1.1. Such was the course of events throughout Illyricum and the Orient. But in Britain in the tenth consulship of Constantius and the third of Julian raids of the savage tribes of the Scots and the Picts, who had broken the peace that had been agreed upon, were laying waste the regions near the frontiers, so that fear seized the provincials, wearied as they were by a mass of past calamities. And Julian, who was passing the winter in Paris and was distracted amid many cares, was afraid to go to the aid of those across the sea, as Constans once did (as I have told), for fear of leaving Gaul without a ruler at a time when the Alamanni were already roused to rage and war.
1.1. Haec per Illyricum perque Orientem rerum series fuit. Consulatu vero Constantii deciens, terque Iuliani, in Britanniis cum Scottorum Pictorumque gentium ferarum excursus, rupta quiete condicta, loca limitibus vicina vastarent, et implicaret formido provincias, praeteritarum cladium congerie fessas, hiemem agens apud Parisios Caesar distractusque in sollicitudines varias, verebatur ire subsidio transmarinis, ut rettulimus ante fecisse Constantem, ne rectore vacuas relinqueret Gallias, Alamannis ad saevitiam etiam tum incitatis et bella.
1.2. Therefore he decided that Lupicinus, who was at that time commander-in-chief, should be sent to settle the troubles either by argument or by force; he was indeed a warlike man and skilled in military affairs, but one who raised his brows like horns and ranted in the tragic buskin (as the saying is), and about whom men were long in doubt whether he was more covetous or more cruel.
1.2. Ire igitur ad haec ratione vel vi componenda, Lupicinum placuit, ea tempestate magistrum armorum, bellicosum sane et castrensis rei peritum, sed supercilia erigentem ut cornua, et de tragico (quod aiunt) cothurno strepentem, super quo diu ambigebatur, avarus esset potius an crudelis.
1.3. Therefore, taking the light-armed auxiliaries, to wit the Aeruli, the Batavians, and two companies of Moesians, in the dead of winter the leader aforesaid came to Boulogne, and after procuring ships and embarking all his troops, he waited for a favourable breeze and then sailed to Richborough, which lay opposite, and went on to London, intending there to form his plans according to the situation of affairs and hasten quickly to take the field.
1.3. Moto igitur velitari auxilio, Aerulis scilicet et Batavis, numerisque Moesiacorum duobus, adulta hieme dux ante dictus Bononiam venit, quaesitisque navigiis, et omni imposito milite, observato flatu secundo ventorum, ad Rutupias sitas ex adverso defertur, petitque Lundinium, ut exinde suscepto pro rei qualitate consilio, festinaret ocius ad procinctum.
2.1. While this was going on, Ursicinus, after the storming of Amida, had returned to the emperor’s service as commander of the infantry; for, as I have said, he succeeded Barbatio. There he was met by detractors, who at first spread whispered slanders, then openly added false charges.
2.1. Quae cum ita geruntur, post Amidae oppugnationem Ursicinum ad commilitium principis ut peditum magistrum reversum, (successisse enim eum Barbationi praediximus), obtrectatores excipiunt, primo disseminantes mordaces susurros, dein propalam ficta crimina subnectentes.
2.2. These the emperor, since he judged most matters according to his prejudices and was ready to listen to secret attackers, took seriously and appointed Arbitio and Florentius, master of the offices, to investigate as judges the reasons for the destruction of Amida.
2.2. Quibus imperator assensus, ex opinione pleraque aestimans, et insidiantibus patens, Arbitionem et Florentium officiorum magistrum quaesitores dederat spectaturos, quas ob res oppidum sit excisum.
2.3. These men rejected the evident and plausible reasons, and fearing that Eusebius, then head chamberlain, would take offence if they admitted evidence which clearly showed that what had happened was the result of the persistent inaction of Sabinianus, they turned from the truth and examined into trivial matters far remote from the business in hand.
2.3. Quibus apertas probabilesque refutantibus causas, veritisque ne offenderetur Eusebius, cubiculi tunc tune praepositus, si documenta suscepissent perspicue demonstrantia, Sabiniani pertinaci ignavia haec accidisse, quae contigerunt, a veritate detorti, inania quaedam, longeque a negotio distantia, scrutabantur.
2.4. The accused, exasperated at this injustice, said: “Although the emperor despises me, the importance of the present business is such, that it cannot be examined into and punished, except by the judgement of the prince; yet let him know, as if from the words of a seer, that so long as he grieves over what he has learned on no good authority to have happened at Amida, and so long as he is swayed by the will of eunuchs, not even he in person with all the flower of his army will be able next spring to prevent the dismemberment of Mesopotania.”
