5.7. “And to the end that a sound course of conduct may be maintained, that the rewards of brave men may remain free from corruption, and that secret intrigue may not usurp honours, this I declare in the presence of your honorable assembly: that no civil official, no military officer, shall reach a higher rank through anyone supporting him beyond his merits, and that none who tries to intrigue for another shall escape without dishonour.”
5.7. “Ut autem rerum integer ordo servetur, praemiaque virorum fortium maneant incorrupta, nec honores ambitio praeripiat clandestina, id sub reverenda consilii vestri facie statuo, ut neque civilis quisquam iudex, nec militiae rector, alio quodam praeter merita suffragante, ad potiorem veniat gradum, non sine detrimento pudoris, eo qui pro quolibet petere temptaverit discessuro.”
5.8. Through confidence in this promise the soldiers of lower rank, who had long had no share in honours and rewards, were inspired with greater hope; rising to their feet and clashing their spears against their shields with mighty din, almost with one voice they acclaimed the emperor’s words and plans.
5.8. Hac fiducia spei maioris animatus inferior miles, dignitatum iam diu expers et praemiorum, hastis feriendo clipeos sonitu assurgens ingenti, uno prope modum ore dictis favebat et coeptis.
5.9. And at once, lest even an instant should be allowed to interfere with so resolved a purpose, the Petulantes and Celts begged in behalf of certain commissaries that they might be sent as governors to whatever provinces they might choose; and when the request was denied, they withdrew neither offended nor ill-humoured.
5.9. Statimque ne turbandae dispositioni consultae, tempus saltem breve concederetur, pro actuariis obsecravere Petulantes et Celtae, recturi quas placuisset provincias, mitterentur; quo non impetrato, abiere nec offensi nec tristes.
5.10. But in the night before he was proclaimed Augustus, as the emperor told his nearer and more intimate friends, a vision appeared to him in his sleep, taking the form in which the guardian spirit of the state is usually portrayed, and in a tone of reproach spoke as follows: “Long since, Julian, have I been secretly watching the vestibule of your house, desiring to increase your rank, and I have often gone away as though rebuffed. If I am not to be received even now, when the judgements of many men are in agreement, I shall depart downcast and forlorn. But keep this thought in the depths of your heart, that I shall no longer abide with you.”
5.10. Nocte tamen, quae declarationis Augustae praecesserat diem, iunctioribus proximis rettulerat imperator, per quietem aliquem visum, ut formari Genius publicus solet, haec obiurgando dixisse: “Olim Iuliane vestibulum aedium tuarum observo latenter, augere tuam gestiens dignitatem, et aliquotiens tamquam repudiatus abscessi: si ne nunc quidem recipior, sententia concordante multorum, ibo demissus et maestus. Id tamen retineto imo corde quod tecum non diutius habitabo.”
6.1. While these things were being vigorously carried out in Gaul, that savage king of the Persians, since the urgency of Antoninus was doubled by the coming of Craugasius, burned with the desire of gaining possession of Mesopotamia while Constantius was busy at a distance with his army. So, having increased his arms and his power and crossed the Tigris in due form, he proceeded to attack Singara, a town which, in the opinion of those who had charge of that region, was abundantly fortified with soldiers and with all necessities.
6.1. Haec dum per Gallias agerentur intente, truculentus rex ille Persarum, incentivo Antonini adventu Craugasii duplicato, ardore obtinendae Mesopotamiae flagrans, dum ageret cum exercitu procul Constantius, armis multiplicatis et viribus, transmisso sollemniter Tigride, oppugnandam adoritur Singaram, milite usuique congruis omnibus, ut existimavere qui regionibus praeerant, abunde munitam.
6.2. The defenders of the city, as soon as they saw the enemy a long way off, quickly closed the gates and full of courage ran to the various towers and battlements, and got together stones and engines of war; then, when everything was prepared, they all stood fast under arms, ready to repulse the horde, in case it should try to come near the walls.
6.2. Cuius propugnatores viso hoste longissime, clausis ocius portis, ingentibus animis per turres discurrebant et minas, saxa tormentaque bellica congerentes, cunctisque praestructis, stabant omnes armati, multitudinem parati propellere, si moenia subire temptasset.
6.3. Accordingly, the king on his arrival, through his grandees, who were allowed access, tried by peaceful mediation to bend the defenders to his will. Failing in this, he devoted the entire day to quiet, but at the coming of next morning’s light he gave the signal by raising the flame-coloured banner, and the city was assailed on every side; some brought ladders, others set up engines of war; the greater part, protected by the interposition of penthouses and mantlets, tried to approach the walls and undermine their foundations.
