1.1. Such are the events of one and the same year in various parts of the world. But in Gaul, now that affairs were in a better condition and the brothers Eusebius and Hypatius had been honoured with the high title of consul, Julian, famed for his series of successes and in winter quarters at Paris, laid aside for a time the cares of war and with no less regard made many arrangements leading to the well-being of the provinces, diligently providing that no one should be overloaded with a burden of tribute; that the powerful should not grasp the property of others, or those hold positions of authority whose private estates were being increased by public disasters; and that no official should with impunity swerve from equity.
1.1. Haec per orbis varias partes uno eodemque anno sunt gesta. At in Galliis cum in meliore statu res essent, et Eusebium atque Hypatium fratres sublimarent vocabula consulum, Iulianus contextis successibus clarus, apud Parisios hibernans, sequestratis interim sollicitudinibus bellicis, haut minore cura provinciarum fortunis multa conducentia disponebat, diligenter observans nequem tributorum sarcina praegravaret, neve potentia praesumeret aliena, aut hi versarentur in medio, quorum patrimonia publicae clades augebant, vel iudicum quisquam ab aequitate deviaret impune.
1.2. And this last abuse he reformed with slight difficulty, for the reason that he settled controversies himself whenever the importance of the cases or of the persons required, and distinguished inflexibly between right and wrong.
1.2. Idque ea re levi labore correxit, quod ipse iurgia dirimens, ubi causarum cogebat magnitude vel personarum, erat indeclinabilis iustorum iniustorumque distinctor.
1.3. And although there are many praiseworthy instances of his conduct in such cases, yet it will suffice to cite one, as a sample of his acts and words.
1.3. Et licet multa sint eius laudanda in huius modi controversiis, unum tamen sufficiet poni, ad cuius similitudinem acta vel dicta sunt.
1.4. Numerius, shortly before governor of Gallia Narbonensis, was accused of embezzlement, and Julian examined him with unusual judicial strictness before his tribunal publicly, admitting all who wished to attend. And when the accused defended himself by denying the charge, and could not be confuted on any point, Delphidius, a very vigorous speaker, assailing him violently and, exasperated by the lack of proofs, cried: “Can anyone, most mighty Caesar, ever be found guilty, if it be enough to deny the charge?” And Julian was inspired at once to reply to him wisely: “Can anyone be proved innocent, if it be enough to have accused him?” And this was one of many like instances of humanity.
1.4. Numerium Narbonensis paulo ante rectorem, accusatum ut furem, inusitato censorio vigore, pro tribunali palam admissis volentibus audiebat, qui cum infitiatione defenderet obiecta, nec posset in quoquam confutari, Delphidius orator acerrimus, vehementer eum impugnans, documentorum inopia percitus, exclamavit: “Ecquis, florentissime Caesar, nocens esse poterit usquam, si negare sufficiet?” Contra quem Iulianus prudenter motus ex tempore, “Ecquis” ait “innocens esse poterit, si accusasse sufficiet?” Et haec quidem et huius modi multa civilia.
2.1. But being on the point of entering upon an urgent campaign, since he considered that some districts of the Alamanni were hostile and would venture on outrages unless they also were overthrown after the example of the rest, he was anxious and doubtful with what force and with what speed (as soon as prudence gave an opportunity) he might anticipate the news of his coming and invade their territories unexpected.
2.1. Egressurus autem ad procinctum urgentem, cum Alamannorum pagos aliquos esse reputaret hostiles, et ausuros immania, ni ipsi quoque ad ceterorum sternerentur exempla, haerebat anxius qua vi qua celeritate, cum primum ratio copiam tribuisset, rumore praecurso, terras eorum invaderet repentinus.
2.2. And after thinking over many varied plans he at last decided to try the one which the outcome proved to be expedient. Without anyone’s knowledge he had sent Hariobaudes, an unattached tribune of tried fidelity and courage, ostensibly as an envoy to Hortarius, a king already subdued, with the idea that he could easily go on from there to the frontiers of those against whom war was presently to be made, and find out what they were plotting; for he was thoroughly acquainted with the language of the savages.
2.2. Seditque tandem multa et varia cogitanti, id temptare quod utile probavit eventus. Hariobaudem vacantem tribunum, fidei fortitudinisque notae, nullo conscio legationis specie ad Hortarium miserat regem iam pacatum, ut exinde facile ad collimitia progressus eorum, in quos erant arma protinus commovenda, scitari possit quid molirentur, sermonis barbarici perquam gnarus.
2.3. When the tribune had fearlessly set out to execute these orders, Julian, since the season of the year was favourable, called together his soldiers from all quarters for a campaign, and set forth; and he thought that above all things he ought betimes to attend to this, namely, before the heat of battle to enter the cities long since destroyed and abandoned, regain and fortify them, and even build granaries in place of those that had been burned, in which he could store the grain which was regularly brought over from Britain; and both things were accomplished sooner than anyone expected.