2.4. Qua iniquitate percitus qui audiebatur, “Etsi me ‘inquit’ despicit imperator, negotii tamen ea est magnitudo magnitude, ut non nisi iudicio principis nosci possit et vindicari; sciat tamen velut quodam praesagio, quod dum maeret super his quae apud Amidam gesta emendata amendata didicit fide, dumque ad spadonum arbitrium trahitur, defrustandae Mesopotamiae proximo vere ne ipse quidem cum exercitus robore omni, opitulari poterit praesens.”
2.5. When this had been reported and much had been added in a malicious light, Constantius was angered beyond measure; and without sifting the matter or allowing the details of which he was ignorant to be explained, he ordered the victim of the calumnies to give up his command in the army and go into retirement. And by an extraordinary advancement Agilo, a former tribune of the household troops and of the targeteers, was promoted to his place.
2.5. Relatis adiectisque cum interpretatione maligna compluribus, iratus ultra modum Constantius, nec discusso negotio, nec patefieri quae scientiam eius latebant, permissis, appetitum calumniis, deposita militia digredi iussit ad otium, Agilone ad eius locum immodico saltu promoto, ex Gentilium et Scutariorum tribuno.
3.1. At that same time, throughout the regions of the East the heaven was seen to be overcast with dark mist, through which the stars were visible continually from the first break of day until noon. It was an additional cause of terror when the light of heaven was hidden and its orb removed utterly from the sight of the world, that the timorous minds of men thought that the darkening of the sun lasted too long; but it thinned out at first into the form of the crescent moon, then growing to the shape of the half-moon, and was finally fully restored.
3.1. Eodem tempore per Eoos tractus caelum subtextum caligine cernebatur obscura, et a primo aurorae exortu ad usque meridiem, intermicabant iugiter stellae; hisque terroribus accedebat, quod cum lux caelestis operiretur, e mundi conspectu penitus lance abrepta, defecisse diutius solem pavidae mentes hominum aestimabant; primo attenuatum in lunae corniculantis effigiem, deinde in speciem auctum semenstrem, posteaque in integrum restitutum.
3.2. This phenomenon never takes place so clearly as when the moon, after its shifting courses, brings back its monthly journey to the same starting-point after fixed intervals of time; that is to say, when the entire moon, in the abode of the same sign of the zodiac, is found in a perfectly straight line directly under the sun, and for a brief time stands still in the minute points which the science of geometry calls parts of parts.
3.2. Quod alias non evenit ita perspicue, nisi cum post inaequales cursus iter menstruum lunae ad idem revocatur initium, certis temporum intervallis, id est cum in domicilio eiusdem signi tota reperitur luna sub sole, liniamentis obiecta rectissimis, atque in his paulisper consistit minutis, quae geometrica ratio partium partes appellat.
3.3. And although the revolutions and movements of both heavenly bodies, as the searchers for intelligible causes had observed, after the course of the moon is completed, meet at one and the same point always at the same distance from each other, yet the sun is not always eclipsed at such times, but only when the moon (by a kind of fiery plumb-line) is directly opposite the sun and interposed between its orb and our vision.
3.3. Ac licet utriusque sideris conversiones et motus, ut scrutatores causarum intellegibilium adverterant, in unum eundemque finem, lunari cursu impleto, perenni distinctione conveniunt, tamen sol non semper his diebus obducitur, sed cum luna e regione (velut libramento quodam igneo) orbi et aspectui nostro opponitur media.
3.4. In short, the sun is hidden and his brightness suppressed, when he himself and the orb of the moon, the lowest of all the heavenly bodies, accompanying each other and each keeping its proper course, maintaining the relation of height between them and being in conjunction, as Ptolemy wisely and elegantly expresses it have come to the points which in Greek we call ἀναβιβάζοντας and καταβιβάζοντας ἐκλειπτικοὶ σύνδεσμοι (that is, eclipse nodes). And if they merely graze the spaces adjacent to these nodes, the eclipse will be partial.
3.4. Ad summam tum sol occultatur, splendore suppresso, cum ipse et lunaris globus astrorum omnium infimus, paril1 comitatu obtinentes circulos proprios, salvaque ratione altitudinis interiectae, iunctim locati, ut scienter et decore Ptolemaeus exponit, ad dimensiones venerint, quas ἀναβιβάζοντας et καταβιβάζοντας ἐκλειπτικοὺς συνδέσμους (coagmenta videlicet defectiva.) Graeco dictitamus sermone. Et si contigua eisdem iuncturis praestrinxerint spatia, dilutior erit defectus.
