8.1. But night put an end to the conflict; and having taken a nap during the brief period of rest, the king, as soon as dawn appeared, boiling with wrath and resentment and closing his eyes to all right, aroused the barbarians against us, to win what he hoped for; and when the siege-works had been burned (as I have shown) they attempted battle over high mounds close to the walls, whereupon our men erected heaps of earth on the inside as well as they could with all their efforts, and under difficulties resisted with equal vigour.
8.1. Verum nocte proelia dirimente, somno per breve otium capto, nitescente iam luce, ad potiunda sperata ira et dolore exundans, nec fas ullum prae oculis habiturus, gentes in nos excitabat. Cumque crematis operibus (ut docuimus), pugna per aggeres celsos muris proximos temptaretur, ex aggestis erectis intrinsecus, quantum facere nitique poterant, nostri aequis viribus per ardua resistebant.
8.2. For a long time the sanguinary battle remained undecided, and not a man anywhere through fear of death gave up his ardour for defence; and the contest had reached a point when the fate of both parties was governed by some unavoidable hap, when that mound of ours, the result of long toil, fell forward as if shattered by an earthquake. Thus the gulf which yawned between the wall and the heap built up outside was made a level plain, as if by a causeway or a bridge built across it, and opened to the enemy a passage blocked by no obstacles, while the greater part of the soldiers that were thrown down ceased fighting, being either crushed or worn out.
8.2. Et diu cruentum proelium stetit, nec metu mortis quisquam ex aliqua parte a studio propugnandi removebatur, eoque producta contentione, cum sors partium eventu regeretur indeclinabili, diu laborata moles illa nostrorum, velut terrae quodam tremore quassata procubuit, et tamquam itinerario aggere, vel superposito ponte, complanatum spatium, quod inter murum congestamque forinsecus struem hiabat, patefecit hostibus transitum, nullis obicibus impeditum, et pars pleraque militum deiectorum oppressa vel debilitata cessavit.
8.3. Nevertheless others rushed to the spot from all sides, to avert so sudden a danger; but in their desire for haste they impeded one another, while the boldness of the enemy was increased by their very success.
8.3. Concursum est tamen undique ad propulsationem periculi tam abrupti, et festinandi studio aliis impedientibus alios, audacia hostium ipso successu crescebat.
8.4. Accordingly, by the king’s command all the warriors were summoned and there was a hand-to-hand contest with drawn swords; blood streamed on all sides from the vast carnage; the trenches were blocked with bodies and so a broader path was furnished. And now the city was filled with the eager rush of the enemy’s forces, and since all hope of defence or of flight was cut off, armed and unarmed alike without distinction of sex were slaughtered like so many cattle.
8.4. Accitis igitur regis imperio proeliatoribus universis, strictoque comminus ferro, cum sanguis utrubique immensis caedibus funderetur, oppilatae sunt corporibus fossae latiorque via ideo pandebatur, et concursu copiarum ardenti iam civitate oppleta, cum omnis defendendi vel fugiendi spes esset abscisa, pecorum ritu armati et imbelles sine sexus discrimine truncabantur.
8.5. Therefore when the darkness of evening was coming on and a large number of our soldiers, although adverse fortune still struggled against them, were joined in battle and thus kept busy, I hid with two others in a secluded part of the city, and under cover of a dark night made my escape through a postern gate at which no guard was kept; and, aided by my familiarity with desert places and by the speed of my companions, I at length reached the tenth milestone.
8.5. Itaque vespera tenebrante, cum adhuc licet iniqua reluctante fortuna, multitudo nostrorum manu conserta distringeretur, in abstrusa quadam parte oppidi cum duobus aliis latens, obscurae praesidio noctis postica per quam nihil servabatur evado, et squalentum peritia locorum, comitumque adiutus celeritate, ad decimum lapidem tandem perveni.
8.6. At the post-house there we got a little rest, and when we were making ready to go farther and I was already unequal to the excessive walking, to which as a gentleman I was unused, I met a terrible sight, which however furnished me a most timely relief, worn out as I was by extreme weariness.
8.6. In qua statione lenius recreati, cum ire protinus pergeremus, et incedendi nimietate iam superarer, ut insuetus ingenuus, offendi dirum aspectum, sed fatigato mihi lassitudine gravi levamen impendio tempestivum.
8.7. A groom, mounted on a runaway horse without saddle or bit, in order not to fall off had tied the rein by which, in the usual manner, the horse was guided, tightly to his left hand; and afterwards, being thrown off and unable to loose the knot, he was torn limb from limb as he was dragged through desert places and woods, while the animal, exhausted by running, was held back by the weight of the dead body; so I caught it and making timely use of the service of its back, with those same companions I with difficulty reached some springs of sulphurous water, naturally hot.
8.7. Fugaci equo nudo et infreni calonum quidam sedens (ne labi possit) ex more habenam qua ductabatur sinistra manu artius illigavit, moxque decussus, vinculi nodum abrumpere nequiens, per avia saltusque membratim discerptus, iumentum exhaustum cursu pondere cadaveris detinebat, cuius dorsuali comprensi servitio usus in tempore, cum eisdem sociis ad fontes sulphureos aquarum, suapte natura calentium, aegre perveni.
8.8. And since the heat had caused us parching thirst, for a long time we went slowly about looking for water. And we fortunately found a deep well, but it was neither possible to go down into it because of its depth, nor were there ropes at hand; so taught by extreme need, we cut the linen garments in which we were clad into long strips and from them made a great rope. To the extreme end of this we tied the cap which one of us wore under his helmet, and when this was let down by the rope and sucked up the water after the manner of a sponge, it readily quenched the thirst by which we were tormented.
