris soli natura, et incrementis fluminum redundantia, stagnosa sunt et referta salicibus, ideoque invia, nisi perquam gnaris; et super his insularem anfractum, aditu Parthisci paene contiguum, amnis potior ambiens, terrae consortio separavit.
13.5. So, at the emperor’s request, they came with their native arrogance to their bank of the river, not, as the event proved, intending to do what they were bidden, but in order not to appear to have feared the presence of the soldiers; and there they stood defiantly, thus giving the impression that they had come there to reject any orders that might be given.
13.5. Hortante igitur principe, cum genuino fastu ad citeriorem venere fluminis ripam, ut exitus docuit, non iussa facturi, sed ne viderentur militis praesentiam formidasse, stabantque contumaciter, ideoque propinquasse monstrantes, ut iubenda repudiarent.
13.6. But the emperor, suspecting that this might happen, had secretly divided his army into several bands, and with swift speed enclosed them, while they were delaying, within the lines of his own soldiers; then standing with a few followers on a loftier mound, protected by the defence of his guards, in mild terms he admonished them not to be unruly.
13.6. Quae imperator accidere posse contemplans, in agmina plurima clam distributo exercitu, celeritate volucri morantes intra suorum acies clausit. Stansque in aggere celsiore cum paucis, et stipatorum praesidio tectus, eos ne ferocirent lenius admonebat.
13.7. But they, wavering in uncertainty of mind, were distracted different ways, and with mingled craft and fury they thought both of entreaties and of battle; and preparing to sally out on our men where we lay near to them, they purposely threw forward their shields a long way, so that by advancing step by step to recover them they might without any show of treachery gain ground by stealth.
13.7. Sed fluctuantes ambiguitate mentium in diversa rapiebantur, et furori mixta versutia, temptabant cum precibus proelium, vicinumque sibi in nostros parantes excursum, proiecere consulto longius scuta, ut ad ea recuperanda sensim progressi, sine ullo fraudis indicio spatia furarentur.
13.8. When the day was now declining to evening and the waning light warned them to do away with delay, the soldiers lifted up their standards and rushed upon them in a fiery attack. Thereupon the foe massed themselves together, and, huddled in close order, directed all their attack against the emperor himself, who, as was said, stood on higher ground, charging upon him with fierce looks and savage cries.
13.8. Iamque vergente in vesperum die, cum moras rumpere lux moneret excedens, erectis vexillis in eos igneo miles impetu ferebatur. Qui conferti acieque densiore contracta, adversus ipsum principem stantem (ut dictum est) altius, omnem impetum contulerunt, eum oculis incessentes et vocibus truculentis.
13.9. The furious madness of this onset so angered our army that it could not brook it, and as the savages hotly menaced the emperor (as was said), they took the form of a wedge (an order which the soldier’s naive parlance calls “the pig’s head,”) and scattered them with a hot charge; then on the right our infantry slaughtered the bands of their infantry, while on the left our cavalry poured into the nimble squadrons of their cavalry.
13.9. Cuius furoris amentiam exercitus ira ferre ferse non potuit, eosque imperatori (ut dictum est) acriter imminentes, desinente in angustum fronte (quem habitum caput porci simplicitas militaris appellat,) impetu disiecit ardenti, et dextra pedites catervas peditum obtruncabant, equites laeva equitum se turmis agilibus infuderunt.
13.10. The praetorian cohort, which stood before Augustus and was carefully guarding him, fell upon the breasts of the resisting foe, and then upon their backs as they took flight. And the savages with invincible stubbornness showed as they fell, by their awful shrieking, that they did not so much resent death as the triumph of our soldiers; and besides the dead many lay about hamstrung and thus deprived of the means of flight, others had their right hands cut off, some were untouched by any steel but crushed by the weight of those who rushed over them; but all bore their anguish in deep silence.
13.10. Cohors praetoria ex adverso Augustum cautius stipans, resistentium pectora moxque terga fugientium incidebat, et cadentes insuperabili contumacia barbari non tam mortem dolere, quam nostrorum laetitiam, horrendo stridore monstrabant, et iacentes absque mortuis plurimi, succisis poplitibus ideoque adempto fugiendi subsidio, alii dexteris amputatis, non nulli ferro quidem intacti, sed superruentium collisi ponderibus, cruciatus alto silentio perferebant.