3.5. If, on the other hand, they stand in the nodes themselves which closely unite the ascent and the descent, the heaven will be overcast with thicker darkness, so that because of the density of the air we cannot see even objects which are near and close at hand.
3.5. Si vero articulis ipsis inhaeserint, qui coactius ascensus vinciunt et descensus, offunditur densioribus tenebris caelum, ut crassato aere ne proxima quidem et apposita cernere queamus.
3.6. Now it is thought that two suns are seen, if a cloud, raised higher than common and shining brightly from its nearness to the eternal fires, reflects a second brilliant orb, as if from a very clear mirror.
3.6. Sol autem geminus ita videri existimatur, si erecta solito celsius nubes, aeternorumque ignium propinquitate collucens, orbis alterius claritudinem tamquam e speculo puriore formaverit.
3.7. Let us now turn to the moon. Then only does she suffer a clear and evident eclipse, when, rounded out with her full light and opposite the sun, she is distant from its orb by 180 degrees (i.e. is in the seventh sign). But although this happens at every full moon, yet there is not always an eclipse.
3.7. Nunc veniamus ad lunam. Apertum et evidentem ita demum sustinet luna defectum, cum pleno lumine rotundata, solique contraria, ab eius orbe centum octoginta partibus (id est signo septimo) disparatur. Et quamquam hoc per omne plenilunium semper eveniat, non semper deficit tamen.
3.8. But since the moon is situated near the movement of the earth, and is the most remote from heaven of all that celestial beauty, she sometimes puts herself directly under the disc that strikes upon her, and is overshadowed and hidden for a time by the interposition of the goal of darkness ending in a narrow cone; and then she is wrapped in masses of darkness, when the sun, as if encompassed by the curve of the lower sphere, cannot light her with its rays, since the mass of the earth is between them; for that she has no light of her own has been assumed on various grounds.
3.8. Sed quoniam circa terrenam mobilitatem locata, et a caelo totius pulchritudinis extima, non numquam ferienti se subserit lanci, obiectu metae noctis in conum desinentis angustum, latet parumper umbrata, tumque nigrantibus involvitur globis, si sol ut sphaerae inferioris curvamine circumfusus, mole obsistente terrena, radiis eam suis illustrare non possit, quam numquam habere proprium lumen, opiniones variae collegerunt.
3.9. And when under the same sign she meets the sun in a straight line, she is obscured (as was said) and her brightness is wholly dimmed; and this in Greek is called the moon’s σύνοδος.
3.9. Et cum ad idem signum aequis partibus soli concurrent, obscuratur (ut dictum est) penitus hebetato candore, Graece σύνοδος dicitur.
3.10. Now she is thought to be born, when she has the sun above her with a slight deviation from the plumbline, so to speak. But her rising, which is still very slender, first appears to mortals when she has left the sun and advanced to the second sign. Then having progressed farther and now having abundant light, she appears with horns and is called μηνοειδής. But when she begins to be separated from the sun by a long distance and has arrived at the fourth sign and the sun’s rays are turned towards her, she gains greater brilliance, and is called in the Greek tongue διχόμηνις, a form which shows a half-circle Then, proceeding to the greatest distance and attaining the fifth sign, she shows the figure called amphicyrtos, and has humps on both sides.
3.10. Nasci autem putatur et tunc lunae cum parva declinatione velut e perpendiculo, superiectum gerit solem. Exortus vero eius adhuc gracilescens, primitus mortalitati videtur, cum ad secundum relicto sole migraverit signum. Progressa itaque porrectius, iamque abunde nitens cornutae habitu μηνοειδής est appellata. Cum autem sole longo coeperit interstitio summoveri, et ad quartum pervenerit signum, radiis eius ad se conversis, maius concipit lumen, et fit Graeco sermone διχόμηνις, quae forma semiorbem ostendit.
3.11. But when she has taken a place directly opposite the sun she will gleam with full light, making her home in the seventh sign; and still keeping her place in that same sign, but advancing a little she grows smaller, the process which we call ἀπόκρουσις; and she repeats the same forms as she grows old, and it is maintained by the unanimous learning of many men that the moon is never seen in eclipse except at the time of her mid-course.