6.3. Adventans itaque rex cum per optimates suos propius admissos, pacatiore colloquio flectere defensores ad suum non potuisset arbitrium, quieti diem integrum dedit, et matutinae lucis exordio, signo per flammeum erecto vexillum, circumvaditur civitas a quibusdam vehentibus scalas, aliis componentibus machinas, plerisque obiectu vinearum pluteorumque tectis, iter ad fundamenta parietum quaerentibus subvertenda.
6.4. Against this onset the townsmen, standing upon their lofty battlements, from a distance with stones and all kinds of missile weapons tried to repel those who boldly strove to force an entrance.
6.4. Contra haec oppidani superstantes propugnaculis celsis, lapidibus eminus telorumque genere omni ad interiora ferocius se proripientes arcebant.
6.5. The battle raged for several days with uncertain outcome, and on both sides many were killed and wounded. Finally, in the heat of the mighty conflict, just as evening was coming on, among many engines a ram of uncommon strength was brought up, which with rapidly repeated blows battered the round tower where (as we have related) the city was breached in the former siege.
6.5. Et pugnabatur eventu ancipiti diebus aliquot, hinc inde multis amissis et vulneratis: postremo fervente certaminum mole, et propinquante iam vespera, inter machinas plures admotus aries robustissimus, orbiculatam turrim feriebat ictibus densis, unde reseratam urbem obsidio superiore docuimus.
6.6. To this spot the people flocked and the battle went on in dense array; from all sides flew firebrands with blazing torches and fiery darts to set fire to the great menace, while the showers of arrows and slingshots from both sides never ceased. But the sharp head of the ram overcame every attempt at defence, penetrating the joints of the new-laid stones, which were still moist and therefore weak.
6.6. Ad quam conversa plebe dimicabatur artissime, facesque cum taedis ardentibus et malleolis, ad exurendum imminens malum undique convolabant, nec sagittarum crebritate nec glandis hinc inde cessante. Vicit tamen omne prohibendi commentum acumen arietis, coagmenta fodiens lapidum recens structorum, madoreque etiam tum infirmium.
6.7. And while the combat still went on with fire and sword, the tower collapsed and a way was made into the city; the defenders, scattered by the great danger, abandoned the place; the Persian hordes, raising shouts and yells, rushed from all sides and without opposition filled every part of the city; and after a very few of the defenders had been slain here and there, all the rest were taken alive by Sapor’s order and transported to the remotest parts of Persia.
6.7. Dumque adhuc ferro certatur et ignibus, turri collapsa, cum patuisset iter in urbem, nudato propugnatoribus loco, quos periculi disiecerat magnitudo magnitude, Persarum agmina undique ululabili clamore sublato, nullo cohibente cuncta oppidi membra complebant, caesisque promiscue promise paucissimis, residui omnes mandatu Saporis vivi comprehensi, ad regiones Persidis ultimas sunt asportati.
6.8. This city was defended by two legions, the First Flavian and the First Parthian, as well as by a considerable number of natives, with the help of some horsemen who had hastily taken refuge there because of the sudden danger. All these (as I have said) were led off with hands bound, and none of our men could aid them.
6.8. Tuebantur autem hanc civitatem legiones duae (prima Flavia primaque Parthica), et indigenae plures cum auxilio equitum, illic ob repentinum malum clausorum, qui omnes (ut dixi) vinctis manibus ducebantur, nullo iuvante nostrorum.
6.9. For the greater part of the army was in camp guarding Nisibis, which was a very long distance off; besides, even in former days no one had ever been able to aid Singara when in trouble, since all the surrounding country was dried up from lack of water. And although in early times a stronghold had been established there as a convenient place for learning in advance of sudden outbreaks of the enemy, yet this was a detriment to the Roman cause, since the place was several times taken with the loss of its defenders.
6.9. Nisibin enim sub pellibus agens pars maior exercitus custodibat, intervallo perquam longo discretam, alioqui numquam labenti Singarae vel temporibus priscis, quisquam ferre auxilium potuit, aquarum penuria cunctis circum arentibus locis. Et licet ad praesciscendos adversos subitosque motus, id munimentum opportune locavit antiquitas, dispendio tamen fuit rei Romanae, cum defensorum iactura aliquotiens interceptum.