13.11. And amid their varied torments not a single man asked for pardon or threw down his weapon, or even prayed for a speedy death, but they tightly grasped their weapons, although defeated, and thought it less shameful to be overcome by an enemy’s strength than by the judgement of their own conscience, while sometimes they were heard to mutter that what befell them was due to fortune, not to their deserts. Thus in the course of half an hour the decision of this battle was reached, and so many savages met a sudden death that the victory alone showed that there had been a fight.
13.11. Nec eorum quisquam inter diversa supplicia veniam petit aut ferrum proiecit, aut exoravit celerem mortem, sed arma iugiter retinentes, licet afflicti, minus criminis aestimabant, alienis viribus potius quam conscientiae suae iudicio vinci; mussantesque audiebantur interdum, fortunae non meriti fuisse quod evenit. Ita in semihorae curriculo discrimine proeliorum emenso, tot procubuere subito barbari, ut pugnam fuisse sola victoria declararet.
13.12. Hardly yet had the hordes of the enemy been laid low, when the kinsfolk of the slain, dragged from their humble cots, were led forth in droves without regard to age or sex, and abandoning the haughtiness of their former life, were reduced to the abjectness of servile submission; and only a brief space of time had elapsed, when heaps of slain and throngs of captives were to be seen.
13.12. Vix dum populis hostilibus stratis, gregatim peremptorum necessitudines ducebantur, humilibus extractae tuguriis, aetatis sexusque promiscui, et fastu vitae prioris abolito, ad infimitatem obsequiorum venere servilium, et exiguo temporis intervallo decurso, caesorum aggeres et captivorum agmina cernebantur.
13.13. Then, excited by the heat of battle and the fruits of victory, our soldiers roused themselves to destroy those who had deserted the battle or were lurking in concealment in their huts. And these, when the soldiers had come to the spot thirsting for the blood of the savages, they butchered after tearing to pieces the light straw; and no house, even though built with the stoutest of timbers, saved a single one from the danger of death.
13.13. Incitante itaque fervore certaminum, fructuque vincendi, consurrectum est in perniciem eorum qui deseruerant proelia, vel in tuguriis latitantes occultabantur. Hos, cum ad loca venisset avidus barbarici sanguinis miles, disiectis culmis levibus obtruncabant, nec quemquam casa, vel trabibus compacta firmissimis, periculo mortis extraxit.
13.14. Finally, when everything was in flames and none could longer hide, since every means of saving their lives was cut off, they either fell victims to fire in their obstinacy, or, fleeing the flames and coming out to avoid one torture, fell by the enemy’s steel.
13.14. Denique cum inflammarentur omnia nullusque latere iam posset, cunctis vitae praesidiis circumcisis, aut obstinate igni peribat absumptus, aut incendium vitans, egressusque uno supplicio declinato, ferro sternebatur hostili.
13.15. Yet some escaped the weapons and the fires, great as they were, and plunged into the depths of the neighbouring river, hoping through skill in swimming to be able to reach the opposite banks; of these the most lost their lives by drowning, others were pierced by darts and perished, in such numbers that the whole course of the immense river foamed with the blood that flowed everywhere in abundance. Thus with the aid of two elements the wrath and valour of the victors annihilated the Sarmatians.
13.15. Fugientes tamen aliqui tela, incendiorumque magnitudinem, amnis vicini se commisere gurgitibus, peritia nandi ripas ulteriores occupare posse sperantes, quorum plerique summersi necati sunt, alii iaculis periere confixi, adeo ut abunde cruore diffuso, meatus fluminis spumaret immensi; ita per elementum utrumque, Sarmatas vincentium ira virtusque delevit.
13.16. Then it was decided, after this course of events, that every hope and comfort of life should be taken from all, and after their homes had been burned and their families carried off, orders were given that boats should be brought together, for the purpose of hunting down those whom the opposite bank had kept aloof from our army.