2.3. Quo fidenter ad haec patranda digresso, ipse anni tempore opportuno, ad expeditionem undique milite convocato, profectus, id inter potissima mature duxit implendum, ut ante proeliorum fervorem, civitates multo ante excisas ac vacuas introiret, receptasque communiret, horrea quin etiam exstrueret pro incensis, ubi condi possit annona, a Britanniis sueta transferri.
2.4. For not only did the granaries quickly rise, but a sufficiency of food was stored in them; and the cities were seized, to the number of seven: Castra Herculis, Quadriburgium, Tricensima and Novesium, Bonna, Antennacum and Vingo, where by a happy stroke of fortune the prefect Florentius also appeared unexpectedly, leading a part of the forces and bringing a store of provisions sufficient to last a long time.
2.4. Et utrumque perfectum est spe omnium citius. Nam et horrea veloci opere surrexerunt, alimentorumque in eisdem satias condita, et civitates occupatae sunt septem: Castra Herculis Quadriburgium Tricensima et Novesium, Bonna Antennacum et Vingo, ubi laeto quodam eventu, etiam Florentius praefectus apparuit subito, partem militum ducens, et commeatuum perferens copiam, sufficientem usibus longis.
2.5. After this had been accomplished, one pressing necessity remained, namely, to repair the walls of the recovered cities, since even then no one hindered; and it is evident from clear indications that the savages through fear, and the Romans through love for their commander, at that time served the public welfare.
2.5. Post haec impetrata, restabat adigente necessitatum articulo, receptarum urbium moenia reparari, nullo etiam tum interturbante; idque claris indiciis apparet, ea tempestate utilitati publicae metu barbaros oboedisse, rectoris amore Romanos.
2.6. The kings, according to the compact of the preceding year, sent in their wagons an abundance of building material, and the auxiliary soldiers, who always disdain such tasks, induced to diligent compliance by Julian’s fair words, willingly carried on their shoulders timbers fifty feet or more in length, and in the work of building rendered the greatest service.
2.6. Reges ex pacto superioris anni aedificiis habilia multa suis misere carpentis, et auxiliarii milites semper munia spernentes huius modi, ad obsequendi sedulitatem Iuliani blanditiis deflexi, quinquagenarias longioresque materias vexere cervicibus ingravate, et fabricandi ministeriis opem maximam contulerunt.
2.7. While these works were being pushed on with diligence and success, Hariobaudes returned after examining into everything, and reported what he had learned. After his arrival all came at top speed to Mayence; and there, when Florentius and Lupicinus (successor to Severus) strongly insisted that they ought to build a bridge at that place and cross the river, Caesar stoutly opposed, declaring that they ought not to set foot in the lands of those who had submitted, for fear that (as often happens) through the rudeness of the soldiers, destroying everything in their way, the treaties might be abruptly broken.
2.7. Quae dum diligenti maturantur effectu, Hariobaudes exploratis omnibus rediit, docuitque comperta. Post cuius adventum incitatis viribus omnes venere Mogontiacum, ubi Florentio et Lupicino (Severi successore) destinate certantibus, per pontem illic constitutum transiri debere, renitebatur firmissime Caesar, asserens pacatorum terras non debere calcari, ne (ut saepe contigit) per incivilitatem militis occurrentia vastitantis, abrupte foedera frangerentur.
2.8. However, the Alamanni as a whole, against whom our army was marching, thinking danger to be close at hand, with threats warned king Soumarius, a friend of ours through a previous treaty, to debar the Romans from passing over; for his territories adjoined the opposite bank of the Rhine. And when he declared that he could not resist single-handed, the savages united their forces and came to the neighbourhood of Mayence, intending with might and main to prevent our army from crossing the river.
2.8. Alamanni tamen omnes quos petebat exercitus, confine periculum cogitantes, Suomarium regem amicum nobis ex pactione praeterita monuerunt minaciter, ut a transitu Romanos arceret. Eius enim pagi Rheni ripis ulterioribus adhaerebant. Quo testante resistere solum non posse, in unum coacta barbara multitude venit prope Mogontiacum, prohibitura viribus magnis exercitum, ne transmitteret flumen.
2.9. Therefore for a twofold reason what Caesar had advised seemed fitting, namely, that they should not ravage the lands of peaceful natives, nor against the opposition of a most warlike people construct the bridge with loss of life to many of our men, but should go to the place best suited for building a bridge.
2.9. Gemina itaque ratione visum est habile quod suaserat Caesar, ne pacatorum terrae corrumperentur, neve renitente pugnacissima plebe, pons cum multorum discrimine iungeretur iri in locum ad compaginandum pontem aptissimum.
2.10. This step the enemy observed with the greatest care, slowly marching along the opposite bank; and when from afar they saw our men pitching their tents, they themselves also passed sleepless nights, keeping guard with watchful diligence to prevent an attempt at crossing.
2.10. Quod hostes sollertissime contemplati, per contrarias ripas leniter incedentes, ubi nostros figere tentoria, procul cernebant, ipsi quoque noctes agebant exsomnes, custodientes pervigili studio, ne transitus temptaretur.
2.11. Our soldiers, however, on coming to the appointed place rested, protected by a rampart and a trench, and Caesar, after taking counsel with Lupicinus, ordered trusty tribunes to provide with stakes three hundred light-armed troops, who as yet were wholly unaware what was to be done or where they were to go.
