1.1. While Constantius was involved in this hard fortune of wars beyond the river Euphrates, Julian passed the time at Vienne, spending days and nights in making secure plans for the future, so far as his narrow means allowed, constantly gaining greater confidence, but always in doubt whether to try every means for inducing Constantius to come to an understanding, or to strike him with terror by attacking him first.
1.1. Intercluso hac bellorum difficili sorte Constantio trans flumen Euphratem, Iulianus agens apud Viennam, firmandis in futura consiliis, dies impendebat et noctes, quantum opes patiebantur angustae, altius semet attollens, semperque ambigens, utrum Constantium modis omnibus alliceret in concordiam, an terroris incutiendi gratia lacesseret prior.
1.2. Anxiously weighing these alternatives, he feared Constantius both as a cruel friend and as frequently victor in civil troubles; and in particular his mind was made anxious and uncertain by the example of his brother Gallus, whom his own negligence and the combined deceit and perjury of certain men had betrayed.
1.2. Quae sollicite reputans, utrumque formidabat, et amicum cruentum et in aerumnis civilibus saepe victorem, maximeque Galli fratris exemplum, mentem eius anxiam suspendebat, quem inertia mixtaeque periuriis fraudes prodidere quorundam.
1.3. Sometimes, however, he took courage to meet many urgent affairs, thinking it far safer to show himself an open enemy to one whose conduct he, as a sagacious prince, could infer from the past, for fear of being deceived by secret plots under cover of a feigned friendship.
1.3. Erigebat tamen aliquotiens animum ad multa et urguentia, tutissimum ratus inimicum se ex confesso monstrare, ei cuius ex praeteritis motus coniectabat ut prudens, ne per amicitias fictas insidiis falleretur occultis.
1.4. Therefore, making light of the letter that Constantius had sent through Leonas, and recognising the authority of none of those whom his rival had promoted except Nebridius, being now an Augustus he celebrated quinquennial games; and he wore a magnificent diadem, set with gleaming gems, whereas at the beginning of his principate he had assumed and worn a cheap crown, like that of the director of a gymnasium attired in purple.
1.4. Parvi igitur habitis, quae per Leonam Constantius scripserat, nulloque arbitrio eius promotorum suscepto, praeter Nebridium, quinquennalia Augustus iam edidit: et ambitioso diademate utebatur, lapidum fulgore distincto, cum inter exordia principatus, assumpta vili corona circumdatus erat xystarchae similis purpurato.
1.5. While these games were going on he had sent to Rome the remains of his deceased wife Helena, to be laid to rest in his villa near the city on the via Nomentana, where also her sister Constantina, formerly the wife of Gallus, was buried.
1.5. Inter quae Helenae coniugis defunctae suprema miserat Romam, in suburbano viae Nomentanae condenda, ubi uxor quoque Galli quondam (soror eius) sepulta est Constantina.
1.6. Moreover, now that Gaul was quieted, his desire of first attacking Constantius was sharpened and fired, since he inferred from many prophetic signs (in which he was an adept) and from dreams, that Constantius would shortly depart from life.
1.6. Acuebat autem incendebatque eius cupiditatem, pacatis iam Galliis, incessere ultro Constantium, animus coniciens eum per vaticinandi praesagia multa (quae callebat) et somnia, e vita protinus excessurum.
1.7. And since to an emperor both learned and devoted to all knowledge malicious folk attribute evil arts for divining future events, we must briefly consider how this important kind of learning also may form part of a philosopher’s equipment.
1.7. Et quoniam erudito et studioso cognitionum omnium principi, malivoli praenoscendi futura pravas artes assignant, advertendum est breviter, unde sapienti viro hoc quoque accedere poterit, doctrinae genus haud leve.
1.8. The spirit pervading all the elements, seeing that they are eternal bodies, is always and everywhere strong in the power of prescience, and as the result of the knowledge which we acquire through varied studies makes us also sharers in the gifts of divina- tion; and the elemental powers, when propitiated by divers rites, supply mortals with words of prophecy, as if from the veins of inexhaustible founts. These prophecies are said to be under the control of the divine Themis, so named because she reveals in advance decrees determined for the future by the law of the fates, which the Greeks call τεθειμένα; and therefore the ancient theologians gave her a share in the bed and throne of Jupiter, the life-giving power.
1.8. Elementorum omnium spiritus, utpote perennium corporum praesentiendi motu semper et ubique vigens, ex his, quae per disciplinas varias affectamus, participat nobiscum munera divinandi: et substantiales potestates ritu diverso placatae, velut ex perpetuis fontium venis, vaticina mortalitati suppeditant verba, quibus numen praeesse dicitur Themidis, quam ex eo quod fixa fatali lege decreta, praescire facit in posterum, quae τεθειμένα sermo Graecus appellat, ita cognominatam, in cubili solioque Iovis louis, vigoris vivifici, theologi veteres collocarunt.