13.16. Placuerat igitur post hunc rerum ordinem cunctis adimi spem omnem vitaeque solacium. Et post lares incensos, raptasque familias, navigia iussa sunt colligi, ad indagandos eos quos a nostrorum acie ulterior discreverat ripa.
13.17. And at once, for fear that the ardour of the warriors might cool, light-armed troops were put into skiffs, and taking the course which offered the greatest secrecy, came upon the lurking-places of the Sarmatians; and the enemy were deceived as they suddenly came in sight, seeing their native boats and the manner of rowing of their own country.
13.17. Statimque ne alacritas intepesceret pugnatorum, impositi lintribus, per abdita ducti, velites expediti occuparunt latibula Sarmatarum, quos repentinus fefellit aspectus, gentiles lembos et nota remigia conspicantes.
13.18. But when from the glittering of the weapons afar off they perceived that what they feared was approaching, they took refuge in marshy places; but the soldiers, following them still more mercilessly, slew great numbers of them, and gained a victory in a place where it seemed impossible to keep a firm footing or venture upon any action.
13.18. Ubi vero procul micantibus telis, quod verebantur, propinquare senserunt, ad suffugia locorum palustrium se contulerunt, eosque secutus infestius miles, caesis plurimis ibi victoriam repperit, ubi nec caute posse consistere, nec audere aliquid credebatur.
13.19. After the Amicenses had been scattered and all but wholly destroyed, the army immediately attacked the Picenses, so named from the adjoining regions, who had been put on their guard by the disasters to their allies, which were known from persistent rumours. To subdue these (for it was hard to pursue them, since they were scattered in divers places, and unfamiliarity with the roads was a hindrance) they resorted to the help of the Taifali and likewise of the free Sarmatians.
13.19. Post absumptos paene diffusosque Amicenses, petiti sunt sine mora Picenses, ita ex regionibus appellati conterminis; quos tutiores fecere sociorum aerumnae, rumorum assiduitate compertae. Ad quos opprimendos, (erat enim arduum sequi per diversa conspersos, imprudentia viarum arcente,) Taifalorum auxilium et Liberorum adaeque Sarmatarum assumptum est.
13.20. And as consideration of the terrain made it desirable to separate the troops of the allies, our soldiers chose the tracts near Moesia, the Taifali undertook those next to their own homes, and the free Sarmatians occupied the lands directly opposite to them.
13.20. Cumque auxiliorum agmina locorum ratio separaret, tractus contiguos Moesiae sibi miles elegit, Taifali proxima suis sedibus obtinebant, Liberi terras occupaverant e regione sibi oppositas.
13.21. The Limigantes having now suffered this fate, and terrified by the example of those who had been conquered and suddenly slain, hesitated long with wavering minds whether to die or plead, since for either course they had lessons of no slight weight; finally, however, the urgency of an assembly of the older men prevailed, and the resolve to surrender. Thus to the laurels of various victories there was added also the entreaties of those who had usurped freedom by arms; and such of them as survived bowed their necks with prayers before their former masters, whom they had despised as vanquished and weak, but now saw to be the stronger.
13.21. Quae perpessi Limigantes territique subactorum exemplis et subitum prostratorum, diu haesitabant ambiguis mentibus, utrum oppeterent an rogarent, cum utriusque rei suppeterent documenta non levia. Vicit tamen ad ultimum coetu seniorum urgente, dedendi sese consilium. Variaeque palmae victoriarum accessit eorum quoque supplicatio, qui armis libertatem invaserant, et reliqui eorum cum precibus, ut superatos et imbelles dominos aspernati, fortioribus visis inclinavere cervices.
13.22. And so, having received a safe-conduct, the greater number of them forsook the defence of the mountains and hastened to the Roman camp, pouring forth over the broad and spacious plains with their parents, their children and wives, and as many of their poor possessions as haste allowed them to snatch up in time.
13.22. Accepta itaque publica fide, deserto montium propugnaculo, ad castra Romana convolavit eorum pars maior, diffusa per spatia ampla camporum, cum parentibus et natis atque coniugibus, opumque vilitate, quam eis celeritatis coleritatis ratio furari permisit.