7.1. After the destruction of the city the king prudently turned aside from Nisibis, doubtless remembering what he had often suffered there, and marched to the right by side roads to Bezabde, which its early founders also called Phaenicha, hoping to gain entrance into the place by force or by winning the defenders with flattering promises. Bezabde was a very strong fortress, placed upon a hill of moderate height which sloped towards the banks of the Tigris, and where it was low and therefore exposed to danger it was fortified with a double wall. For the defence of the place three legions were assigned, the Second Flavian, the Second Armenian, and also the Second Parthian with a great number of bowmen of the Zabdiceni, on whose soil, at that time subject to us, this town was situated.
7.1. Exciso itaque oppido, rex Nisibin prudenti consilio vitans, memor nimirum quae saepius ibi pertulerat, dextrum latus itineribus petit obliquis, Bezabden, quam Phaenicham quoque institutores veteres appellarunt, vi vel promissorum dulcedine illectis defensoribus retenturus, munimentum impendio validum in colle mediocriter edito positum, vergensque in margines Tigridis, atque ubi loca suspecta sunt et humilia, duplici muro vallatum. Ad cuius tutelam tres legiones sunt deputatae, secunda Flavia secundaque Armeniaca, et Parthica itidem secunda cum sagittariis pluribus Zabdicenis, in quorum solo tunc tune nobis obtemperantium hoc est municipium positum.
7.2. On his first attack the king himself, with a troop of horsemen gleaming in full armour and himself towering above the rest, rode about the circuit of the camp, and with over-boldness advanced to the very edge of the trenches. But becoming the target of repeated missiles from the ballistae and of arrows, he was protected by a close array of shields placed side by side as in a tortoise-mantlet, and got away unhurt.
7.2. Primo igitur impetu, cum agmine cataphractorum fulgentium, rex ipse sublimior ceteris castrorum ambitum circumcursans, prope labra ipsa fossarum venit audentius, petitusque ballistarum ictibus crebris et sagittarum, densitate opertus armorum in modum testudinis contextorum, abscessit innoxius.
7.3. However, he suppressed his anger for the time being, and sending heralds in the usual manner, courteously urged the besieged, taking regard for their lives and their hope for the future, to put an end to the blockade by a timely surrender, unbar their gates and come forth, presenting themselves as suppliants to the conqueror of the nations.
7.3. Ira tamen tum sequestrata, caduceatoribus missis ex more, clausos blandius hortabatur, ut vitae speique consulturi, obsidium deditione solverent opportuna, reseratisque portis egressi, supplices victori gentium semet offerrent.
7.4. When these heralds dared to come close, the defenders of the walls spared them for the reason that they had brought in close company with them some freeborn men who had been taken prisoner at Singara and were recognised by the garrison. In pity for these men no one hurled a weapon; but to the offer of peace no answer was made.
7.4. Quibus adire propius ausis, defensores moenium ideo pepercerunt, quod cohaerenter sibi iunctos duxerant eisdem notos ingenuos Singarae captos: eorum enim miseratione, telum nemo contorsit, nec super pace respondit.
7.5. Then a truce was granted for a whole day and night, but before the beginning of the next day the entire force of the Persians fiercely attacked the rampart, uttering cruel threats and roaring outcries; and when they had boldly advanced close up to the walls, they began to fight with the townsmen, who resisted with great vigour.
7.5. Deinde datis indutiis diei totius et noctis, ante alterius lucis initium Persarum populus omnis adortus avide vallum, acriter minans ac fremens, ubi ad ipsa moenia confidenter accessit, dimicabat vi magna resistentibus oppidanis.
7.6. And for this reason a large number of the Parthians were wounded, because, some carrying scaling ladders, others holding hurdles of osiers before them, they all rushed within range as though blinded; and our men were not unscathed. For clouds of arrows flew thick and fast, and transfixed the defenders as they stood crowded together. After sunset the two parties separated with equal losses, but just before dawn of the following day, while the trumpets sounded on one side and the other, the struggle was renewed with much greater ardour than before, and on either side equally great heaps of dead were to be seen, since both parties fought most obstinately.
7.6. Eaque re sauciabantur plerique Parthorum, quod pars scalas vehentes, alii opponentes vimineas crates, velut caeci pergebant introrsus, nec nostris innocui. Sagittarum enim nimbi crebrius volitantes, stantes confertius perforabant, partibusque post solis occasum aequa iactura digressis, appetente postridie luce, ardentius multo quam antea pugnabatur, hinc inde concinentibus tubis, nec minores strages utrubique visae sunt, ambobus obstinatissime colluctatis.