3.11. Procedens deinde iam disiunctissime, quintoque signo arrepto, figuram monstrat amphicyrti, utrimque prominentibus gibbis. E regione vero cum normaliter steterit contra, lumine pleno fulgebit, domicilium septimi retinens signi, et in eodem tum etiam agens, paululumque progressa, minuitur, quem habitum vocamus ἀπόκρουσιν, et usque easdem formas repetit senescendo, traditurque doctrina multiplici congruente, non nisi tempore intermenstrui deficere visam usquam lunam.
3.12. But when we said that the sun had its course now in the ether and now in the world below, it must be understood that the heavenly bodies (so far as the universe is concerned) neither set nor rise, but that they seem to do so to an eyesight whose fixed situation is on the earth; this is kept hanging in space by some inner force and in its relation to the universe is like a tiny point; and that now we seem to see the stars, whose order is eternal, fixed in the sky, and often through the imperfection of human vision we think that they leave their places. But let us now return to our subject.
3.12. Quod autem solem nunc in aethere, nunc in mundo inferiore, versari praediximus, sciendum est siderea corpora quantum quantumi ad universitatem pertinet) nec occidere nec oriri, sed ita videri nostris obtutibus, constitutis in terra, spiritus cuiusdam interni motu suspensa: rerumque magnitudini instar exigui subditum puncti, nunc caelo infixas suspicere stellas, quarum ordo est sempiternus, aliquotiens humana visione languente, discedere suis sedibus arbitrari. Verum ad instituta iam revertamur.
4.1. When Constantius was hastening to lend aid to the Orient, which was likely soon to be disturbed by the inroads of the Persians, as deserters reported in agreement with our scouts, he was tormented by the valorous deeds of Julian, which increasingly frequent report was spreading abroad through the mouths of divers nations, carrying the great glory of his mighty toils and achievements after the overthrow of several kingdoms of the Alamanni, and the recovery of the Gallic towns, which before had been destroyed and plundered by the savages whom he himself had made tributaries and subjects.
4.1. Properantem Constantium Orienti ferre suppetias, turbando prope diem excursibus Persicis, ut perfugae concinentes exploratoribus indicabant, urebant Iuliani virtutes, quas per ora gentium diversarum fama celebrior effundebat, magnorum eius laborum factorumque vehens adoreas celsas, post Alamanniae quaedam regna prostrata, receptaque oppida Gallicana, ante direpta a barbaris et excisa, quos tributarios tributaries ipse fecit et vectigales.
4.2. Excited by these and similar exploits, and fearing that their fame would grow greater, urged on besides, as was reported, by the prefect Florentius, he sent Decentius, the tribune and secretary, at once to take from Julian his auxiliaries, namely, the Aeruli and Batavi and the Celts with the Petulantes, as well as three hundred picked men from each of the other divisions of the army; and he ordered him to hasten their march under the pretext that they might be able to be on hand for an attack on the Parthians early in the spring.
4.2. Ob haec et similia percitus, metuensque ne augerentur in maius, stimulante (ut ferebatur) praefecto Florentio, Decentium tribunum et notarium misit, auxiliares milites exinde protinus abstracturum, Aerulos et Batavos, cumque Petulantibus Celtas, et lectos ex numeris aliis trecentenos, hac specie iussos accelerare, ut adesse possint armis primo vere movendis in Parthos.
4.3. for speeding the departure of the auxiliaries and the divisions of three hundred Lupicinus alone was called upon (for that he had crossed over to Britain was not yet known at court); but the order to select the most active of the targeteers and the gentiles and personally lead them to the emperor was given to Sintula, then Julian’s chief stable-master.
4.3. Et super auxiliariis quidem et trecentenis, cogendis ocius proficisci, Lupicinus conventus est solus, transisse ad Britannias nondum compertus, de Scutariis autem et Gentilibus excerpere quemque promptissimum, et ipse perducere Sintula iubetur, Caesaris stabuli tunc tune tribunus.
4.4. Julian kept silence and submitted to this, leaving everything to the will of his more powerful associate. One thing, however, he could neither overlook nor pass over in silence, namely, that those men should suffer no inconvenience who had left their abodes beyond the Rhine and come to him under promise that they should never be led to regions beyond the Alps; for he declared that it was to be feared that the barbarian volunteer soldiers, who were often accustomed to come over to our side under conditions of that kind, might on having knowledge of this thereafter be kept from so doing. But his words were to no purpose.