8.8. Et quia per aestum arida siti reptantes, aquam diu quaeritando, profundum bene vidimus puteum, et neque descendendi prae altitudine, nec restium aderat copia, necessitate docente postrema, indumenta lintea, quibus tegebamur, in oblongos discidimus pannulos, unde explicato fune ingenti, centonem quem sub galea unus ferebat e nostris, ultimae aptavimus summitati, qui per funem coniectus, aquasque hauriens ad peniculi modum, facile sitim qua urgebamur exstinxit.
8.9. From there we quickly made our way to the Euphrates river, planning to cross to the farther bank by a boat which long continued custom had kept in that vicinity for the transport of men and animals.
8.9. Unde citi ferebamur ad flumen Euphratem, ulteriorem ripam petituri per navem, quam transfretandi causa iumenta et homines, in eo tractu diuturna consuetudo locarat.
8.10. But lo! we saw afar off a scattered band of Romans with cavalry standards, pursued by a great force of Persians; and we could not understand how they appeared so suddenly behind us as we went along.
8.10. Ecce autem Romanum agmen cum equestribus signis disiectum, eminus cernimus, quod persequebatur multitude Persarum, incertum unde impetu tam repentino terga viantum aggressa.
8.11. Judging from this instance, we believe that the famous “sons of earth” did not come forth from the bosom of the land, but were born with extraordinary swiftness —those so-called sparti, who, because they were seen unexpectedly in sundry places, were thought to have sprung from the earth, since antiquity gave the matter a fabulous origin.
8.11. Quo exemplo terrigenas illos, non sinibus terrae emersos, sed exuberanti pernicitate credimus natos, qui quoniam inopini per varia visebantur, σπαρτοί vocitati, humo exsiluisse, vetustate rem fabulosius extollente, sunt aestimati.
8.12. Alarmed by this danger, since now all hope of life depended upon speed, through thickets and woods we made for the higher mountains, and came from there to the town of Melitina in lesser Armenia, where we presently found and accompanied an officer, who was just on the point of leaving; and so we returned unexpectedly to Antioch.
8.12. Hoc malo conciti, cum omne iam esset in celeritate salutis praesidium, per dumeta et silvas montes petimus celsiores, exindeque Melitinam minoris Armeniae oppidum venimus, mox repertum ducem comitatique iam profecturum, Antiochiam revisimus insperati.
9.1. But the Persians, since the rapidly approaching end of autumn and the rising of the unfavourable constellation of the Kids prevented them from marching farther inland, were thinking of returning to their own country with their prisoners and their booty.
9.1. At Persae quia tendere iam introrsus autumno praecipiti haedorumque iniquo sidere exorto prohibebantur, captives agentes et praedas, remeare cogitabant ad sua.
9.2. But in the midst of the slaughter and pillage of the destroyed city Count Aelianus and the tribunes, by whose efficient service the walls had been so long defended and the losses of the Persians increased, were shamefully gibbeted; Jacobus and Caesius, paymasters of the commander of the cavalry, and other officers of the bodyguard, were led off with their hands bound behind their backs; and those who had come from across the Tigris were hunted down with extreme care and butchered to a man, highest and lowest without distinction.
9.2. Inter haec tamen funera direptionesque civitatis excisae, Aeliano comite et tribunis, quorum efficacia diu defensa sunt moenia, stragesque multiplicatae Persarum, patibulis sceleste suffixis, Iacobus et Caesius, numerarii apparitionis magistri equitum aliique protectores, post terga vinctis manibus ducebantur, Transtigritanis qui sollicita quaerebantur industria, nullo infimi summique discrimine, ad unum omnibus contruncatis.
9.3. But the wife of Craugasius, who retained her chastity inviolate and was honoured as a woman of rank, grieved that she was likely to see another part of the world without her husband, although from present indications she had reason to hope for a loftier fortune.
9.3. Uxor vero Craugasii, quae retinens pudorem inviolatum, ut matrona nobilis colebatur, maerebat velut orbem alium sine marito visura, quamquam sperabat documentis praesentibus altiora.
9.4. Therefore, looking out for her own interests and foreseeing long beforehand what would happen, she was tormented by two-fold anxiety, dreading both separation from her husband and marriage with another. Accordingly, she secretly sent a slave of hers, who was of tried fidelity and acquainted with the regions of Mesopotamia, to go over Mount Izala between the strongholds of Maride and Lorne to Nisibis, and take a message to her husband and certain tokens of their more private life, begging him that on hearing what had happened he should come to live happily with her.
9.4. In rem itaque consulens suam, et accidentia longe ante prospiciens, anxietate bifaria stringebatur, viduitatem detestans et nuptias. Ideo familiarem suum perquam fidum, regionumque Mesopotamiae gnarum, per Izalam montem, inter castella praesidiaria duo Maride et Lorne introiturum, Nisibin occulte dimisit, mandatis arcanisque vitae secretioris, maritum exorans, ut auditis quae contigerint, veniret secum beate victurus.
9.5. When this had been arranged, the messenger, being lightly equipped, made his way with quick pace through forest paths and thickets and entered Nisibis. There giving out that he had seen his mistress nowhere, that she was perhaps slain, and that he himself, taking advantage of an opportunity to escape, had fled from the enemy’s camp, he was accordingly disregarded as of no consequence. Thereupon he told Craugasius what had happened and then, after receiving assurance that if it could safely be done he would gladly follow his wife, the messenger departed, bearing to the woman the desired news. She on hearing it begged the king through his general Tamsapor that, if the opportunity offered before he left the Roman territory, he would graciously give orders that her husband be received under his protection.