7.7. But on the following day, which after manifold losses had by common consent been devoted to rest, since great terror encircled the walls and the Persians had no less grounds for fear, the chief priest of the sect of Christians indicated by signs and nods that he wished to go forth; and when a pledge had been given that he would be allowed to return in safety, he came as far as the king’s tent.
7.7. Verum secuto die otio communi assensu post aerumnas multiplices attribute, cum magnus terror circumsisteret muros, Persaeque paria formidarent, Christianae legis antistes exire se velle gestibus ostendebat et nutu, acceptaque fide quod redire permitteretur incolumis, usque ad tentoria regis accessit.
7.8. There being given permission to say what he wished, with mild words he advised the Persians to return to their homes, declaring that after the lamentable losses on both sides it was to be feared that perhaps even greater ones might follow. But it was in vain that he persisted in making these and many similar pleas, opposed as they were by the frenzied rage of the king, who roundly swore that he would not leave the place until the fortress had been destroyed.
7.8. Ubi data copia dicendi quae vellet, suadebat placido sermone discedere Persas ad sua, post communes partis utriusque luctus, formidari etiam maiores affirmans forsitan adventuros adventures. Sed perstabat in cassum, haec multaque similia disserendo, efferata vesania regis obstante, non ante castrorum excidium digredi pertinaciter adiurantis.
7.9. But the bishop incurred the shadow of a suspicion, unfounded in my opinion, though circulated confidently by many, of having told Sapor in a secret conference what parts of the wall to attack, as being slight within and weak. And in the end there seemed to be ground for this, since after his visit the enemy’s engines deliberately battered those places which were tottering and insecure from decay, and that too with spiteful exultation, as if those who directed them were acquainted with conditions within.
7.9. Perstrinxit tamen suspicio vana quaedam episcopum (ut opinor), licet asseveratione vulgata multorum, quod clandestine colloquio Saporem docuerat, quae moenium appeteret membra, ut fragilia intrinsecus et invalida. Hocque exinde veri simile visum est, quod postea intuta loca carieque nutantia, cum exsultatione exultatione maligna, velut regentibus penetralium callidis, contemplabiliter machinae feriebant hostiles.
7.10. And though the narrow footpaths yielded difficult access to the walls, and the rams that had been prepared were moved forward with difficulty, since the fear of stones thrown by hand and of arrows kept them off, yet neither the ballistae nor the scorpions ceased, the former to hurl darts, the latter showers of stones and with them blazing wicker baskets, smeared with pitch and bitumen. Because of the constant fall of these as they rolled down the slope, the engines were halted as though held fast by deep roots, and the constant shower of fiery darts and brands set them on fire.
7.10. Et quamquam angustae calles difficiliorem aditum dabant ad muros, aptatique arietes aegre promovebantur, manualium saxorum, sagittarumque metu arcente, nec ballistae tamen cessavere nec scorpiones, illae tela torquentes, hi lapides crebros, qualique simul ardentes pice et bitumine illiti, quorum assiduitate per proclive labentium, machinae haerebant velut altis radicibus fixae, easque malleoli et faces iactae destinatius exurebant.
7.11. But in spite of all this, and though many fell on both sides, the besiegers were fired with the greater desire to destroy the town, defended though it was by its natural situation and by mighty works, before the winter season, believing that the king’s rage could not be quieted until that was done. Therefore neither the great outpouring of blood nor the many mortal wounds that were suffered deterred the survivors from like boldness.
7.11. Sed cum haec ita essent, caderentque altrinsecus multi, ardebant magis oppugnatores, naturali situ et ingenti opere munitum oppidum ante brumale sidus excindere, rabiem regis non ante sedari posse credentes. Quocirca nec multa cruoris effusio, nec confixi mortiferis vulneribus plurimi, ceteros ab audacia parili revocabant.
7.12. But after a long and destructive struggle, they finally exposed themselves to extreme peril, and as the enemy pushed on the rams, huge stones coming thick from the walls, and varied devices for kindling fire, debarred them from going forward.
7.12. Sed diu cum exitio decernentes, postremo periculis obiectavere semet abruptis, et agitantes arietes denso saxorum molarium pondere, fomentisque ignium variis ire protinus vetabantur.