4.4. Conticuit hisque acquieverat Iulianus, potioris arbitrio cuncta concedens. Illud tamen nec dissimulare potuit nec silere: ut illi nullas paterentur molestias, qui relictis laribus transrhenanis, sub hoc venerant pacto, ne ducerentur ad partes umquam transalpinas, verendum esse affirmans, ne voluntarii barbari militares, saepe sub eius modi legibus assueti transire ad nostra, hoc cognito deinceps arcerentur. Sed loquebatur in cassum.
4.5. For the tribune, considering Caesar’s remonstrances of little moment, carried out the orders of Augustus, chose the strongest and most active of the light-armed troops, and made off with them, while they were filled with hope of better fortunes.
4.5. Tribunus enim parvi querellas Caesaris ducens, Augusti iussis obtemperabat, et lecta expeditiore manu vigore, corporumque levitate praestanti, cum eisdem profectus est, spe potiorum erectis.
4.6. And because Julian was anxious as to what ought to be done about the remaining troops which he had been ordered to send, and turned over many plans in his mind, he decided that the business ought to be managed with circumspection, pressed as he was on one side by savage barbarians and on the other by the authority of the emperor’s orders; and since the absence of his commander of the cavalry in particular increased his uncertainty, he urged the prefect to return to him; the latter had gone some time before to Vienne, ostensibly to get supplies, but actually to escape troubles in the camp.
4.6. Et quia sollicitus Caesar, quid de residuis mitti praeceptis agi deberet, perque varias curas animum versans, attente negotium tractari oportere censebat, cum hinc barbara feritas, inde iussorum urgeret auctoritas, maximeque absentia magistri equitum augente dubietatem, redire ad se praefectum hortatus est, olim Viennam specie annonae parandae digressum, ut se militari eximeret turba.
4.7. For he bore in mind that it was in accordance with his own report, which he was thought to have sent some time before, that warlike troops, already formidable to the barbarians, were to be withdrawn from the defence of Gaul.
4.7. Perpendebat enim ad relationem suam, quam olim putabatur misisse, abstrahendos e Galliarum defensione pugnaces numeros barbarisque iam formidatos.
4.8. So when he received Julian’s letter, urging and begging him to hasten to come and aid his country by his counsels, he most emphatically refused; for his mind was disturbed with fear for the reason that Julian’s letter plainly indicated that the prefect ought never to be separated from his commander in the stress of dangerous times. And Julian added that if Florentius hesitated to do his duty, he would himself of his own accord lay down the emblems of princely power, thinking it more glorious to meet death by order, than that the ruin of the provinces should be attributed to him. But the obstinate resolution of the prefect prevailed, and with the greatest emphasis he refused to obey these reasonable demands.
4.8. Qui cum suscepisset Caesaris litteras, monentis petentisque ut venire acceleraret, rem publicam consiliis iuvaturus, obstinatissime detrectabat, hac ratione pavore mente confusa, quod aperte scripta significabant, ab imperatore nusquam diiungi debere praefectum, in ardore terribilium rerum. Adiectumque est quod si procurare dissimulasset, ipse propria sponte proiceret insignia principatus, gloriosum esse existimans iussa morte oppetere, quam ei provinciarum interitum assignari. Sed vicit praefecti propositum pertinax, his quae rationabiliter poscebantur, parere, contentione maxima reluctantis.
4.9. However, amid this delay of the absent Lupicinus and of the prefect, who feared mutinies of the soldiers, Julian, deprived of the aid of counsellors and wavering in anxious hesitation, thought the following plan the best: he called out all the soldiers in the usual manner from the posts in which they were passing the winter, and arranged to hasten them on their way.
4.9. Inter has tamen moras absentis Lupicini, motusque militares timentis praefecti, Iulianus consiliorum adminiculo destitutus, ancipitique sententia fluctuans, id optimum factu existimavit: et sollemniter cunctos e stationibus egressos, in quibus hiemabant, maturare disposuit.
4.10. Scarcely was this known, when someone in the camp of the Petulantes secretly threw on the ground a libellous letter, which among many other things contained the following: “We verily are driven to the ends of the earth like condemned criminals, and our dear ones, whom we freed from their former captivity after mortal battles, will again be slaves to the Alamanni.”
4.10. Hocque comperto, apud Petulantium signa famosum quidam libellum humi proiecit occulte, inter alia multa etiam id continentem: “Nos quidem ad orbis terrarum extrema ut noxii pellimur et damnati, caritates vero nostrae Alamannis denuo servient, quas captivitate prima post internecivas liberavimus pugnas.”