9.5. Quibus conventis, expeditus viator per saltuosos tramites et frutecta, Nisibin passibus citis ingressus, causatusque se domina nusquam visa, et forsitan interempta, data evadendi copia castris hostilibus abscessisse, et ideo ut vilis neglectus, docet Craugasium gesta; moxque accepta fide quod si tuto licuerit, sequetur coniugem libens, evasit, exoptatum mulieri nuntium ferens, quae hoc cognito per Tamsaporem ducem supplicaverat regi, ut si daretur facultas, antequam Romanis excederet finibus, in potestatem suam iuberet propitius maritum adscisci.
9.6. The sudden departure, contrary to every one’s expectation, of the stranger, who had returned by the right of postliminium and immediately vanished without anyone’s knowledge, aroused the suspicions of the general Cassianus and the other important officials in Nisibis, who assailed Craugasius with dire threats, loudly insisting that the man had neither come nor gone without his wish.
9.6. Praeter spem itaque omnium digresso advena repentino, qui postliminio reversus, statim sine ullius evanuit conscientia, perculsus suspicione dux Cassianus, praesidentesque ibi proceres alii, minitantes ultima Craugasium incessebant, non sine eius voluntate vel venisse vel abisse hominem clamitantes.
9.7. He, then, fearing a charge of treason and greatly troubled lest through the coming of the deserter it should become known that his wife was alive and treated with great respect, as a blind sought marriage with another, a maiden of high rank, and, under pretence of preparing what was needed for the wedding-banquet, went to a country house of his eight miles distant from the city; then, at full gallop he fled to a band of Persian pillagers that he had learned to be approaching. He was received with open arms, being recognized from the story that he told, and five days later was brought to Tamsapor, and by him taken to the king. And after recovering his property and all his kindred, as well as his wife, whom he had lost after a few months, he held the second place after Antoninus, but was, as the eminent poet says, “next by a long interval.”
9.7. Qui proditoris metuens crimen, impendioque sollicitus, ne transitione perfugae uxor eius superesse doceretur et tractari piissime, per simulationem matrimonium alterius splendidae virginis affectavit. Et velut paraturus necessaria convivio nuptiali, egressus ad villa octavo lapide ab urbe distantem, concito equo ad Persarum vastatorium globum, quem didicerat adventare, confugit, susceptusque aventer, qui esset ex his cognitus quae loquebatur, Tamsapori post diem traditur quintum, perque eum regi oblatus, opibus et necessitudine omni recuperata cum coniuge, quam paucos post menses amiserat, erat secundi loci post Antoninum, ut ait poeta praeclarus “longo proximus intervallo.”
9.8. For Antoninus, aided by his talent and his long experience of the world, had available plans at hand for all his enterprises, while Craugasius was by nature most simple, yet of an equally celebrated reputation. And these things happened not long afterward.
9.8. Ille enim ingenio et usu rerum diuturno firmatus, consiliis validis sufficiebat in cuncta quae conabatur, hic natura simplicior, nominis tamen itidem pervulgati. Et haec quidem haut diu postea contigerunt.
9.9. But the king, although making a show of ease of mind in his expression, and to all appearance seeming to exult in the destruction of the city, yet in the depths of his heart was greatly troubled, recalling that in unfortunate sieges he had often suffered sad losses, and had sacrificed far more men himself than he had taken alive of ours, or at any rate had killed in the various battles, as happened several times at Nisibis and at Singara; and in the same way, when he had invested Amida for seventy-three days with a great force of armed men, he lost 30,000 warriors, as was reckoned a little later by Discenes, a tribune and secretary, the more readily for this difference: that the corpses of our men soon after they are slain fall apart and waste away, to such a degree that the face of no dead man is recognisable after four days, but the bodies of the slain Persians dry up like tree-trunks, without their limbs wasting or becoming moist with corruption-a fact due to their more frugal life and the dry heat of their native country.
9.9. Rex vero licet securitatem praeferens vultu, exultansque specie tenus urbis excidio videbatur, profundo tamen animi graviter aestuabat, reputans in obsidionalibus malis saepe luctuosas se pertulisse iacturas multoque ampliores se ipsum populos perdidisse, quam e nostris ceperat vivos, vel certe per diversas fuderat pugnas, ut apud Nisibin aliquotiens evenit, et Singaram, parique modo cum septuaginta tresque dies Amidam multitudine circumsedisset armorum, triginta milia perdidit bellatorum, quae paulo postea per Discenen tribunum et notarium numerata sunt, hac discretione facilius, quod nostrorum cadavera mox caesorum fatiscunt ac diffluunt, adeo ut nullius mortui facies post quatriduum agnoscatur, interfectorum vero Persarum inarescunt in modum stipitum corpora, ut nec liquentibus membris, nec sanie perfusa, madescant, quod vita parcior facit, et ubi nascuntur exustae caloribus terrae.
10.1. While these storms were swiftly passing one after the other in the extreme East, the eternal city was fearing the disaster of a coming shortage of grain, and from time to time Tertullus, who was prefect at the time, was assailed by the violent threats of the commons, as they anticipated famine, the worst of all ills; and this was utterly unreasonable, since it was no fault of his that food was not brought at the proper time in the ships, which unusually rough weather at sea and adverse gales of wind drove to the nearest harbours, and by the greatness of the danger kept them from entering the Port of Augustus.
10.1. Dum haec per varies turbines in Orientis extimo festinantur, difficultatem adventantis inopiae frumentorum urbs verebatur aeterna, vique minacissimae plebis, famem ultimum malorum omnium exspectantis, subinde Tertullus vexabatur, ea tempestate praefectus, irrationabiliter plane; nec enim per eum steterat quo minus tempore congruo alimenta navibus veherentur, quas maris casus asperiores solitis ventorumque procellae reflantium, delatas in proximos sinus, introire portum Augusti discriminum magnitudine perterrebant.