7.13. However, one ram, higher than the rest, which was covered with wet bull’s hide and therefore less exposed to danger from fire or darts, having gone ahead of all the others, made its way with mighty efforts to the wall. There, digging into the joints of the stones with its huge beak, it weakened a tower and overthrew it. As this fell with a mighty roar, those also who stood upon it were thrown down by its sudden collapse and either dashed to pieces or buried. Thus they perished by varied and unlooked-for forms of death, while the armed hordes of the enemy, finding the ascent safer, rushed into the town.
7.13. Verum unus aries residuis celsior, umectis taurinis opertus copertus exuviis, ideoque minus casus flammeos pertimescens aut tela, antegressus omnes erepsit nisibus magnis ad murum, vastoque acumine coagmenta lapidum fodiens, turrim laxatam evertit. Qua sonitu lapsa ingenti, superstantes quoque repentina ruina deiecti, diffractique vel obruti, mortibus interiere diversis et insperatis, inventoque tutiore ascensu, armata irruit multitudo.
7.14. Then, while the din of the yelling Persians thundered on all sides in the terrified ears of the overmatched townsmen, a hotter fight raged within the walls, as bands of our soldiers and of the enemy struggled hand to hand; and since they were crowded body to body and both sides fought with drawn swords, they spared none who came in their way.
7.14. Trepidis deinde superatorum auribus ululantium undique Persarum intonante fragore, artius proelium intra muros exarsit, hostium nostrorumque catervis certantibus comminus, cum confertis inter se corporibus hinc indeque stricto mucrone, nulli occurrentium parceretur.
7.15. Finally the besieged, after long resisting imminent destruction, were at last with great difficulty scattered in all directions by the weight of the huge throng. After that the swords of the infuriated enemy cut down all that they could find, children were torn from their mothers’ breasts and the mothers themselves were butchered, and no man recked what he did. Amid such scenes of horror that nation, greedier still for plunder, laden with spoils of every sort, and leading off a great throng of captives, returned in triumph to their tents.
7.15. Magna denique mole, ancipiti diu exitio renitentes obsessi, postremo plebis immensae ponderibus effuse disiecti sunt. Et post haec iratorum hostium gladii quicquid inveniri poterat concidebant, abreptique sinibus matrum parvuli ipsaeque matres trucidabantur, nullo quid ageret respectante. Inter quae tam funesta gens rapiendi cupidior, onusta spoliorum genere omni, captivorumque examen maximum ducens, tentoria repetivit exsultans.
7.16. The king, however, filled with arrogant joy, and having long burned with a desire of taking Phaenicha, since it was a very convenient stronghold, did not leave the place until he had firmly repaired the shattered parts of the walls, stored up an immense quantity of supplies, and stationed there an armed force of men distinguished for their high birth and renowned for their military skill. For he feared what actually happened, namely, that the Romans, taking to heart the loss of such a powerful stronghold, would strive with all their might to recover it.
7.16. Rex tamen gaudio insolenti elatus, diuque desiderio capiendae Phaenichae flagrans, munimenti perquam tempestivi, non ante discessit quam labefactata murorum parte reparata firmissime, alimentisque affatim conditis, armatos ibi locaret, insignis origine, bellique artibus claros. Verebatur enim quod accidit, ne amissionem castrorum ingentium ferentes aegre Romani, ad eadem obsidenda viribus magnis accingerentur.
7.17. Then, filled with greater confidence and inspired with the hope of accomplishing whatever he might undertake, after capturing some insignificant strongholds, he prepared to attack Virta, a fortress of great antiquity, since it was believed to have been built by Alexander of Macedon; it was situated indeed on the outer frontier of Mesopotamia, but was girt by walls with salient and re-entrant angles and made difficult of access by manifold devices.
7.17. Latius se proinde iactans, additaque spe quicquid aggredi posset adipiscendi, interceptis castellis aliis vilioribus, Virtam adoriri disposuit, munimentum valde vetustum, ut aedificatum a Macedone credatur Alexandro, in extreme quidem Mesopotamiae situm, sed muris velut sinuosis circumdatum et cornutis, instructioneque varia inaccessum.
7.18. But after resorting to every artifice, now tempting the defenders with promises, now threatening them with the cruelest punishments, sometimes preparing to build embankments and bringing up siege-engines, after suffering more losses than he inflicted, he at last gave up the vain attempt and departed.
7.18. Quod cum omni arte temptaret, nunc promissis defensores alliciens, nunc poenas cruciabiles minitans, aliquotiens struere aggeres parans, obsidionalesque admovens machinas, multis acceptis vulneribus quam illatis, omisso vano incepto, tandem abscessit.