1.9. Auguries and auspices are not gained from the will of the fowls of the air which have no knowledge of future events (for that not even a fool will maintain), but a god so directs the flight of birds that the sound of their bills or the passing flight of their wings in disturbed or in gentle passage foretells future events. For the goodness of the deity, either because men deserve it, or moved by his affection for them, loves by these arts also to reveal impending events.
1.9. Auguria et auspicia non volucrum arbitrio futura nescientium colliguntur (nec enim hoc vel insipiens quisquam dicet) sed volatus avium dirigit deus, ut rostrum sonans aut praetervolans pinna, turbido meatu vel leni, futura praemonstret. Amat enim benignitas numinis, seu quod merentur homines, seu quod tangitur eorum affectione, his quoque artibus prodere quae impendent.
1.10. Those, too, who give attention to the prophetic entrails of beasts, which are wont to assume innumerable forms, know of impending events. And the teacher of this branch of learning is one named Tages, who (as the story goes) was seen suddenly to spring from the earth in the regions of Etruria.
1.10. Extis itidem pecudum attenti fatidicis, in species converti assuetis innumeras, accidentia sciunt. Cuius disciplinae Tages nomine quidam monstrator est, ut fabulantur, in Etruriae partibus emersisse subito visus e terra.
1.11. Future events are further revealed when men’s hearts are in commotion, but speak divine words. For (as the natural philosophers say) the Sun, the soul of the universe, sending out our minds from himself after the manner of sparks, when he has fired men mightily, makes them aware of the future. And it is for this reason that the Sibyls often say that they are burning, since they are fired by the mighty power of the flames. Besides these, the loud sounds of voices give many signs, as well as the phenomena which meet our eyes, thunder even and lightning, and the gleam of a star’s train of light.
1.11. Aperiunt tunc tune quoque ventura, cum aestuant hominum corda, sed locuntur divina. Sol enim (ut aiunt physici) mens mundi nostras mentes ex sese velut scintillas diffunditans cum eas incenderit vehementius, futuri conscias reddit. Unde Sibyllae crebro se dicunt ardere, torrente vi magna flammarum. Multa significant super his crepitus vocum, et occurrentia signa, tonitrua quin etiam et fulgura, et fulmina itidemque siderum sulci.
1.12. The faith in dreams, too, would be sure and indubitable, were it not that their interpreters are sometimes deceived in their conjectures. And dreams (as Aristotle declares) are certain and trustworthy, when the person is in a deep sleep and the pupil of his eye is inclined to neither side but looks directly forward.
1.12. Somniorum autem rata fides et indubitabilis foret, ni ratiocinantes coniectura fallerentur interdum. Quae (ut Aristoteles affirmat) tum fixa sunt et stabilia, cum animantis altius quiescentis, ocularis pupula neutrubi inclinata, rectissime cernit.
1.13. And because the silly commons oftentimes object, ignorantly muttering such things as these: “If there were a science of prophecy, why did one man not know that he would fall in battle, or another that he would suffer this or that”: it will be enough to say, that a grammarian has sometimes spoken ungrammatically, a musician sung out of tune, and a physician been ignorant of a remedy, but for all that grammar, music, and the medical art have not come to a stop.
1.13. Et quia vanities aliquotiens plebeia strepit, haec imperite mussando, si esset praesentiendi notitia quaedam, cur ille se casurum in bello, vel alius hoc se passurum ignoravit aut illud, sufficiet dici, quod et grammaticus locutus interdum est barbare, et absurde cecinit musicus, et ignoravit remedium medicus: sed non ideo nec grammatica nec musica nec medicina subsistit.
1.14. Wherefore Cicero has this fine saying, among others: “The gods,” says he, “show signs of coming events. With regard to these if one err, it is not the nature of the gods that is at fault, but man’s interpretation.” Therefore, that my discourse may not run beyond the mark (as the saying is) and weary my future reader, let us return and unfold the events that were foreseen.
1.14. Unde praeclare hoc quoque (ut alia) Tullius: “Signa ostenduntur” ait “a dis rerum futurarum. In his siqui erraverit, non deorum natura sed hominum coniectura peccavit.” Ne igitur extra calcem (quod dicitur) sermo decurrens, lecturo fastidium ferat, ad explicanda prospecta revertamur.
2.1. At Paris, when Julian, still a Caesar, was shaking his shield while engaged in various exercises in the field, the sections of which the orb of the shield was fashioned fell apart and only the handle remained, which he held in the grasp of a strong hand.
2.1. Cum apud Parisios adhuc Caesar Iulianus quatiens scutum variis motibus exerceretur in campo, axiculis, quibus orbis erat compaginatus, in vanum excussis, ampla remanserat sola, quam retinens valida manu stringebat.