4.11. When this note was brought to headquarters and read, Julian, although he found the complaints reasonable, nevertheless ordered them to set out with their families for the Orient, giving them the privilege of using the wagons of the courier-service. And when there was considerable hesitation as to what route they should take, it was decided, at the suggestion of the secretary Decentius, that they should all go by way of Paris, where Julian still lingered, having as yet made no move. And it was so done.
4.11. Quo textu ad comitatum perlato lectoque, Iulianus contemplans rationabiles querellas, cum familiis eos ad orientem proficisci praecepit, clabularis clavularis cursus facultate permissa, et cum ambigeretur diutius qua pergerent via, placuit notario suggerente Decentio, per Parisios omnes transire, ubi morabatur adhuc Caesar nusquam motus. Et ita est factum.
4.12. And when the soldiers arrived Caesar met them in the suburbs, and, in his usual manner praising those whom he personally knew, and reminding each one of his valiant deeds, with mild words he encouraged them to go with cheerful step to Augustus, where there was great and extensive power, and they would get worthy rewards for their toil.
4.12. Eisdemque adventantibus, in suburbanis princeps occurrit, et ex more laudans quos agnoscebat, factorumque fortium singulos monens, animabat lenibus verbis, ut ad Augustum alacri gradu pergerent ire, ubi potestas est ample patens et larga, praemia laborum adepturi dignissima.
4.13. And in order to treat with greater honour those who were going far away, he invited their officers to dinner and bade them make any request that was in their minds. And since they were so liberally entertained, they departed anxious and filled with twofold sorrow: because an unkindly fortune was depriving them both of a mild ruler and of the lands of their birth. But though possessed by this sorrow, they were apparently consoled and remained quiet in their quarters.
4.13. Utque honoratius procul abituros tractaret, ad convivium proceribus corrogatis, petere (siquid in promptu esset) edixit. Qui liberaliter ita suscepti, dolore duplici suspensi discesserunt et maesti, quod eos fortuna quaedam inclemens et moderato rectore et terris genitalibus dispararet. Hocque angore impliciti, ut in stativis solati cessarunt.
4.14. But no sooner had night come on than they broke out in open revolt, and, with their minds excited to the extent that each was distressed by the unexpected occurrence, they turned to arms and action; with mighty tumult they all made for the palace, and wholly surrounding it, so that no one could possibly get out, with terrifying outcries they hailed Julian as Augustus, urgently demanding that he should show himself to them. They were compelled to wait for the appearance of daylight, but finally forced him to come out; and as soon as they saw him, they redoubled their shouts and with determined unanimity hailed him as Augustus.
4.14. Nocte vero coeptante, in apertum erupere discidium, incitatisque animis, ut quemque insperata res afflictabat, ad tela convertuntur et manus, fremituque ingenti omnes petiverunt palatium, et spatiis eius ambitis, ne ad evadendi copiam quisquam perveniret, Augustum Iulianum horrendis clamoribus concrepabant, eum ad se prodire destinatius adigentes, exspectareque coacti, dum lux promicaret, tandem progredi compulerunt. Quo viso iterata magnitudine sonus, Augustum appellavere consensione firmissima.
4.15. He, however, with unyielding resolution, opposed them one and all, now showing evident displeasure, again begging and entreating them with outstretched hands that after many happy victories nothing unseemly should be done, and that ill timed rashness and folly should not stir up material for discord. And when he had at last quieted them, with mild words he addressed them as follows:
4.15. Et ille mente fundata, universis resistebat et singulis, nunc indignari semet ostendens, nunc manus tendens oransque et obsecrans, ne post multas felicissimasque victorias, agatur aliquid indecorum, neve intempestiva temeritas et prolapsio, discordiarum materias excitaret. Haecque adiciebat, tandem sedatos leniter allocutus:
4.16. “Let your anger, I pray you, cease for a time. Without dissension or attempts at revolution what you demand shall easily be obtained. And since it is the charm of your native land that holds you back and you dread strange places with which you are unacquainted, return at once to your homes; you shall see nothing beyond the Alps, since that is displeasing to you, and this I will justify to Augustus to his entire satisfaction, since he is willing to listen to reason and is most discreet.”
4.16. “Cesset ira—quaeso—paulisper: absque dissensione, vel rerum appetitu novarum, impetrabitur facile quod postulatis. Quoniam dulcedo vos patriae retinet, et insueta peregrinaque metuitis loca, redite iam nunc ad sedes nihil visuri (quia displicet) transalpinum. Hocque apud Augustum, capacem rationis et prudentissimum, ego competenti satisfactione purgabo.”