13.23. And those who (as it was supposed) would rather lose their lives than be compelled to change their country, since they believed mad licence to be freedom, now consented to obey orders and take other quiet and safe abodes, where they could neither be harried by wars nor affected by rebellions. And these men, being taken under protection according to their own wish (as was believed) remained quiet for a short time; later, through their inborn savagery they were aroused to an outrage which brought them destruction, as will be shown in the proper place.
13.23. Et qui animas amittere potius, quam cogi solum vertere putabantur, dum licentem amentiam libertatem existimarent, parere imperiis, et sedes alias suscipere sunt assensi, tranquillas et fidas, ut nec bellis vexari, nec mutari seditionibus possint. Eisdemque ex sententia (ut credebatur,) acceptis, quievere paulisper, post feritate nativa in exitiale scelus erecti, ut congruo docebitur textu.
13.24. Through this successful sequel of events adequate protection was provided for Illyricum in a twofold manner; and the emperor having in hand the greatness of this task fulfilled it in both ways. The unfaithful were laid low and trodden under foot, but exiled peoples (although equally unstable) who yet seemed likely to act with somewhat more respect, were at length recalled and settled in their ancestral homes. And as a crowning favour, he set over them, not some low-born king, but one whom they themselves had previously chosen as their ruler, a man eminent for his mental and physical gifts.
13.24. Hoc rerum prospero currente successu, tutela Illyrico competens gemina est ratione firmata, cuius negotii duplicem magnitudinem imperator aggressus utramque perfecit. Infidis attritis stratisque, exsules populos (licet mobilitate suppares ) acturos tamen paulo verecundius, tandem reductos in avitis sedibus collocavit. Eisdemque ad gratiae cumulum, non ignobilem quempiam regem, sed quem ipsi antea sibi praefecere regalem, imposuit, bonis animi corporisque praestantem.
13.25. After such a series of successes Constantius, now raised above any fear, by the unanimous voice of the soldiers was hailed a second time as Sarmaticus, after the name of the conquered people; and now, on the point of departure, he called together all the cohorts, centuries, and maniples, and standing on a tribunal, surrounded by standards, eagles and a throng of many officers of high rank, he addressed the army with these words, being greeted (as usual) with the acclaim of all:
13.25. Tali textu recte factorum, Constantius iam metuente sublimior, militarique consensu, secundo Sarmaticus appellatus, ex vocabulo subactorum, iamque discessurus, convocatis cohortibus, et centuriis, et manipulis omnibus, tribunal tribunall insistens, signisque ambitus et aquilis, et agmine multiplicium potestatum, his exercitum allocutus est, ore omnium favorabilis, (ut solebat).
13.26. “The recollection of our glorious deeds, more grateful to brave men than any pleasure, moves me to rehearse to you, with due modesty, what abuses we most faithful defenders of the Roman state have corrected by the fortune of victory vouchsafed us by Providence both before our battles and in the very heat of combat. For what is so noble, or so justly worthy to be commended to the memory of posterity, as that the soldier should rejoice in his valiant deeds, and the leader in the sagacity of his plans.”
13.26. “Hortatur recordatio rerum gloriose gestarum, omni iucunditate viris fortibus gratior, ea ad modum verecundiae replicare, quae divinitus delata sorte vincendi, et ante proelia et in ipso correximus fervore pugnarum, Romanae rei fidissimi defensores. Quid enim tam pulchrum tamque posteritatis memoriae iusta ratione mandandum, quam ut miles strenue factis, ductor prudenter consultis exultet?”
13.27. “Our enemies in their madness were overrunning all Illyricum, with arrogant folly despising us in our absence, while we were defending Italy and Gaul, and in successive raids were laying waste our farthest frontiers, crossing the rivers now in dug-out canoes and sometimes on foot; they did not trust to engagements nor to arms and strength, but, as is their custom, to lurking brigandage, with the craft and various methods of deceit dreaded also by our forefathers from our very first knowledge of the race. These outrages we, being far away, endured as well as they could be borne, hoping that any more serious losses could be obviated by the efficiency of our generals.”