10.2. Therefore that same prefect, since he had often been disquieted by uprisings, and the common people, in fear of imminent destruction, were now raging still more cruelly, being shut off from all hope of saving his life, as he thought, held out his little sons to the wildly riotous populace, who had however been wont to take a sensible view of such accidents, and said with tears:
10.2. Quocirca idem saepe praefectus seditionibus agitatus, ac plebe iam saeviente immanius, quoniam verebatur impendens exitium, ab omni spe tuendae salutis exclusus, ut aestimabat, tumultuanti acriter populo, sed accidentia considerare sueto prudenter, obiecit parvulos filios, et lacrimans “En” inquit “cives vestri (procul omen dii caelestes avertant!)
10.3. “Behold your fellow citizens, who with you (but may the gods of heaven avert the omen!) will endure the same fate, unless a happier fortune shine upon us. If therefore you think that by the destruction of these no heavy calamity can befall you, here they are in your power.” Through pity at this sight the mob, of their own nature inclined to mercy, was appeased and held its peace, awaiting with patience the fortune that should come.
10.3. eadem perlaturi vobiscum, ni fortuna affulserit laetior. Si itaque his abolitis nil triste accidere posse existimatis, praesto in potestate sunt vestra.” Qua miseratione vulgus ad clementiam suapte natura proclive, lenitum conticuit, aequanimiter venturam operiens sortem.
10.4. And presently by the will of the divine power that gave increase to Rome from its cradle and promised that it should last forever, while Tertullus was sacrificing in the temple of Castor and Pollux at Ostia, a calm smoothed the sea, the wind changed to a gentle southern breeze, and the ships entered the harbour under full sail and again crammed the storehouses with grain.
10.4. Moxque divini arbitrio numinis, quod auxit ab incunabulis Romam, perpetuamque fore spopondit, dum Tertullus apud Ostia in aede sacrificat Castorum, tranquillitas mare mollivit, mutatoque in austrum placidum vento, velificatione plena portum naves ingressae, frumentis horrea referserunt.
11.1. In the midst of such troubles Constantius, who was still enjoying his winter rest at Sirmium, was disturbed by fearful and serious news, informing him of what he then greatly dreaded, namely, that the Sarmatian Limigantes, who (as we have already pointed out) had driven their masters from their ancestral abodes, having gradually abandoned the places which for the public good had been assigned them the year before for fear that they (as they are inconstant) might attempt some wrongful act, had seized upon the regions bordering upon their frontiers, were ranging freely in their native fashion, and unless they were driven back would cause general confusion.
11.1. Inter haec ita ambigua, Constantium Sirmi etiam tum hiberna quiete curantem, permovebant nuntii metuendi et graves, indicantes id quod tune magnopere formidabat, Limigantes Sarmatas, quos expulisse paternis avitisque sedibus dominos suos ante monstravimus, paulatim posthabitis locis quae eis anno praeterito utiliter sunt destinata, ne (ut sunt versabiles) aliquid molirentur inicum, regiones confines limitibus occupasse, vagarique licentius genuine more (ni pellerentur,) omnia turbaturos.
11.2. The emperor, believing that these outrages would soon be pushed to greater heights if the matter were postponed, assembled from every quarter a great number of soldiers most eager for war and took the field before spring had yet fully come; he was the more eager for action from two considerations: first, because an army glutted with the rich booty of the past summer, by the hope of similar booty would be confidently encouraged to achieve successful enterprises, and because under Anatolius, who at that time was prefect of Illyricum, all necessary supplies had been brought together even ahead of time and were still coming in without trouble to anyone.
11.2. Quae superbius incitanda prope diem imperator dilato negotio credens, coacta undique multitudine militis ad bella promptissimi, nec dum adulto vere ad procinctum egressus est gemina consideratione alacrior, quod expletus praedarum opimitate exercitus, aestate nuper emensa, similium spe fidenter in effectus animabitur prosperos, quodque Anatolio regente tune per Illyricum praefecturam, necessaria cuncta, vel ante tempus coacta, sine ullius dispendiis affluebant.
11.3. For never under the management of any other prefect up to the present time, as was generally agreed, had the northern provinces so abounded in all blessings, since by his kindly and skilful correction of abuses they were relieved of the great cost of the courier-service, which had closed homes without number, and there was considerable hope of freedom from the income tax. The dwellers in those parts might have lived thereafter happy and untroubled without grounds for complaint, had not later the most hated forms of taxation that could be imagined, criminally amplified by both tax-payers and tax-collectors, since the latter hoped to gain the protection of the governors in their efforts and the former hoped for safety if all were impoverished, resulted finally in proscriptions and the suicide of the wretched victims.
11.3. Nec enim dispositionibus umquam alterius praefecturae (ut inter omnes constat) ad praesens Arctoae provinciae bonis omnibus floruerunt, correctione titubantium benevola et sollerti, vehiculariae rei iacturis ingentibus, quae clausere domos innumeras, et censuali professione speciosa fiducia relevatae; indemnesque deinde et innoxii earum incolae partium, querellarum sopitis materiis viverent, ni postea exquisitorum detestanda nomina titulorum, per offerentes suscipientesque criminose in maius exaggerata, his propugnare sibi nitentibus potestates, illis attenuatis omnium opibus, se fore sperantibus tutos, ad usque proscriptiones miserorumque suspendia pervenerunt.
11.4. Well, then, the emperor (as I have said), in order to improve the pressing situation, set out with splendid equipment and came to Valeria, once a part of Pannonia, but made into a province and named in honour of Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian. There, with his army encamped along the banks of the river Hister, he watched the savages, who before his coming, under pretext of friendship but really intending secretly to devastate the country, were planning to enter Pannonia in the dead of winter, when the snows are not yet melted by the warmth of spring and so the river can be crossed everywhere, and when our soldiers would with difficulty, because of the frosts, endure life in the open.