2.11. Verum cum nostri locum adventarent provisum, vallo fossaque quievere circumdati, et asscito Lupicino in consilium, Caesar certis imperavit tribunis, ut trecentenos pararent cum sudibus milites expedites, quid agi quove iri deberet penitus ignorantes.
2.12. And having been brought together when night was well advanced, all were embarked whom forty scouting boats (as many as were available at the time) would hold, and ordered to go down stream so quietly that they were even to keep their oars lifted for fear that the sound of the waters might arouse the savages; and while the enemy were watching our campfires, the soldiers were ordered with nimbleness of mind and body to force the opposite bank.
2.12. Et collecti nocte provecta, impositique omnes quos lusoriae naves quadraginta quae tune aderant solae, ceperunt, decurrere iubentur per flumen, adeo taciti, ut etiam remi suspenderentur, ne barbaros sonitus excitaret undarum, atque mentis agilitate et corporum, dum hostes nostrorum ignes observant, adversas perrumpere milites ripas.
2.13. While this was being done with all haste, Hortarius, a king previously allied with us, not intending any disloyalty but being a friend also to his neighbours, invited all the kings, princes, and kinglets to a banquet and detained them until the third watch, prolonging the feasting after the native fashion. And as they were leaving the feast, it chanced that our men unexpectedly attacked them, but were in no way able to kill or take any of them, aided as they were by the darkness and their horses, which carried them off wherever panic haste drove them; they did, however, slay the lackeys or slaves, who followed their masters on foot, except such as the darkness of the hour saved from danger.
2.13. Dum haec celerantur, Hortarius rex nobis antea foederatus, non novaturus quaedam, sed amicus finitimis quoque suis, reges omnes et regales et regulos ad convivium corrogatos retinuit, epulis ad usque vigiliam tertiam gentili more extentis; quos discedentes inde casu nostri ex improviso adorti, nec interficere nec corripere ullo genere potuerunt, tenebrarum equorumque adiumento, quo dubius impetus trusit, abreptos; lixas vero vel servos, qui eos pedibus sequebantur, (nisi quos exemit discrimine temporis obscuritas) occiderunt.
2.14. When word at last came of the crossing of the Romans, who then, as in former campaigns, expected to find rest from their labours wherever they should succeed in finding the enemy, the panic-striken kings and their peoples, who were watching with eager intentness and dreading the building of the bridge, shuddering with fear, took to their heels in all directions; and their unbridled anger now laid aside, they hastened to transport their kindred and their possessions to a greater distance. And at once every difficulty was removed, the bridge was built, and before the anxious nations expected it our soldiers appeared in the land of the savages, and were passing through the realms of Hortarius without doing any damage.
2.14. Cognito denique transitu Romanorum, qui tune perque expeditiones praeteritas, ibi levamen sumere laborum opinabantur, ubi hostem contingeret inveniri, perculsi reges eorumque populi, qui pontem ne strueretur, studio servabant intento, metu exhorrescentes diffuse vertuntur in pedes; et indomito furore sedato, necessitudines opesque suas transferre longius festinabant. Statimque difficultate omni depulsa, ponte constrato, sollicitarum gentium opinione praeventa, visus in barbarico miles per Hortarii regna transibat intacta.
2.15. But when they reached the territories of kings that were still hostile, they burned and pillaged everything, ranging without fear through the midst of the rebel country. After firing the fragile huts that sheltered them, killing a great number of men, and seeing many falling and others begging for mercy, our soldiers reached the region called Capillacii or Palas where boundary stones marked the frontiers of the Alamanni and the Burgundians. There they encamped with the design of capturing Macrianus and Hariobaudus, kings and own brothers, before they took alarm; for they, perceiving the ruin that threatened them, had come with anxious minds to sue for peace.
2.15. Ubi vero terras infestorum etiam tum tetigit regum, urens omnia rapiensque, per medium rebellium solum grassabatur intrepidus. Postque saepimenta fragilium penatium inflammata, et obtruncatam hominum multitudinem, visosque cadentes multos aliosque supplicantes, cum ventum fuisset ad regionem (cui Capillacii vel Palas nomen est) ubi terminales lapides Alamannorum et Burgundiorum confinia distinguebant, castra sant posita, ea propter ut Macrianus et Hariobaudus, germani fratres et reges, susciperentur impavidi, qui propinquare sibi perniciem sentientes, venerant pacem anxiis animis precaturi.
2.16. The kings were at once followed also by Vadomarius, whose abode was over against the Rauraci, and since he presented a letter of the emperor Constantius, in which he was strongly commended, he was received kindly (as was fitting), since he had long before been taken by Augustus under the protection of the Roman empire.
2.16. Post quos statim rex quoque Vadomarius venit, cuius erat domicilium contra Rauracos, scriptisque Constantii principis, quibus commendatus est artius, allegatis, leniter susceptus est (ut decebat), olim ab Augusto in clientelam rei Romanae susceptus.