2.2. And when all who were present were terrified by what seemed a direful omen, he said: “Let no man be afraid; I hold firmly what I was holding.” Again at Vienne at a later time, when he went to sleep with a clear head, at night’s dread mid a gleaming form appeared and recited to him plainly, as he lay almost awake, the following heroic verses, repeating them several times; and trusting to these, be believed that no difficulty remained to trouble him: “When Zeus the noble Aquarius’ bound shall reach, And Saturn come to Virgo’s twenty-fifth degree, Then shall Constantius, king of Asia, of this life So sweet the end attain with heaviness and grief.”
2.2. Territisque ut omine diro praesentibus cunctis, “Nemo” inquit “vereatur: habeo firmiter quod tenebam.” Item cum apud Viennam postea quiesceret sobrius, horrore medio noctis, imago quaedam visa splendidior, hos ei versus heroes modo non vigilanti aperte edixit, eadem saepius replicando, quibus fretus nihil asperum sibi superesse existimabatΖεὺς ὅταν εἰς πλατὺ τέρμα μόλῃ κλυτοῦ ὑδροχόοιο,Παρθενικῆς δὲ Κρόνος μοίρῃ βαίνῃ ἐπὶ πέμπτῃεἰκοστῇ, βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος Ἀσίδος αἴηςτέρμα φίλου βιοτοῦ στυγερὸν καὶ ἐπώδυνον ἕξει.
2.3. Accordingly, he continued to make no change in his present condition, merely with calm and tranquil mind attending to everything that came up and gradually strengthening his position, to the end that his increase in rank might be attended also with a growth in power.
2.3. Agebat itaque nihil interim de statu rerum praesentium mutans, sed animo tranquillo et quieto incidentia cuncta disponens, paulatimque sese corroborans, ut dignitatis augmento, virium quoque congruerent incrementa.
2.4. And in order to win the favour of all men and have opposition from none, he pretended to be an adherent of the Christian religion, from which he had long since secretly revolted; and making a few men sharers in his secrets, he was given up to soothsaying and auguries, and to other practises which the worshippers of the pagan gods have always followed.
2.4. Utque omnes nullo impediente, ad sui favorem illiceret, adhaerere cultui Christiano Christano fingebat, a quo iam pridem occulte desciverat, arcanorum participibus paucis, haruspicinae auguriisque intentus, et ceteris quae deorum semper fecere cultores.
2.5. And in order temporarily to conceal this, on the day of the festival which the Christians celebrate in the month of January and call the Epiphany, he went to their church, and departed after offering a prayer to their deity in the usual manner.
2.5. Et ut haec interim celarentur, feriarum die, quem celebrantes mense Ianuario Christiani Epiphania dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam, sollemniter numine orato discessit.
3.1. While these events were taking place, spring being now at hand, Julian was stirred by an unexpected piece of news, which turned him to sadness and grief. For he learned that the Alamanni had sallied forth from Vadomarius’ canton, a quarter from which he looked for no danger since the conclusion of the treaty, and were devastating the regions bordering on Raetia, and, ranging widely with bands of plunderers, were leaving nothing untried.
3.1. Dum haec ita aguntur, propinquante iam vere, nuntio percitus inopino, ad tristitiam versus est et maerorem. Didicit enim Alamannos a pago Vadomarii exorsos, unde nihil post ictum foedus sperabatur incommodum, vastare confinis Raetiis tractus, nihilque sinere intemptatum, manus praedatorias fusius discurrentes.
3.2. Since to ignore this would arouse new causes for war, he sent a certain Libino, a count, with the Celts and Petulantes, who were wintering with him, to set matters in order according as conditions demanded.
3.2. Quod ne dissimulatum redivivas bellorum materias excitaret, Libinonem quendam comitem cum Celtis et Petulantibus misit, hiemantibus secum, negotium (ut poscebat ratio) correcturum.
3.3. When Libino had quickly come to the neighbour- hood of the town of Sanctio, he was seen from afar by the savages, who, already meditating battle, had hidden themselves in the valleys. Thereupon encouraging his men, who, though fewer in numbers, were inspired with an ardent longing for battle, he rashly attacked the Germans and at the beginning of the fighting was himself the first of all to fall. Since his death increased the confidence of the savages and fired the Romans with a desire to avenge their leader, an obstinate struggle ensued, in which our men, overcome by vast numbers, were put to flight after a few of them had been killed or wounded.
3.3. Qui cum mature prope oppidum Sanctionem venisset, longe visus a barbaris, qui iam certamina meditantes, sese per valles abdiderant, hortatusque milites licet numero impares, cupidine tamen pugnandi vehementius irritatos, aggreditur inconsulte Germanos, interque dimicandi exordia, ipse concidit omnium primus, cuius interitu erecta barbarorum fiducia, Romanisque ad ducis vindictam accensis, certamen committitur obstinatum, et urgente magnitudinis mole, disiecti sunt nostri occisis paucis et vulneratis.