13.27. “Persultabat Illyricum furor hostilis, absentiam nostram inanitate tumenti despiciens, dum Italos tueremur et Gallos, variisque discursibus vastabat extima limitum, nunc cavatis roboribus, aliquotiens peragrans pedibus flumina, non congressibus nec armis fretus aut viribus, sed latrociniis assuetus occultis, astu et ludificandi varietate, iam inde ab instituta gente nostris quoque maioribus formidatus; quae longius disparati, qua ferri poterant tulimus, saeviores iacturas efficacia ducum vitari posse sperantes.”
13.28. “But when, encouraged by impunity, they mounted higher and burst forth in destructive and repeated attacks upon our provinces, after securing the approaches to Raetia and by vigilant guard ensuring the safety of Gaul, leaving no cause of fear behind us, we came into Pannonia, intending, if it should please eternal God, to strengthen whatever was tottering. And sallying forth when all was ready (as you know) and spring was well advanced, we took in hand a mighty burden of tasks: first, to build a close-jointed bridge, without being overwhelmed by a shower of missiles, a work which was easily completed; and when we had seen and set foot upon the enemy’s territories, without any loss of our men we laid low the Sarmatians who, with spirits regardless of death attempted to resist us. And when with like impudence the Quadi bore aid to the Sarmatians and rushed upon the ranks of our noble legions, we trod them under foot. The latter, after grievous losses, having learned amid their raids and menacing efforts at resistance what our valour could effect, cast aside the protection of arms and offered hands that had been equipped for battle to be bound behind their backs; and seeing that their only safety lay in entreaties, they prostrated themselves at the feet of a merciful Augustus, whose battles they had often learned to have come to a happy issue.”
13.28. “Ubi vero per licentiam scandens in maius, ad funestas provinciarum clades erepsit et crebras, communitis aditibus Raeticis, tutelaque pervigili Galliarum securitate fundata, terrore nullo relicto post terga, venimus in Pannonias, si placuerit numini sempiterno, labentia firmaturi; cunctisque paratis (ut nostis,) vere adulto egressi, arripuimus negotiorum maximas moles: primum ne struendo textis compagibus ponti, telorum officeret multitudo multitude, quo opera levi perfecto, visis terris hostilibus et calcatis, obstinatis ad mortem animis conatos resistere Sarmatas, absque nostrorum dispendio stravimus, parique petulantia ruentes in agmina nobilium legionum, Quados Sarmatis adiumenta ferentes attrivimus. Qui post aerumnosa dispendia, inter discursus et repugnandi minaces anhelitus, quid nostra valeat virtus experti, manus ad dimicandum aptatas, armorum abiecto munimine, pone terga vinxerunt, restareque solam salutem contemplantes in precibus, affusi sunt vestigiis Augusti clementis, cuius proelia saepe compererant exitus habuisse felices.”
13.29. “These barely disposed of, we vanquished the Limigantes as well with equal valour, and after many of them had been slain, avoidance of danger forced the rest to seek the protection of their lairs in the marshes.”
13.29. “His sequestratis Limigantes quoque fortitudine superavimus pari, interfectisque pluribus, alios periculi declinatio adegit suffugia petere latebrarum palustrium.”
13.30. “When these enterprises were brought to a successful issue, the time for seasonable mildness was at hand. The Limigantes we forced to move to remote places, so that they could make no further attempts to destroy our subjects, and very many of them we spared. And over the free Sarmatians we set Zizais, knowing that he would be devoted and loyal to us, and thinking it better to appoint a king for the savages than to take one from them; and it added to the happiness of the occasion, that a ruler was assigned them whom they had previously chosen and accepted.”
13.30. “Hisque secundo finitis eventu, lenitatis tempus aderat tempestivae. Limigantes ad loca migrare compulimus longe discreta, ne in perniciem nostrorum se commovere possent ulterius et pepercimus plurimis, et Zizaim praefecimus Liberis, dicatum nobis futurum et fidum, plus aestimantes creare quam auferre barbaris regem, hoc decore augente sollemnitatem, quod eisdem quoque rector tributus antehac electus est et acceptus.”