2.17. And Macrianus indeed, when admitted with his brother among the eagles and ensigns, was amazed at the variety and splendour of the arms and the forces, things which he saw then for the first time, and pleaded for his subjects. But Vadomarius, who was familiar with our affairs (since he lived near the frontier) did indeed admire the equipment of the splendid array, but remembered that he had often seen the like from early youth.
2.17. Et Macrianus quidem cum fratre inter aquilas admissus et signa, stupebat armorum viriumque varium decus, visa tune primitus, proque suis orabat. Vadomarius vero nostris coalitus (utpote vicinus limiti) mirabatur quidem apparatum ambitiosi procinctus, sed vidisse se talia saepe ab adulescentia meminerat prima.
2.18. Finally, after long deliberation, by the unanimous consent of all, peace was indeed granted to Macrianus and Hariobaudus; but to Vadomarius, who had come to secure his own safety, but at the same time as an envoy and intercessor, begging for peace in behalf of the kings Urius, Ursicinus and Vestralpus, no immediate reply could be given, for fear that (since savages are of unstable loyalty) they might take courage after the departure of our army and not abide by a peace secured through others.
2.18. Libratis denique diu consiliis, concordi assensione cunctorum, Macriano quidem et Hariobaudo pax est attributa, Vadomario vero, qui suam locaturus securitatem in tuto, et legationis nomine precator venerat, pro Urio et Ursicino et Vestralpo regibus pacem itidem obsecrans, interim responderi non poterat, ne (ut sunt fluxioris fidei barbari) post abitum recreati nostrorum, parum acquiescerent per alios impetratis.
2.19. But when they themselves also, after the burning of their harvests and homes and the capture or death of many men, sent envoys and made supplication as if they too had committed these sins against our people, they won peace on the same terms; and among these conditions it was especially stressed that they should give up all the prisoners whom they had taken in their frequent raids.
2.19. Sed cum ipsi quoque missis legatis, post messes incensas et habitacula, captosque plures et interfectos, ita supplicarent tamquam ipsi haec deliquissent in nostros, pacem condicionum similitudine meruerunt. Inter quas id festinatum est maxime, ut captives restituerent omnes, quos rapuerant excursibus crebris.
3.1. While in Gaul the providence of Heaven was reforming these abuses, in the court of Augustus a tempest of sedition arose, which from small beginnings proceeded to grief and lamentation. In the house of Barbatio, then commander of the infantry forces, bees made a conspicuous swarm; and when he anxiously consulted men skilled in prodigies about this, they replied that it portended great danger, obviously inferring this from the belief, that when these insects have made their homes and gathered their treasures, they are only driven out by smoke and the wild clashing of cymbals.
3.1. Haec dum in Galliis caelestis corrigit cura, in comitatu Augusti turbo novarum exoritur rerum, a primordiis levibus ad luctus et lamenta progressus. In domo Barbationis, pedestris militiae tunc rectoris, examen apes fecere perspicuum. Superque hoc ei prodigiorum gnaros sollicite consulenti, discrimen magnum portendi responsum est, coniectura videlicet tali, quod hae volucres post compositas sedes, opesque congestas, fumo pelluntur, et turbulento sonitu cymbalorum.
3.2. Barbatio had a wife, Assyria by name, who was talkative and indiscreet. She, when her husband had gone forth on a campaign and was worried by many fears because of what he remembered had been foretold him, overcome by a woman’s folly, confided in a maidservant skilled in cryptic writing, whom she had acquired from the estate of Silvanus. Through her Assyria wrote at this untimely moment to her husband, entreating him in tearful accents that when, after Constantius’ approaching death, he himself had become emperor, as he hoped, he should not cast her off and prefer marriage with Eusebia, who was then queen and was conspicuous among many women for the beauty of her person.
3.2. Huic uxor erat Assyria nomine, nec taciturna nec prudens, quae eo ad expeditionem profecto, et multiplici metu suspenso, ob ea quae meminerat sibi praedicta, perculsa vanitate muliebri, ancilla asscita notarum perita, quam e patrimonio Silvani possederat, ad maritum scripsit intempestive, velut flens obtestans ne post obitum Constanti propinquantem, in imperium ipse ut sperabat admissus, despecta se anteponeret Eusebiae matrimonium tune reginae, decore corporis inter multas feminas excellentis.
3.3. After this letter had been sent with all possible secrecy, the maidservant, who had written it at her mistress’ dictation, as soon as all had returned from the campaign took a copy of it and ran off to Arbetio in the first quiet of the night; and being eagerly received, she handed over the note.
3.3. Quibus litteris occulte quantum fieri potuit missis, ancilla, quae domina dictante perscripserat, reversis omnibus e procinctu, exemplum ferens ad Arbetionem noctis prima quiete confugit, avideque suscepta, chartulam prodidit.
3.4. Arbetio, who was of all men most clever in framing an accusation, trusting to this evidence reported the matter to the emperor. The affair was investigated, as usual, without delay or rest, and when Barbatio admitted that he had received the letter, and strong evidence proved that the woman had written it, both were beheaded.