11.4. Rem igitur emendaturus urgentem, profectus cum instrumentis ambitiosis, imperator (ut dictum est) Valeriam venit, partem quondam Pannoniae, sed ad honorem Valeriae Diocletiani filiae et institutam et ita cognominatam, sub pellibusque exercitu diffuso per Histri fluminis margines, barbaros observabat ante adventum suum amicitiae velamento, Pannonias furtim vastandas, invadere hiemis durissimo cogitantes, cum nec dum solutae vernis caloribus nives amnem undique pervium faciunt, nostrique pruinis subdivales moras difficile tolerabunt.
11.5. Then having quickly sent two tribunes to the Limigantes, each with an interpreter, by courteous questioning he tried to find out why they had left their homes after the treaty of peace which had been granted to them at their own request, and were thus roaming at large and disturbing the frontiers, notwithstanding orders to the contrary.
11.5. Confestim itaque missis ad Limigantes duobus tribunis cum interpretibus singulis, explorabat modestius percunctando, quam ob rem relictis laribus post pacem et foedera petentibus attributa, ita palarentur per varia, limitesque contra interdicta pulsarent.
11.6. They gave some frivolous and unsatisfactory excuses, since fear forced them to lie, and begged for pardon, entreating the emperor to forget his anger and allow them to cross the river and come to him, in order to inform him of the difficulties that they were suffering. They were ready to take up far distant lands, but within the compass of the Roman world, if he would allow them, in order that wrapped in lasting repose and worshipping Quiet (as a saving goddess), they might submit to the burdens and the name of tributaries.
11.6. Qui vana quaedam causantes et irrita, pavore adigente mentiri, principem exorabant in veniam, obsecrantes ut simultate abolita, transmisso flumine ad eum venire permitterentur, docturi quae sustinerent incommoda, paratique intra spatia orbis Romani (si id placuerit) terras suscipere longe discretas, ut diuturno otio involuti, et Quietem colentes (tamquam salutarem deam) tributariorum onera subirent et nomen.
11.7. When this was known after the return of the tribunes, the emperor, exulting in the accomplishment without any toil of a task which he thought insuperable, admitted them all, being inflamed with the desire for greater gain, which his crew of flatterers increased by constantly dinning it into his ears that now that foreign troubles were quieted, and peace made everywhere, he would gain more child-producing subjects and be able to muster a strong force of recruits; for the provincials are glad to contribute gold to save their bodies, a hope which has more than once proved disastrous to the Roman state.
11.7. His post reditum tribunorum compertis, imperator exsultans, ut negotio quod rebatur inexplicabile sine ullo pulvere consummando, cunctos admisit, aviditate plus habendi incensus, quam adulatorum cohors augebat, id sine modo strepentium, quod externis sopitis, et ubique pace composita, proletarios lucrabitur plures, et tirocinia cogere poterit validissima: aurum quippe gratanter provinciales pro corporibus dabunt, quae spes rem Romanam aliquotiens aggravavit.
11.8. Accordingly, having placed a rampart near Acimincum and erected a high mound in the manner of a tribunal, ships carrying some light-armed legionaries were ordered to patrol the channel of the river near the banks, with one Innocentius, a field-measurer, who had recommended the plan, in order that, if they should see the savages beginning disorder, they might attack them in the rear, when their attention was turned elsewhere.
11.8. Proinde vallo prope Acimincum locato, celsoque aggere in speciem tribunalis erecto, naves vehentes quosdam legionarios expedites alveum fluminis proximum ripis observare sunt iussae, cum Innocentio quodam agrimensore, huius auctore consilii, ut si barbaros tumultuare sensissent, aliorsum intentos post terga pervaderent improvisi.
11.9. But although the Limigantes knew that these plans were being hastened, yet they stood with bared heads, as if composing nothing save entreaties, but meditating deep in their hearts quite other things than their attitude and their words suggested.
11.9. Quae Limigantes licet properari sentirent, nihil tamen praeter preces fingentes, stabant incurvi, longe alia quam quae gestu praeferebant et verbis altis mentibus perpensantes.
11.10. And when the emperor was seen on the high tribunal and was already preparing to deliver a most mild address, intending to speak to them as future obedient subjects, one of their number, struck with savage madness, hurling his shoe at the tribunal, shouted “Marha, marha” (which is their warcry), and the rude crowd following him suddenly raised a barbarian banner and with savage howls rushed upon the emperor himself.
11.10. Visoque imperatore ex alto suggestu, iam sermonem parante lenissimum, meditanteque alloqui velut morigeros iam futuros, quidam ex illis, furore percitus truci, calceo suo in tribunal contorto, “Marha marha” (quod est apud eos signum bellicum) exclamavit, eumque secuta incondita multitudo, vexillo elato repente barbarico, ululans ferum, in ipsum principem ferebatur.
11.11. He, looking down from his high place and seeing everything filled with a mob running about with missiles, and death already imminent from their drawn swords and javelins, in the midst as he was of the enemy and of his own men, and with nothing to indicate whether he was a general or a common soldier, since there was no time for hesitation or delay mounted a swift horse and galloped off at full speed.
11.11. Qui cum ex alto despiciens, plena omnia discurrentis turbae cum missilibus vidisset, retectisque gladiis et verrutis iam propinquante pernicie, externis mixtus et suis, ignotusque dux esset an miles, quia neque cunctandi aderat tempus, neque cessandi, equo veloci impositus, cursu effuso evasit.
11.12. However, a few of his attendants, while they were trying to keep off the savages, who poured upon them like a stream of fire, were either wounded to the death or trampled down by the mere weight of those who rushed over them; and the royal seat with its golden cushion was seized without resistance.
11.12. Stipatores tamen pauci dum ignis more inundantes conabantur arcere, aut vulnerati interierunt, aut ponderibus superruentium solis afflicti, sellaque regalis cum aureo pulvinari, nullo vetante, direpta est.