13.31. “Hence a fourfold prize, the fruit of a single campaign, was won by us and by our country: first, by taking vengeance on wicked robbers; then, in that you will have abundant booty taken from the enemy; for valour ought to be content with what it has won by toil and a strong arm.”
13.31. “Quadruplex igitur praemium, quod unus procinctus absolvit, nos quaesivimus et res publica, primo ultione parta de grassatoribus noxiis, deinde quod vobis abunde sufficient ex hostibus capta. His enim virtutem oportet esse contentam, quae sudore quaesivit et dexteris.”
13.32. “We ourselves have ample wealth and great store of riches, if our labours and courage have preserved safe and sound the patrimonies of all; for this it is that beseems the mind of a good prince, this accords with prosperous successes.”
13.32. “Nobis amplae facultates opumque sunt magni thesauri, si integra omnium patrimonia nostri labores et fortitudo servarint. Hoc enim boni principis menti, hoc successibus congruit prosperis.”
13.33. “Lastly, I also display the spoil of an enemy’s name, surnamed as I am Sarmaticus for the second time, a title not undeserved (without arrogance be it said), which you have with one accord bestowed upon me.” After this speech was thus ended, the entire assembly with more enthusiasm than common, since the hope of betterment and gains had been increased, broke out into festal cries in praise of the emperor, and in customary fashion calling God to witness that Constantius was invincible, went back to their tents rejoicing. And when the emperor had been escorted to his palace and refreshed by two days’ rest, he returned in triumphal pomp to Sirmium, and the companies of soldiers went back to the quarters assigned them.
13.33. “Postremo ego quoque hostilis vocabuli spolium prae me fero, secundo Sarmatici cognomentum, quod vos unum idemque sentientes, mihi (ne sit arrogans dicere,) merito tribuistis.” Post hunc dicendi finem contio omnis alacrior solito, aucta spe potiorum et lucris, vocibus festis in laudes imperatoris adsurgens, deumque ex usu testata non posse Constantium vinci, tentoria repetit laeta. Et reductus imperator ad regiam, otioque bidui recreatus, Sirmium cum pompa triumphali regressus est, et militares numeri destinatas remearunt ad sedes.
14.1. On these very same days Prosper, Spectatus, and Eustathius, who had been sent as envoys to the Persians (as we have shown above), approached the king on his return to Ctesiphon, bearing letters and gifts from the emperor, and demanded peace with no change in the present status. Mindful of the emperor’s instructions, they sacrificed no whit of the advantage and majesty of Rome, insisting that a treaty of friendship ought to be established with the condition that no move should be made to disturb the position of Armenia or Mesopotamia.
14.1. Hisce eisdem diebus, Prosper et Spectatus atque Eustathius, legati ad Persas (ut supra docuimus) missi, Ctesiphonta reversum regem adiere, litteras perferentes imperatoris et munera, poscebantque rebus integris pacem, et mandatorum principis memores, nusquam ab utilitate Romanae rei maiestateque discedebant, amicitiae foedus sub hac lege firmari debere adseverantes, ne super turbando Armeniae vel Mesopotamiae statu quicquam moveretur.
14.2. Having therefore tarried there for a long time, since they saw that the king was most obstinately hardened against accepting peace, unless the dominion over those regions should be made over to him, they returned without fulfilling their mission.
14.2. Diu igitur ibi morati, cum obstinatissimum regem, nisi harum regionum dominio sibi adiudicato, obdurescentem ad suscipiendam cernerent pacem, negotio redierunt infecto.
14.3. Afterwards Count Lucillianus was despatched, together with Procopius, at that time state secretary, to accomplish the self-same thing with like insistence on the conditions; the latter afterwards, bound as it were by a knot of stern necessity, rose in revolution.
14.3. Post quod id ipsum condicionum robore pari impetraturi, Lucillianus missus est comes, et Procopius tunc notarius, qui postea nodo quodam violentae necessitatis adstrictus, ad res consurrexerat novas.