3.4. Hocque indicio ille confisus, ut erat ad criminandum aptissimus, principi detulit, atque ex usu, nec mora ulla negotio tributa nec quiete, Barbatio epistulam suscepisse confessus, et mulier scripsisse documento convicta non levi, cervicibus interiere praecisis.
3.5. When they had been executed, far-reaching inquisitions followed, and many suffered, the most innocent as well as the guilty. Among these also Valentinus, formerly captain of the guard and then a tribune, was suspected with many others of being implicated and, although wholly ignorant of what had been done, was tortured several times, but survived. And so, as compensation for his wrongs and his peril, he gained the position of a general in Illyricum.
3.5. Hisque punitis, quaestiones longe serpebant, vexatique multi nocentes sunt et innocentissimi. Inter quos etiam Valentinus ex primicerio protectorum tribunus, ut conscius inter complures alios tortus aliquotiens supervixit, penitus quid erat gestum ignorans. Ideoque ad iniuriae periculique compensationem, ducis in Illyrico meruit potestatem.
3.6. Now the aforesaid Barbatio was a somewhat boorish fellow, of arrogant intentions, who was hated by many for the reason that, while he commanded the household troops under Gallus Caesar, he was a perfidious traitor; and after Gallus’ death, puffed up with pride in his higher military rank, he made like plots against Julian, when he became Caesar; and to the disgust of all good men he chattered into the open ears of the Augustus many cruel accusations.
3.6. Erat autem idem Barbatio subagrestis, arrogantisque propositi, ea re multis exosus, quod et dum domesticos protectores sub Gallo regeret Caesare, proditor erat et perfidus, et post eius excessum, nobilioris militiae fastu elatus, in Iulianum itidem Caesarem paria confingebat, crebroque detestantibus bonis, sub Augusti patulis auribus multa garriebat et saeva.
3.7. He surely was unaware of the wise saying of Aristotle of old, who, on sending his disciple and relative Callisthenes to King Alexander, charged him repeatedly to speak as seldom and as pleasantly as possible in the presence of a man who had at the tip of his tongue the power of life and death.
3.7. Ignorans profecto veteris Aristotelis sapiens dictum, qui Callisthenem sectatorem et propinquum suum ad regem Alexandrum mittens, ei saepe mandabat, ut quam rarissime et iucunde apud hominem loqueretur, vitae potestatem et necis in acie linguae portantem.
3.8. And it should not cause surprise that men, whose minds we regard as akin to the gods, sometimes distinguish what is advantageous from what is harmful; for even unreasoning animals are at times wont to protect their lives by deep silence, as appears from this well-known fact.
3.8. Ne sit hoc mirum, homines profutura discernere non numquam et nocentia, quorum mentes cognatas caelestibus arbitramur, animalia ratione carentia salutem suam interdum alto tueri silentio solent, ut exemplum est hoc perquam notum.
3.9. The geese, when leaving the east because of heat and flying westward, no sooner begin to traverse Mount Taurus, which abounds in eagles, than in fear of those mighty birds they close their beaks with little stones, so that even extreme necessity may not call forth a clamour from them; and after they have passed over those same hills in speedier flight, they cast out the pebbles and so go on with greater peace of mind.
3.9. Linquentes orientem anseres ob calorem, plagamque petentes occiduam, cum montem penetrare coeperint Taurum, aquilis abundantem, timentes fortissimas volucres, rostra lapillis occludunt, ne eis eliciat vel necessitas extrema clangorem, eisdemque collibus agiliore volatu transcursis, proiciunt calculos, atque ita securius pergunt.
4.1. While at Sirmium these matters were being investigated with all diligence, the fortune of the Orient kept sounding the dread trumpets of danger; for the king of Persia, armed with the help of the savage tribes which he had subdued, and burning with superhuman desire of extending his domain, was preparing arms, forces, and supplies, embroiling his plans with infernal powers and consulting all superstitions about the future; and having assembled enough of these, he planned with the first mildness of spring to overrun everything.
4.1. Dum apud Sirmium haec diligentia quaeruntur impensa, Orientis fortuna periculorum terribiles tubas reflabat. Rex enim Persidis, ferarum gentium quas placarat adiumentis accinctus, augendique regni cupiditate supra homines flagrans, arma viresque parabat et commeatus, consilia tartareis manibus miscens, et superstitiones omnes consulens de futuris; hisque satis collectis, pervadere cuncta prima verni temperie cogitabat.
4.2. And when news of this came, at first by rumours and then by trustworthy messengers, and great dread of impending disasters held all in suspense, the forge of the courtiers, hammering day and night at the instigation of the eunuchs on the same anvil (as the saying is), held up Ursicinus to the suspicious and timid emperor as a grim-visaged gorgon, often reiterating these and similar charges: that he, having on the death of Silvanus been sent as if in default of better men, to defend the east, was panting for higher honours.
4.2. Et cum haec primo rumores, dein nuntii certi perferrent, omnesque suspensos adventantium calamitatum complicaret magna formido, comitatensis fabrica eandem incudem (ut dicitur) diu noctuque tundendo, ad spadonum arbitrium, imperatori suspicaci ac timido intendebat Ursicinum, velut vultus Gorgonei torvitatem, haec saepe taliaque replicans, quod interempto Silvano, quasi paenuria meliorum, ad tuendas partes eoas denuo missus, altius anhelabat.