11.13. But when presently it was heard that the emperor had all but been drawn into extreme peril and was not yet on safe ground, the soldiers considered it their first duty to aid him (for they thought him not yet free from danger of death); so, with greater confidence because of their contempt of the enemy, although the attack was so sudden that they were only partly armed, with a loud battle cry they plunged into the bands of the savages, who were regardless of their lives.
11.13. Mox autem audito, quod ad ultimum paene tractus exitium, in abrupto staret adhuc imperator, antiquissimum omnium exercitus ratus eum iuvare (nondum enim exemptum periculis aestimavit salutis) fastu fidentior, licet ob procursionem subitam semitectus, sonorum et Martium frendens, barbarorum mori obstinatorum catervis semet immersit.
11.14. And so eagerly did our forces rush forth in their desire to wipe out the disgrace by valour, at the same time venting their wrath on the treacherous foe, that they butchered everything in their way, trampling under foot without mercy the living, as well as those dying or dead; and before their hands were sated with slaughter of the savages, the dead lay piled in heaps.
11.14. Et quia virtute dedecus purgatura, ardens copia nostrorum erupit, iras in hostem perfidum parans, obvia quaeque obtruncabat, sine parsimonia vivos conculcans et semineces et peremptos; et antequam exsatiaret caedibus barbaricis manus, acervi constipati sunt mortuorum.
11.15. For the rebels were completely overthrown, some being slain, others fleeing in terror in all directions; and a part of them, who hoped to save their lives by vain entreaties, were cut down by repeated strokes. And after all had been killed and the trumpets were sounding the recall, some of our men also, though few, were found among the dead, either trampled under foot in the fierce attack or, when they resisted the fury of the enemy and exposed their unprotected sides, destroyed by the fatal course of destiny.
11.15. Urgebantur enim rebelles, aliis trucidatis, aliis terrore disiectis, quorum pars spem vitae cassis precibus usurpando multiplicatis ictibus caedebantur, postque deletos omnes in receptum canentibus lituis, nostri quoque licet rari videbantur exanimes, quos impetus conculcaverat vehemens, aut furori resistentes hostili, lateraque nudantes intecta, ordo fatalis absumpsit.
11.16. But conspicuous above the rest was the death of Cella, tribune of the Targeteers, who at the beginning of the fight was first to rush into the thick of the Sarmatian forces.
11.16. Mors tamen eminuit inter alios Cellae Scutariorum tribuni, qui inter confligendi exordia, primus omnium in medios semet Sarmatarum globos immisit.
11.17. After this cruel carnage Constantius, having made such arrangements for the safety of the frontiers as considerations of urgency recommended, returned to Sirmium after taking vengeance on a treacherous foe. Then, having quickly attended to what the pressing necessities of the time required, he set out from there and went to Constantinople, in order that being now nearer the Orient he might remedy the disaster which he had suffered at Amida, and by supplying the army there with reinforcements might with an equally strong force check the inroads of the Persian king; for it was clear that the latter (unless the will of heaven and the supreme efforts of many men repelled him) would leave Mesopotamia behind and seek a wider field for his arms.
11.17. Post quae tam saeva, digestis pro securitate limitum quae rationes monebant urgentes, Constantius Sirmium redit, ferens de hoste fallaci vindictam, et maturatis quae necessitates temporis poscebant instantes, egressus exinde Constantinopolim petit, ut Orienti iam proximus, cladibus apud Amidam mederetur acceptis, et redintegrato supplementis exercitu, impetus regis Persarum pari virium robore cohiberet, quem constabat (ni caelestis ratio impensiorque repelleret cura multorum) Mesopotamia relicta post terga, per extenta spatia signa moturum.
12.1. Yet in the midst of these anxieties, as if it were prescribed by some ancient custom, in place of civil wars the trumpets sounded for alleged cases of high treason; and to investigate and punish these there was sent that notorious state-secretary Paulus, often called Tartareus. He was skilled in the. work of bloodshed, and just as a trainer of gladiators seeks profit and emolument from the traffic in funerals and festivals, so did he from the rack or the executioner.
12.1. Inter has tamen sollicitudines, velut ex recepto quodam antiquitus more, ad vicem bellorum civilium, inflabant litui quaedam colorata laesae crimina maiestatis, quorum exsecutor et administer, saepe dictus Tartareus ille notarius missus est Paulus, qui peritus artium cruentarum, ut lanista ex commerciis libitinae vel ludi, ipse quoque ex eculeo vel carnifice quaestum fructumque captabat.
12.2. Therefore, as his determination to do harm was fixed and obstinate, he did not refrain from secret fraud, devising fatal charges against innocent persons, provided only he might continue his pernicious traffic.
12.2. Ut enim erat obstinatum fixumque eius propositum ad laedendum, ita nec furtis abstinuit, innocentibus exitialis causas affingens, dum in calamitosis stipendiis versaretur.
12.3. Moreover, a slight and trivial occasion gave opportunity to extend his inquisitions indefinitely. There is a town called Abydum, situated in the remotest part of the Thebais; here the oracle of a god called in that place Besa in days of old revealed the future and was wont to be honoured in the ancient ceremonials of the adjacent regions.
12.3. Materiam autem in infinitum quaestionibus extendendis dedit occasio vilis et parva. Oppidum est Abydum in Thebaidis partis situm extremo. Hic Besae dei localiter appellati, oraculum quondam futura pandebat, priscis circumiacentium regionum caerimoniis solitum coli.
12.4. And since some in person, a part through others, by sending a written list of their desires, inquired the will of the deities after definitely stating their requests, the papers or parchments containing their petitions sometimes remained in the shrine even after the replies had been given.