8.1. These were the events of that year between the Tigris and the Euphrates. Constantius, learning of them through frequent reports and passing the winter in Constantinople for fear of a Parthian invasion, with particular care furnished the eastern frontier with all kinds of warlike equipment; he also got together arms and recruits, and by the addition of vigorous young men gave strength to the legions, whose steadiness in action had often been conspicuously successful in oriental campaigns. Besides this, he asked the Scythians for auxiliaries, either for pay or as a favour, intending in the late spring to set out from Thrace and at once occupy the points of danger.
8.1. Haec eo anno inter Tigrim gesta sunt et Euphraten. Quae cum frequentibus nuntiis didicisset Constantius, expeditiones metuens Parthicas, hiemem apud Constantinopolim agens, impensiore cura limitem instruebat eoum omni apparatu bellorum, armaque et tirocinia cogens, legionesque augens iuventutis validae supplementis, quarum statariae pugnae per orientales saepius eminuere procinctus, auxilia super his Scytharum poscebat, mercede vel gratia, ut adulto vere profectus e Thraciis, loca suspecta protinus occuparet.
8.2. Meanwhile Julian, who had taken up his winter quarters at Paris, was in anxious suspense, dreading the outcome of the step which he had taken. For after long and careful consideration he was convinced that Constantius would never consent to what had been done, since in the emperor’s eyes he was scorned as base and contemptible.
8.2. Inter quae Iulianus apud Parisios hibernis locatis, summa coeptorum quorsum evaderet pertimescens haeserat anxius, numquam assensurum Constantium factis multa volvendo considerans, apud quem sordebat ut infimus et contemptus.
8.3. Therefore pondering well the dangers of beginning a revolution, he decided to send envoys to Constantius to inform him of what had happened; and he gave them a letter to the same purport, in which he more openly set forth and made clear what had been done, and what ought to be done later.
8.3. Circumspectis itaque trepidis rerum novarum exordiis, legatos ad eum mittere statuit, gesta docturos, eisque concinentes litteras dedit, quid actum sit quidve fieri oporteat deinceps, monens apertius et demonstrans.
8.4. But yet he thought that Constantius had long since had news of the event through the reports of Decentius, who had come back some time before, and of the chamberlains, who had lately passed through on their way from Gaul after bringing the Caesar a part of his regular income. And although he reported the changed conditions, he did not write anything in a hostile tone nor in arrogant language, lest he should seem suddenly to have become full of haughtiness. The purport of the letter was as follows:
8.4. Quamquam eum haec dudum comperisse opinabatur, relatu Decentii olim reversi, et cubiculariorum recens de Galliis praegressorum, qui ad Caesarem aliqua portavere sollemnia. Et quamquam nova referret, non repugnanter tamen nec arrogantibus verbis quicquam scripsit, ne videretur subito redundasse tumore. Erat autem litterarum sensus huius modi:
8.5. “I for my part have remained true to my principles, not less in my conduct than in the observance of agreements, so long as they remained in force, always keeping one and the same mind, as is clearly evident from many of my actions.”
8.5. “Ego quidem propositi mei fidem non minus moribus quam foederum pacto (quoad fuit) unum semper atque idem sentiens conservavi, ut effectu multiplici claruit evidenter.”
8.6. “From the time when you first made me Caesar and exposed me to the dread tumults of war, content with the power committed to me, I filled your ears (like a trusty servant) with constant reports of successful achievements proceeding to my heart’s desire, never attributing anything at all to my own perils; and yet it is clear from constant proofs that in the contests with the widely scattered and often interallied Germans I was in toil, always seen first of all, and in rest from toil, last.”
8.6. “Iamque inde uti me creatum Caesarem pugnarum horrendis fragoribus obiecisti, potestate delata contentus, currentium ex voto prosperitatum, nuntiis crebris (ut apparitor fidus), tuas aures implevi, nihil usquam periculis meis assignans, cum documentis assiduis constet, diffusis permixtisque passim Germanis, in laboribus me semper visum omnium primum, in laborum refectione postremum.”
8.7. “But if now, with your kind indulgence be it said, there has been any change (as you think), it is the soldiers, exhausting themselves without profit in many cruel wars, who have in rebellious fashion carried out a resolve of long standing, being impatient of a leader of the second rank, since they thought that no recompense for their unremitting toil and repeated victories could be made by a Caesar.”