4.3. Furthermore, by this foul and excessive flattery very many strove to purchase the favour of Eusebius, then head-chamberlain, upon whom (if the truth must be told) Constantius greatly depended, and who was vigorously attacking the safety of the aforesaid commander of the cavalry for a double reason: because he alone of all was not, like the rest, adding to Eusebius’ wealth, and would not give up to him his house at Antioch, which the head-chamberlain most importunately demanded.
4.3. Hac autem assentandi nimia foeditate, mercari complures nitebantur Eusebi favorem, cubiculi tunc praepositi, apud quem (si vere dici debeat) multa Constantius posuit, ante dicti magistri equitum salutem acriter impugnantis ratione bifaria, quod omnium solus nec opes eius augebat, ut ceteri, et domo sua non cederet Antiochiae, quam molestissime flagitabat.
4.4. Eusebius then, like a viper swelling with abundant poison and arousing its multitudinous brood to mischief when they were still barely able to crawl, sent out his chamberlains, already well grown, with directions that, amid the duties of their more private attendance, with the soft utterances of voices always childish and persuasive they should with bitter hatred batter the reputation of that brave man in the too receptive ears of the prince. And they promptly did what they were ordered.
4.4. Qui ut coluber copia virus exuberans, natorum multitudinem etiam tum aegre serpentium, excitans ad nocendum, emittebat cubicularios iam adultos, ut inter ministeria vitae secretioris, gracilitate vocis semper puerilis et blandae, apud principis aures nimium patulas, existimationem viri fortis invidia gravi pulsarent. Et brevi iussa fecerunt.
4.5. Through disgust with these and their kind, I take pleasure in praising Domitian of old, for although, unlike his father and his brother, he drenched the memory of his name with indelible detestation, yet he won distinction by a most highly approved law, by which he had under heavy penalties forbidden anyone within the bounds of the Roman jurisdiction to geld a boy; for if this had not happened, who could endure the swarms of those whose small number is with difficulty tolerated?
4.5. Horum et similium taedio iuvat veterem laudare Domitianum, qui licet patris fratrisque dissimilis, memoriam nominis sui inexpiabili detestatione perfudit, tamen receptissima inclaruit lege, qua minaciter interdixerat ne intra terminos iuris dictionis Romanae castraret quisquam puerum; quod ni contigisset, quis eorum ferret examina, quorum raritas difficile toleratur?
4.6. However, Eusebius proceeded warily, lest (as he pretended) that same Ursicinus, if again summoned to court, should through fear cause general disturbance, but actually that he might, whenever chance should give the opportunity, be haled off to execution.
4.6. Actum est tamen cautius, ne (ut fingebat) rursus accitus idem Ursicinus, metu cuncta turbaret, sed cum fors copiam detulisset, raperetur ad mortem.
4.7. While they held these plots in abeyance and were distracted by anxious thoughts, and I was staying for a time at Samosata, the famous seat of the former kingdom of Commagene, on a sudden repeated and trustworthy rumours were heard of new commotions; and of these the following chapter of my history shall tell.
4.7. Haec operientibus illis, et ancipiti cogitatione districtis, nobis apud Samosatam, Commageni quondam regni clarissimam sedem, parumper morantibus, repente novi motus rumoribus densis audiuntur et certis. Quos docebit orationis progrediens textus.
5.1. There was a certain Antoninus, at first a rich merchant, then an accountant in the service of the governor of Mesopotamia, and finally one of his body-guard, a man of experience and sagacity, who was widely known throughout all that region. This man, being involved in great losses through the greed of certain powerful men, found on contending against them that he was more and more oppressed by unjust means, since those who examined the case were inclined to curry favour with men of higher position. Accordingly, in order not to kick against the pricks, he turned to mildness and flattery and acknowledged the debt, which by collusion had been transferred to the account of the privy purse. And then, planning to venture upon a vast enterprise, he covertly pried into all parts of the entire empire, and being versed in the language of both tongues, busied himself with calculations, making record of what troops were serving anywhere or of what strength, or at what time expeditions would be made, inquiring also by tireless questioning whether supplies of arms, provisions, and other things that would be useful in war were at hand in abundance.
5.1. Antoninus quidam ex mercatore opulento rationarius apparitor Mesopotamiae ducis, tunc protector exercitatus et prudens, perque omnes illas notissimus terras, aviditate quorundam nexus ingentibus damnis, cum iurgando contra potentis, se magis magisque iniustitia frangi contemplaretur, ad deferendam potioribus gratiam, qui spectabant negotium, inclinatis, ne contra acumina calcitraret, flexus in blanditias molliores, confessusque debitum per colludia in nomen fisci translatum, iamque ausurus immania, rimabatur tectius rei publicae membra totius, et utriusque linguae litteras sciens, circa ratiocinia versabatur, qui vel quarum virium milites ubi agant, vel procinctus tempore quo sint venturi describens, itidem armorum et commeatuum copiae, aliaque usui bello futura, an abunde suppetant indefessa scitatione percontans.