12.4. Et quoniam quidam praesentes, pars per alios desideriorum indice missa scriptura, supplicationibus expresse conceptis, consulta numinum scitabantur, chartulae sive membranae, continentes quae petebantur, post data quoque responsa, interdum remanebant in fano.
12.5. Some of these were with malicious intent sent to the emperor who (being narrow-minded), although deaf to other very serious matters, on this point was softer than an earlobe, as the proverb has it; and being suspicious and petty, he grew furiously angry. At once be admonished Paulus to proceed quickly to the Orient, conferring on him, as a leader renowned for his experience, the power of conducting trials according to his good pleasure.
12.5. Ex his aliqua ad imperatorem maligne sunt missa, qui (ut erat angusti pectoris ) obsurdescens in aliis etiam nimium seriis, in hoc titulo ima (quod aiunt) auricula mollior, et suspicax et minutus, acri felle concaluit; statimque ad Orientem ocius ire monuit Paulum, potestate delata, ut instar ducis rerum experientia clari, ad arbitrium suum audiri efficeret causas.
12.6. A commission was also given to Modestus (at that very time count in the Orient) a man fitted for these and similar affairs. For Hermogenes of Pontus, at that time praetorian prefect, was rejected as being of too mild a temper.
12.6. Datumque est negotium Modesto.(etiam tum per Orientem comiti) apto ad haec et similia. Hermogenes enim Ponticus ea tempestate praefectus praetorio, ut lenioris ingenii, spernebatur.
12.7. Off went Paulus (as he was ordered) in panting haste and teeming with deadly fury, and since free rein was given to general calumny, men were brought in from almost the whole world, noble and obscure alike; and some of them were bowed down with the weight of chains, others wasted away from the agony of imprisonment.
12.7. Perrexit (ut praeceptum est) Paulus funesti furoris et anhelitus plenus, dataque calumniae indulgentia plurimis, ducebantur ab orbe prope terrarum, iuxta nobiles et obscuri, quorum aliquos vinculorum afflixerant nexus, alios claustra poenalia consumpserunt.
12.8. As the theatre of torture and death Scythopolis was chosen, a city of Palestine which for two reasons seemed more suitable than any other: because it is more secluded, and because it is midway between Antioch and Alexandria, from which cities the greater number were brought to meet charges.
12.8. Et electa est speetatrix suppliciorum feralium civitas in Palaestina Scythopolis, gemina ratione visa magis omnibus opportuna, quod secretior est et inter Antiochiam Alexandriamque media, unde multi plerumque ad crimina trahebantur.
12.9. Among the first, then, to be summoned was Simplicius, son of Philippus, a former prefect and consul, who was indicted for the reason that he had (as was said) inquired about gaining imperial power; and by a note of the emperor, who in such cases never condoned a fault or an error because of loyal service, he was ordered to be tortured; but, protected by some fate, he was banished to a stated place, but with a whole skin.
12.9. Ductus est itaque inter primos Simplicius, Philippi filius, ex praefecto et consule, reus hac gratia postulatus, quod super adipiscendo interrogasse dicebatur imperio, perque elogium principis torqueri praeceptus, qui in his casibus nec peccatum aliquando pietati dederat nec erratum, fato quodam arcente, corpore immaculato lata fuga damnatus est.
12.10. Then Parnasius (ex-prefect of Egypt), a man of simple character, was brought into such peril that he was tried for his life, but he likewise was sent into exile; he had often been heard to say long before this, that when, for the purpose of gaining a certain office, he left Patrae, a town of Achaia where he was born and had his home, he had dreamt that many shadowy figures in tragic garb escorted him.
12.10. Dein Parnasius (ex praefecto Aegypti) homo simplicium morum, eo adductus periculi, ut pronuntiaretur capitis reus, itidem pulsus est in exsilium, saepe auditus multo antehac rettulisse, quod cum Patras Achaicum oppidum, ubi genitus habuit larem, impetrandae causa cuiusdam relinqueret potestatis, per quietem deducentia se habitus tragici figmenta viderat multa.
12.11. Later Andronicus, known for his liberal studies and the fame of his poems, was haled into court; but since he had a clear conscience, was under no suspicion, and most confidently asserted his innocence, he was acquitted.
12.11. Andronicus postea, studiis liberalibus et claritudine carminum notus, in iudicium introductus cum secura mente nullis suspicionibus urgeretur, purgando semet fidentius, absolutus est.
12.12. Also Demetrius, surnamed Cythras, a philosopher of advanced years, it is true, but hardy of body and mind, being charged with offering sacrifice several times, could not deny it; he declared, however, that he had done so from early youth for the purpose of propitiating the deity, not of trying to reach a higher station by his investigations; for he did not know of anyone who had such aspirations. Therefore, after being long kept upon the rack, supported by his firm confidence he fearlessly made the same plea without variation; whereupon he was allowed to go without further harm to his native city of Alexandria.
12.12. Demetrius itidem Cythras cognomento philosophus, grandaevus quidem sed corpore durus et animo, sacrificasse aliquotiens confutatus, infitiari non potuit, asserens propitiandi causa numinis haec a prima adulescentia factitasse, non temptandi sublimiora scrutatis; nec enim quemquam id noverat affectare. Diu itaque adhaerens eculeo, cum fiducia gravi fundatus, nequaquam varians eadem oraret intrepidus, Alexandriam (unde oriebatur) innoxius abire permissus est.
12.13. These and a few others a just fate in alliance with truth saved from imminent danger. But as these charges made their way further by entangling snares extended endlessly, some died from the mangling of their bodies, others were condemned to further punishment and had their goods seized, while Paulus was the prompter of these scenes of cruelty, supplying as if from a storehouse many kinds of deception and cruelty; and on his nod (I might almost say) depended the life of all who walk the earth.