4.17. After this the shouts continued none the less on every side, and since all insisted with one and the same ardour and with loud and urgent outcries mingled with abuse and insults, Caesar was compelled to consent. Then, being placed upon an infantryman’s shield and raised on high, he was hailed by all as Augustus and bidden to bring out a diadem. And when he declared that he had never had one, they called for an ornament from his wife’s neck or head.
4.17. Conclamabatur post haec ex omni parte nihilo minus, uno parique ardore nitentibus universis, maximoque contentionis fragore, probrosis conviciis mixto, Caesar assentire coactus est. Impositusque scuto pedestri, et sublatius eminens, nullo silente, Augustus renuntiatus, iubebatur diadema proferre, negansque umquam habuisse, uxoris colli decus vel capitis poscebatur.
4.18. But since he insisted that at the time of his first auspices it was not fitting for him to wear a woman’s adornment, they looked about for a horse’s trapping, so that being crowned with it he might display at least some obscure token of a loftier station. But when he declared that this also was shameful, a man called Maurus, afterwards a count and defeated at the pass of Succi, but then a standard-bearer of the Petulantes, took off the neck-chain which he wore as carrier of the dragon and boldly placed it on Julian’s head. He, driven to the extremity of compulsion, and perceiving that he could not avoid imminent danger if he persisted in his resistance, promised each man five gold pieces and a pound of silver.
4.18. Eoque affirmante, primis auspiciis non congruere aptari muliebri mundo, equi phalera quaerebatur, uti coronatus speciem saltem obscuram, superioris praetenderet potestatis. Sed cum id quoque turpe esse asseveraret, Maurus nomine quidam, postea comes, qui rem male gessit apud Succorum angustias, Petulantium tune hastatus, abstractum sibi torquem, quo ut draconarius utebatur, capiti Iuliani imposuit confidenter, qui trusus ad necessitatem extremam, iamque periculum praesens vitare non posse advertens, si reniti perseverasset, quinos omnibus aureos, argentique singula pondo promisit.
4.19. When this was done, troubled with no less anxiety than before and with quick intuition foreseeing the future, he neither wore a diadem, nor dared to appear anywhere or attend to any of the serious matters that were most pressing.
4.19. Hisque gestis, haut minore quam antea cura constrictus, futuraque celeri providens corde, nec diadema gestavit, nec procedere ausus est usquam, nec agere seria quae nimis urgebant.
4.20. But when he had withdrawn to seclusion and retirement, alarmed by the change in his fortunes, one of the decurions of the palace, which is a position of dignity, hastened at rapid pace to the camp of the Petulantes and Celts, and wildly cried that a shameful crime had been committed, in that the man whom the day before their choice had proclaimed Augustus had been secretly done to death.
4.20. Sed cum ad latebras secessisset occultas, accidentium varietate perterritus Iulianus, aliqui palatii decurio, qui ordo est dignitatis, pleniore gradu signa Petulantium ingressus atque Celtarum, facinus indignum turbulente exclamat, pridie Augustum eorum arbitrio declaratum, clam interemptum.
4.21. Upon hearing this the soldiers, who were equally excited by all news, known to be true or not, some brandishing darts, others with naked swords and uttering threats, rushing forth from different sides and in disorder (as is usual in a sudden commotion) quickly filled the palace. The fearful uproar alarmed the guards, the tribunes, and the count in command of the household troops, Excubitor by name, and in fear of treachery from the fickle soldiers they scattered in dread of sudden death and vanished from sight.
4.21. Hocque comperto, milites quos ignota pari sollicitudine movebant et nota, pars crispantes missilia, alii minitantes nudatis gladiis, diverso vagoque (ut in repentino solet) excursu, occupavere volucriter regiam, strepituque immani excubitores perculsi, et tribuni et domesticorum comes Excubitor nomine, veritique versabilis perfidiam militis, evanuere metu mortis subitae dispalati.
4.22. The armed men, however, seeing the perfect quiet, stood motionless for a time, and on being asked what was the cause of the ill-advised and sudden commotion, they kept silence for a long time, being in doubt as to the new emperor’s safety; and they would not leave until they were admitted to the council chamber and had seen him resplendent in the imperial garb. These preserved order and acted as adjutants to the emperor.
4.22. Viso tamen otio summo, quieti stetere paulisper armati, et interrogati, quae causa esset inconsulti motus et repentini, diu tacendo haesitantes super salute principis novi, non antea discesserunt, quam adsciti in consistorium, fulgentem eum augusto habitu conspexissent.