5.2. And when he had learned the internal affairs of the entire Orient, since the greater part of the troops and the money for their pay were distributed through Illyricum, where the emperor was distracted with serious affairs, and as the stipulated time would soon be at hand for paying the money which he was compelled by force and threats to admit by written bond that he owed, foreseeing that he must be crushed by all manner of dangers on every side, since the count of the largesses through favour to his creditor was pressing him more urgently, he made a great effort to flee to the Persians with his wife, his children, and all his dear ones.
5.2. Et cum totius Orientis didicisset interna, virorum stipendiique parte maxima per Illyricum distributa, ubi distinebatur ex negotiis seriis imperator, allapsuro iam praestituto die solvendae pecuniae, quam per syngrapham debere se confiteri, vi metuque compulsus est, cum omnibus se prospiceret undique periculis opprimendum, largitionum comite ad alterius gratiam infestius perurgente, fugam ad Persas cum coniage liberis et omni vinculo caritatum, ingenti molimine conabatur.
5.3. And to the end that he might elude the sentinels, he bought at no great price a farm in Iaspis, a place washed by the waters of the Tigris. And since because of this device no one ventured to ask one who was now a landholder with many attendants his reason for coming to the utmost frontier of the Roman empire, through friends who were loyal and skilled in swimming he held many secret conferences with Tamsapor, then acting as governor of all the lands across the river, whom he already knew; and when active men had been sent to his aid from the Persian camp, he embarked in fishing boats and ferried over all his beloved household in the dead of night, like Zopyrus, that famous betrayer of Babylon, but with the opposite intention.
5.3. Atque ut lateret stationarios milites, fundum in Iaspide (qui locus Tigridis fluentis adluitur,) pretio non magno mercatur. Hocque commento cum nullus causam veniendi ad extremas Romani limitis partes, iam possessorem cum plurimis auderet exigere, per familiares fidos peritosque nandi, occultis saepe colloquiis cum Tamsapore habitis, qui tractus omnes adversos ducis potestate tune tuebatur, et antea cognitus, misso a Persicis castris auxilio virorum pernicium, lembis impositus, cum omni penatium dulcedine, nocte concubia transfretatur ex contraria specie Zopyri illius similis Babylonii proditoris.
5.4. After affairs in Mesopotamia had been brought to this pass, the Palace gang, chanting the old refrain with a view to our destruction, at last found an opportunity for injuring the most valiant of men, aided and abetted by the corps of eunuchs, who are always cruel and sour, and since they lack other offspring, embrace riches alone as their most dearly beloved daughters.
5.4. Rebus per Mesopotamiam in hunc statum deductis, Palatina cohors palinodiam in exitium concinens nostrum, invenit tandem amplam nocendi fortissimo viro, auctore et incitatore coetu spadonum, qui feri et acidi semper, carentesque necessitudinibus ceteris, divitias solas ut filiolas iucundissimas amplectuntur.
5.5. So it was decided that Sabinianus, a cultivated man, it is true, and well to-do, but unfit for war, inefficient, and because of his obscurity still far removed from obtaining magisterial rank, should be sent to govern the eastern regions; but that Ursicinus should return to court to command the infantry and succeed Barbatio: to the end that by his presence there that eager inciter to revolution (as they persisted in calling him) might be open to the attacks of his bitter and formidable enemies.
5.5. Stetitque sententia, ut Sabinianus cultus quidem senex et bene nummatus, sed imbellis et ignavus et ab impetranda magisterii dignitate per obscuritatem adhuc longe discretus, praeficiendus eois partibus mitteretur, Ursicinus vero curaturus pedestrem militiam, et successurus Barbationi, ad comitatum reverteretur, quo praesens rerum novarum avidus concitor, (ut iactabant,) a gravibus inimicis et metuendis incesseretur.
5.6. While this was being done in the camp of Constantius, after the manner of brothels and the stage, and the distributors were scattering the price of suddenly purchased power through the homes of the powerful, Antoninus was conducted to the king’s winter quarters and received with open arms, being graced with the distinction of the turban, an honour shared by those who sit at the royal table and allowing men of merit among the Persians to speak words of advice and to vote in the assemblies. Thus, not with poles or tow-rope (as the saying is), that is, not by ambiguous or obscure subterfuges, but under full sail he attacked his country, urging on the aforesaid king, as long ago Maharbal chided the slowness of Hannibal, and kept insisting that he could win victories, but not take advantage of them.
5.6. Dum haec in castris Constantii quasi per lustra aguntur et scaenam, et diribitores venundatae subito potestatis pretium per potiores diffunditant domos, Antoninus ad regis hiberna perductus, aventer suscipitur, et apicis nobilitatus auctoritate, quo honore participantur mensae regales, et meritorum apud Persas ad suadendum, ferendasque sententias in contionibus ora panduntur, non contis nec remulco (ut aiunt,) id est non flexiloquis ambagibus vel obscuris, sed velificatione plena in rem publicam ferebatur, eundemque incitans regem, ut quondam Maharbal lentitudinis Hannibalem increpans, posse eum vincere, sed victoria uti nescire, assidue praedicabat.