8.7. “Sed bona tua venia dixerim, siquid novatum est nunc (ut existimas): in multis bellis et asperis, aetatem sine fructu conterens miles, olim deliberatum implevit, fremens, secundique impatiens loci rectorem, cum nullas sibi vices a Caesare diuturni sudoris et victoriarum frequentium rependi posse contemplaretur.”
8.8. “To their anger at neither winning increase in rank nor receiving the annual pay was added the unlooked-for order, that men accustomed to cold regions should go to the remotest parts of the eastern world and be dragged away destitute and stripped of everything, separated from their wives and children. Angered by this beyond their wonted manner, they gathered together at night and beset the palace, shouting loudly again and again ‘Julianus Augustus’.”
8.8. “Cuius iracundiae nec dignitatum augmenta, nec annuum merentis stipendium, id quoque inopinum accessit, quod ad partis orbis eoi postremas venire iussi homines assueti glacialibus terris, separandique liberis et coniugibus, egentes trahebantur et nudi. Unde solito saevius efferati nocte in unum collecti, palatium obsidere, Augustum Iulianum vocibus magnis appellantes et crebris.”
8.9. “I was horrified (I confess it) and withdrew; and holding aloof as long as I could, I tried to save myself by remaining in hiding and concealment. But when no respite was given, protected by the rampart of a free conscience (so to say), I went forth and stood before them all, supposing that the outbreak could be quieted by my authority or by persuasive words.”
8.9. “Cohorrui (fateor) et secessi, amendatusque dum potui, salutem occultatione quaeritabam et latebris. Cumque nullae darentur indutiae, libero pectoris muro (ut ita dixerim) saeptus, progressus ante conspectum omnium steti, molliri posse tumultum auctoritate ratus vel sermonibus blandis.”
8.10. “But their excitement was most unusual, and they went so far that when I tried to overcome their obstinacy by entreaties, they rushed upon me and threatened me with instant death. Overcome at last, and thinking to myself that if I were slain another would perhaps willingly be proclaimed emperor, I yielded, expecting that I could thus quiet their armed violence.”
8.10. “Sed exarsere mirum in modum, eo usque provecti, ut quoniam precibus vincere pertinaciam conabar, instanter mortem contiguis assultibus intentarent. Victus denique mecumque ipse contemplans, quod alter confosso me forsitan libens declarabitur princeps, assensus sum, vim lenire posse ratus armatam.”
8.11. “This is a full account of what took place, and I pray that you will receive it in a spirit of peace. Do not suspect that anything different was done, or listen to malicious and pernicious whisperers, whose habit it is to excite dissension between princes for their own profit; but rejecting flattery, the nurse of vices, turn to justice, the most excellent of all virtues, and accept in good faith the fair conditions which I propose, convincing yourself that this is to the advantage of the rule of Rome as well as to ourselves, who are united by the tie of blood and by our lofty position.”
8.11. “Gestorum hic textus est, quem mente quaeso accipito placida. Nec actum quicquam secus existimes, vel susurrantes perniciosa malignos admittas, ad compendia sua excitare secessiones principum assuetos; sed adulatione vitiorum altrice depulsa, excellentissiman virtutum omnium adverte iustitiam, et condicionum aequitatem, quam propono, bona fide suscipito, cum animo disputans, haec statui Romano prodesse, nobiscum, qui caritate sanguinis et fortunae superioris culmine sociamur.”
8.12. “And pardon me: I am not so desirous that these things which are reasonably demanded should be done, as that they should be approved by you as expedient and right, and for the future also I shall eagerly receive your instructions.”
8.12. Ignosce enim: quae quake cum ratione poscuntur, non tam fieri cupio, quam a te utilia probari et recta, avide tua pr“aecepta deinde quoque suscepturus.”
8.13. “What ought to be done I will reduce to a few words. I will furnish Spanish horses for your chariots, and to be mingled with the household troops and the targeteers some young men of the Laeti, a tribe of barbarians on this side of the Rhine, or at any rate from those of them who voluntarily come over to us. And this I promise to do to the end of my life, with not only a willing but an eager spirit.”
8.13. “Quae necesse sit fieri in compendium redigam breue. Equos praebebo currules Hispanos, et miscendos Gentilibus atque Scutariis adulescentes Laetos quosdam, cis Rhenum editam barbarorum progeniem, vel certe ex dediticiis, qui ad nostra desciscunt. Et haec ad usque exitum vitae me spondeo non modo grato animo, verum cupido quoque facturum.”