12.13. Et hos quidem aliosque paucos aequa sors, veritatis adiutrix, periculis eximit abruptis. Criminibus vero serpentibus latius, per implicates nexus sine fine distentos, quidam corporibus laniatis exstinguebantur, alii poenis ulterioribus damnati sunt bonis ereptis, Paulo succentore fabularum crudelium, quasi e promptuaria cella, fallaciarum et nocendi species suggerente complures, cuius ex nutu (prope dixerim) pendebat incedentium omnium salus.
12.14. For if anyone wore on his neck an amulet against the quartan ague or any other complaint, or was accused by the testimony of the evil-disposed of passing by a grave in the evening, on the ground that he was a dealer in poisons, or a gatherer of the horrors of tombs and the vain illusions of the ghosts that walk there, he was condemned to capital punishment and so perished.
12.14. Nam siqui remedia quartanae vel doloris alterius collo gestaret, sive per monumentum transisse vesperi, malivolorum argueretur indiciis, ut veneficus, sepulchrorumque horrores, et errantium ibidem animarum ludibria colligens vana, pronuntiatus reus capitis interibat.
12.15. In fact, the matter was handled exactly as if many men had importuned Claros, the oaks of Dodona, and the once famous oracles of Delphi with regard to the death of the emperor.
12.15. Et prorsus ita res agebatur, quasi Clarum, Dodonaeas arbores, et effata Delphorum olim sollemnia, in imperatoris exitium sollicitaverint multi.
12.16. Therefore the palace band of courtiers, ingeniously fabricating shameful devices of flattery, declared that he would be immune to ordinary ills, loudly exclaiming that his destiny had appeared at all times powerful and effective in destroying those who made attempts against him.
12.16. Unde blanditiarum taetra commenta, palatina cohors exquisite confingens, immunem eum fore malorum communium asserebat, fatum eius vigens semper et praesens in abolendis adversa conantibus eluxisse, vocibus magnis exclamans.
12.17. And that into such doings strict investigation was made no man of good sense will find fault. For we do not deny that the safety of a lawful prince, the protector and defender of good men, on whom depends the safety of others, ought to be safeguarded by the united diligence of all men; and in order to uphold him the more strongly when his violated majesty is defended, the Cornelian laws exempted no one of whatever estate from examination by torture, even with the shedding of blood.
12.17. Et inquisitum in haec negotia fortius, nemo qui quidem recte sapiat reprehendet. Nec enim abnuimus salutem legitimi principis, propugnatoris bonorum et defensoris, unde salus quaeritur aliis, consociato studio muniri debere cunctorum; cuius retinendae causa validius, ubi maiestas pulsata defenditur, a quaestionibus vel cruentis, nullam Corneliae leges exemere fortunam.
12.18. But it is not seemly for a prince to rejoice beyond measure in such sorrowful events, lest his subjects should seem to be ruled by despotism rather than by lawful power. And the example of Tully ought to be followed, who, when it was in his power to spare or to harm, as he himself tells us, sought excuses for pardoning rather than opportunities for punishing; and that is the province of a mild and considerate official.
12.18. Sed exsultare maestis casibus effrenate non decet, ne videantur licentia regi subiecti, non potestate. Imitandus sit Tullius, cum parcere vel laedere potuisset, ut ipse affirmat, ignoscendi quaerens causas, non puniendi occasiones, quod iudicis lenti et considerati est proprium.
12.19. At that same time in Daphne, that charming and magnificent suburb of Antioch, a portent was born, horrible to see and to report: an infant, namely, with two heads, two sets of teeth, a beard, four eyes and two very small ears; and this misshapen birth foretold that the state was turning into a deformed condition.
12.19. Tunc apud Daphnen, amoenum illud et ambitiosum Antioohiae suburbanum, visu relatuque horrendum natum est monstrum, infans ore gemino cum dentibus binis et barba, quattuorque oculis, et brevissimis duabus auriculis, qui partus ita distortus praemonebat rem publicam in statum verti deformem.
12.20. Portents of this kind often see the light, as indications of the outcome of various affairs; but as they are not expiated by public rites, as they were in the time of our forefathers, they pass by unheard of and unknown.
12.20. Nascuntur huius modi saepe portenta, indicantia rerum variarum eventus, quae quoniam non expiantur, ut apud veteres publice, inaudita praetereunt et incognita.
13.1. In these days the Isaurians, who had long been quiet after the acts of which an account is given above and the attempted siege of the city of Seleucia, gradually coming to life again just as snakes are wont to dart forth from their holes in the spring time, sallying forth from their rocky and inaccessible mountain fastnesses, and massed together in dense bands, were harrying their neighbours with thefts and brigandage, eluding the frontier-defences of our soldiers by their skill as mountaineers and from experience easily running over rocks and through thickets.
13.1. His temporibus Isauri diu quieti post gesta quae superior continet textus, temptatumque Seleuciae civitatis obsidium, paulatim reviviscentes, ut solent verno tempore foveis exsilire serpentes, saltibus degressi scrupulosis et inviis, confertique in cuneos densos per furta et latrocinia finitimos afflictabant, praetenturas militum (ut montani) fallentes, perque rupis et dumeta ex usu facile discurrentes.
13.2. In order to quiet them by force or by reason, Lauricius was sent as governor with the added rank of count; being a man skilled in statesmanship, he corrected many evils by threats rather than by actual severity, so that for a long time, while he governed the province, nothing occurred which was thought deserving of punishment.
13.2. Ad quos vi vel ratione sedandos Lauricius, adiecta comitis dignitate, missus est rector, homo civilis prudentiae, qui minis potius quam acerbitate pleraque correxit, adeo ut eo diu provinciam obtinente, nihil accideret, quod animadversione dignum aestimaretur.