5.7. For having been brought up in their midst, as a man well informed on all matters, finding eager hearers, desirous of having their ears tickled, who did not praise him but like Homer’s Phaeacians admired him in silence, he would rehearse the history of the past forty years. He showed that after constant successes in war, especially at Hileia and Singara, where that furious contest at night took place and our troops were cut to pieces with great carnage, as if some fetial priest were intervening to stop the fight, the Persians did not yet reach Edessa nor the bridges of the Euphrates, in spite of being victorious; whereas trusting to their prowess and their splendid successes, they ought so to have extended their kingdom as to rule over all Asia, especially at a time when through the continual commotions of civil wars Rome’s stoutest soldiers were shedding their blood on two sides.
5.7. Educatus enim in medio, ut rerum omnium gnarus, auditorum nanctus vegetos sensus, et aurium delenimenta captantes, nec laudantium, sed secundum Homericos Phaeacas cum silentio admirantium, iam inde quadragesimi anni memoriam replicabat, post bellorum assiduos casus, et maxime apud Hileiam et Singaram, ubi acerrima illa nocturna concertatione pugnatum est, nostrorum copiis ingenti strage confossis, quasi dirimente quodam medio fetiali, Persas nondum Edessam nec pontes Euphratis tetigisse victores quos armipotentia fretos, successibusque magnificis, ita dilatasse decuerat regna, ut toti Asia imperarent, eo maxime tempore quo diuturnis bellorum civilium motibus, sanguis utrimque Romani roboris fundebatur.
5.8. With these and similar speeches from time to time at banquets, where after the old Greek custom they used to consult about preparations for war and other serious affairs, the deserter kept sober and fired the already eager king, so soon as winter was over, at once to take the field, trusting to his good fortune, and Antoninus himself confidently promised to aid him in many important ways.
5.8. His ac talibus subinde inter epulas sobrius perfuga, ubi de apparatu bellorum et seriis rebus apud eos Graiorum more veterum consultatur, regem incendebat ardentem, ut exacta hieme statim arma fretus fortunae suae magnitudine concitaret, ipse quoque in multis ac necessariis operam suam fidenter promittens.
6.1. At about that same time Sabinianus, puffed up by his suddenly acquired power, entered the confines of Cilicia and handed his predecessor the emperor’s letter, which directed him to make all haste to the court, to be invested with a higher rank; and that too at a crisis when, even if Ursicinus were living in Thule, the weight of affairs with good reason demanded that he be sent for, well acquainted as he was with the old-time discipline and with the Persian methods of warfare from long experience.
6.1. Sub eisdem fere diebus, Sabinianus adepta repentina potestate sufflatus, et Ciliciae fines ingressus, decessori suo principis litteras dedit, hortantis ut ad comitatum dignitate afficiendus superiore citius properaret, eo necessitatum articulo, quo etiam si apud Thulen moraretur Ursicinus, acciri eum magnitude rerum ratione probabili flagitabat, utpote disciplinae veteris et longo usu bellandi artis Persicae scientissimum.
6.2. The rumour of this action greatly disquieted the provinces, and the senates and peoples of the various cities, while decrees and acclamations came thick and fast, laid hands on him and all but held fast their public defender, recalling that though he had been left to protect them with weak and ease loving soldiers, he had for ten years suffered no loss; and at the same time they feared for their safety on learning that at a critical time he had been deposed and a most inefficient man had come to take his place.
6.2. Quo rumore provinciis percitis, ordines civitatum et populi, decretis et acclamationibus densis, iniecta manu detinebant paene publicum defensorem, memores quod relictus ad sui tutelam, cum inerti et umbratili milite, nihil amiserat per decennium; simul metuentes saluti, quod tempore dubio, remoto illo advenisse hominem compererant inertissimum.
6.3. We believe (and in fact there is no doubt of it) that Rumour flies swiftly through the paths of air, since it was through her circulation of the news of these events that the Persians held council as to their course of action. And after long debate to and fro it was decided, on the advice of Antoninus, that since Ursicinus was far away and the new commander was lightly regarded, they should give up the dangerous sieges of cities, pass the barrier of the Euphrates, and push on with the design of outstripping by speed the news of their coming and seizing upon the provinces, which in all previous wars (except in the time of Gallienus) had been untouched and had grown rich through long-continued peace; and Antoninus promised that with God’s favour he would be a most helpful leader in this enterprise.
6.3. Credimus (neque enim dubium est) per aerios tramites Famam praepetem volitare, cuius indicio haec gesta pandente, consiliorum apud Persas summa proponebatur; et multis ultro citroque deliberatis, placuit Antonino suadente, ut Ursicino procul amoto, despectoque duce novello, posthabitis civitatum perniciosis obsidiis, perrumperetur Euphrates, ireturque prorsus, ut occupari possint provinciae, fama celeritate praeventa, omnibus ante bellis (nisi temporibus Gallieni,) intactae, paceque longissima locupletes, cuius rei prosperante deo ductorem commodissimum fore spondebat.