8.14. “As praetorian prefects your clemency shall appoint for us those who are known for their justice and their merits; the promotion of the other civil officials and military officers, as well as of my bodyguard, is properly to be left to my decision. For it would be folly, since it can be prevented from happening, that those should be attached to an emperor’s person whose character and inclinations are unknown to him.”
8.14. “Praefectos praetorio, aequitate et meritis notos, tua nobis dabit clementia, residuos ordinarios ordinaries iudices, militiaeque moderatores, promovendos arbitrio meo concedi est consentaneum, itidemque stipatores. Stultum est enim cum ante caveri possit ne fiat, eos ad latus imperatoris adscisci, quorum mores ignorantur et voluntates.”
8.15. “This at least I would declare without any hesitation: the Gauls, since they have been harassed by long continued troubles and grievous misfortunes, cannot voluntarily or under compulsion send recruits to foreign and distant countries, for fear that, if they lose all their young manhood, downcast as they are by the memory of their past afflictions, even so they may perish from despair at what may befall hereafter.”
8.15. “Hoc sane sine ulla dubitatione firmaverim: tirones ad peregrina et longinqua Galli transmittere, diuturna perturbatione, casibusque vexati gravissimis, nec sponte sua poterunt nec coacti, ne consumpta penitus iuventute, ut affliguntur praeterita recordantes, ita desperatione pereant impendentium.”
8.16. “Furthermore, it will not be expedient to draw from here auxiliaries to be opposed to the Parthian nations, since the onsets of the barbarians are not yet checked and (if you will permit me to speak the truth) these provinces which have been vexed with constant calamities need aid themselves from without, and valiant aid too.”
8.16. “Nec Parthicis gentibus opponenda auxilia hinc acciri conveniet, cum adhuc nec barbarici sint impetus interclusi, et (si dici quod verum est pateris), haec provinciae malis iactatae continuis, externis indigeant adiumentis et fortibus.”
8.17. “In urging these measures I have written (I think) to the advantage of the state both in my requests and in my demands. For I know, I do know, not to say anything more arrogantly than befits my authority, what wretched conditions, even when everything seemed already lost and without remedy, have been brought to a better state by the harmony of rulers yielding in turn to each other. Indeed, it is clear from the example of our forefathers that rulers who have these and similar designs are able somehow to find a way of living happily and successfully and of leaving to posterity and to all future time a happy memory of their lives.”
8.17. “Haec hortando (ut aestimo) salutariter scripsi, poscens et rogans. Scio enim scio nequid sublatius dicam, quam imperio congruens congrait, quas rerum acerbitates, iam conclamatas et perditas, concordia vicissim sibi cedentium principum, meliorem revocavit in statum, cum appareat maiorum exemplo nostrorum, moderatores haec et similia cogitantes, fortunate beateque vivendi reperire repperire quodam modo viam, et ultimo tempori posteritatique iucundam sui memoriam commendare.”
8.18. Along with this letter he sent another of a more private nature to be delivered to Constantius secretly, which was written in a more reproachful and bitter tone; the content of this it was not possible for me to examine, nor if it had been, would it have been fitting for me to make it public.
8.18. His litteris iunctas secretiores alias Constantio offerendas clanculo misit, obiurgatorias et mordaces, quarum seriem nec scrutari licebat, nec (si licuisset), proferre decebat in publicum.
8.19. To perform this mission two men of importance were chosen, Pentadius, the court marshal, and Eutherius, who was then head chamberlain.1 After delivering the letters they were to report what they saw without concealing anything and to deal confidently with the course of future events.
8.19. Ad id munus implendum, electi viri sunt graves, Pentadius officiorum magister, et Eutherius cubiculi tunc tune praepositus, post oblatas litteras relaturi, nullo suppresso, quae viderunt, et super ordine futurorum fidenter acturi.
8.20. Meanwhile the odium of the enterprise had been increased by the flight of the prefect Florentius, who, as if anticipating the disturbances that would arise from the summoning of the soldiers (which was the subject of common talk) had purposely withdrawn to Vienne, alleging the need of provisions as his excuse for parting from Caesar, whom he had often treated rudely and consequently feared.
8.20. Auxerat inter haec coeptorum invidiam, Florenti fuga praefecti, qui velut praesagiens concitandos motus ob militem (ut sermone tenus iactabatur), accitum, consulto discesserat Viennam, alimentariae rei gratia divelli causatus a Caesare, quem saepe tractatum asperius formidabat.