5.1. Yet, hearing of these events the troops also that had gone before under the lead of Sintula (as I have said), now free from anxiety returned with him to Paris. Then proclamation was made that on the following day all should assemble in the plain, and the ruler appeared in greater state than common and took his place on the tribunal, surrounded by the standards, eagles, and banners, and for greater safety hedged about with bands of armed cohorts.
5.1. His tamen auditis, etiam illi quos antegressos rettulimus, ducente Sintula, cum eo iam securi Parisios revertuntur: edictoque ut futura luce cuncti convenirent in campo, progressus princeps ambitiosius solito, tribunal ascendit, signis aquilisque circumdatus et vexillis, saeptusque tutius armatarum cohortium globis.
5.2. And after a brief silence, during which from his high position he surveyed the faces of those present, on finding them all eager and joyous, using simple words in order to be understood, he stirred them as by the blare of clarions, speaking as follows:
5.2. Cumque interquievisset paulisper, dum alte contemplatur praesentium vultus, alacres omnes visos et laetos, quasi lituis verbis (ut intellegi possit) simplicibus incendebat:
5.3. “The difficulties of the situation, ye brave and faithful defenders of my person and of the state, who with me have often risked your lives for the welfare of the provinces, require and entreat, since by your firm resolve you have advanced your Caesar to the pinnacle of all human power, that I should touch briefly on a few matters, in order to devise just and wise remedies for those changed conditions.”
5.3. “Res ardua poscit et flagitat, propugnatores mei reique publicae fortes et fidi, qui mecum pro statu provinciarum vitam saepius obiecistis, quoniam Caesarem vestrum firmo iudicio ad potestatum omnium columen sustulistis, perstringere pauca summatim, ut remedia permutatae rei iusta colligantur et cauta.”
5.4. “Hardly had I come to my growth, when (as you know) I assumed the purple, so far as appearance goes, and was committed by Heaven’s will to your protection. Since then I have never been thwarted in my purpose of right living, and I have been closely observed with you in all your toils, when through the widespread arrogance of foreign nations, after the destruction of cities and the loss of countless thousands of our men, incalculable disaster was overrunning the few regions that were left half ruined. It is needless, methinks, to rehearse how often in raw winter and under a cold sky, when lands and seas are exempt from the labours of Mars, we repelled the hitherto invincible Alamanni and broke their strength.”
5.4. “Vixdum adulescens specie tenus purpuratus (ut nostis), vestrae tutelae nutu caelesti commissus, numquam a proposito recte vivendi deiectus sum, vobiscum in omni labore perspicuus, cum dispersa gentium confidentia, post civitatum excidia, peremptaque innumera hominum milia, pauca quae semiintegra sunt relicta cladis immensitas persultaret. Et retexere superfluum puto, quotiens hieme cruda rigentique caelo, quo tempore terrae ac maria opere Martio vacant, indomitos antea, cum iactura virium suarum reppulimus Alamannos.”
5.5. “But this surely it is right neither to pass by nor consign to silence, that when that happiest of days dawned near Argentoratus, which in a sense brought lasting freedom to the Gauls, while I hastened about amid showers of weapons, you, upheld by your might and by long experience, overcame the enemy, rushing on like mountain torrents, either striking them down with the steel or plunging them in the river’s depths; and that too with but few of our number left upon the field, whose funerals we honoured with plentiful praise rather than with grief.”
5.5. “Id sane nec praetermitti est aequum aequ nec umnec taceri, quod cum prope Argentoratum illuxisset ille beatissimus dies, vehens quodam modo Galliis perpetuam libertatem, inter confertissima tela me discurrente, vos vigore ususque diuturnitate fundati, velut incitatos torrentes, hostes abruptius inundantes, superastis ferro prostratos prostrates, vel fluminis profundo submersos, paucis relictis nostrorum, quorum exequias honestavimus, celebri potius laude quam luctu.”
5.6. “After such great and glorious exploits, posterity, I believe, will not be silent about your services to your country, which are now well known to all nations, if you defend with courage and resolution the man whom you have honoured with a higher title of majesty, in case any adverse fortune should assail him.”
5.6. “Post quae opinor tanta et talia, nec posteritatem tacituram de vestris in rem publicam meritis, quae gentibus cunctis plene iam cognita sunt, si eum quem altiore fastigio maiestatis ornastis, virtute gravitateque, siquid adversum ingruerit, defendatis.”