3.4. With this Vadomarius and his brother Gundomadus, who was also king, Constantius (as I have already said) had concluded a peace. When, after that event, Gundomadus died, Constantius, thinking that Vadomarius would be loyal to him, made him the secret and efficient executor of his plots (if rumour alone is to be trusted), and wrote to him that he should pretend to break the treaty of peace from time to time and attack the districts bordering on his domain; to the end that Julian, in fear of this, should nowhere abandon the defence of Gaul.
3.4. Cum hoc Vadomario et Gundomado eius fratre itidem rege, Constantius (ut iam relatum est) firmaverat pacem. Post quae mortuo Gundomado, hunc sibi fore existimans fidum, secretorumque taciturnum exsecutorem et efficacem mandabat, si famae solius admittenda est fides, scribebatque, ut tamquam rupto concordiae pacto, subinde collimitia sibi vicina vexaret, quo Iulianus id metuens nusquam a tutela discederet Galliarum.
3.5. These commands Vadomarius obeyed (if it is right to believe the tale) and perpetrated this and similar outrages, wonderfully skilled as he was from the beginning of his life in deception and fraud, as he also showed later when governor of the province of Phoenicia. But when he was actually proved to be acting treacherously, he ceased his activities. For a secretary whom he had sent to Constantius was captured by the soldiers on guard, and when he was searched, to see if he carried anything, a letter from Vadomarius was found, in which besides many other things he had written this also: “Your Caesar lacks discipline.” But he was constantly addressing Julian in letters as Lord, Augustus and God.
3.5. Quibus (si dignum est credere) obtemperans Vadomarius haec et similia perpetrabat, ad perstringendum fallendumque miris modis ab aetatis primitiis callens, ut postea quoque ducatum per Phoenicen regens ostendit. Sed re ipsa convictus abstinuit. Capto enim a stationariis militibus notario, quem miserat ad Constantium, scrutatoque siquid portaret, epistula eius reperta est, in qua praeter alia multa, id quoque scripserat: “Caesar tuus disciplinam non habet.” Iulianum autem assidue per litteras dominum et Augustum appellabat et deum.
4.1. Julian, thinking that such actions, dangerous and dubious as they were, would break out into deadly mischief, directed all his thoughts to the one end of forcibly seizing Vadomarius while off his guard, in order to ensure his own safety and that of the provinces. And this was the plan that he formed.
4.1. Haec ut erant periculosa et dubia, Iulianus in exitiale malum eruptura considerans, in unum omni cogitatione intenta, eum vi incautum rapere festinabat, ut securitatem suam provinciarumque locaret in tuto, et iniit consilium tale.
4.2. He had sent to those regions his secretary, Philagrius, later Count of the Orient, in whose good judgement he had confidence, having already tested it; and, in addition to many other orders which he was to execute according as urgent affairs might require, he also gave him a sealed note with orders neither to open nor read it unless he saw Vadomarius on our side of the Rhine.
4.2. Philagrium notarium, Orientis postea comitem, ad eas miserat partes, cuius prudentiae fidebat, olim sibi compertae, eique inter multa, quae pro captu instantium rerum erat acturus, signatam quoque chartulam tradidit, mandavitque, ne aperiret vel recitaret nisi Vadomario viso cis Rhenum.
4.3. Philagrius went his way as ordered, and when he had arrived and was busy with sundry affairs, Vadomarius crossed the river, fearing nothing, as was natural in a time of profound peace, and pretending to know of no irregular doings. And on seeing the commander of the soldiers stationed there, he spoke briefly with him as usual; and in order to leave behind no suspicion on his departure, he even promised to come to a banquet of the commander’s to which Philagrius also was invited.
4.3. Perrexit Philagrius ut praeceptum est, eoque praesente et negotiis adstricto diversis, transgressus Vadomarius flumen, ut nihil in profunda metuens pace nihilque secus gestorum simulans scire, viso praeposito militum ibi degentium, pauca locutus ex more, ultro semet, ut suspicionis nihil relinqueret abiturus, ad convivium eius venire promisit, ad quod erat etiam Philagrius invitatus.
4.4. The latter immediately upon entering and seeing the king recalled the words of his emperor, and offering as excuse some important and urgent piece of business, returned to his quarters; then, after reading the letter and learning what he was to do, he at once came back and took his place at table with the others.
4.4. Qui statim ingressus, rege conspecto imperatoris recordatus est verba, causatusque rem seriam et urgentem, ad diversorium rediit, scriptisque lectis, doctus quid agi conveniet, confestim reversus discubuit inter ceteros.
4.5. As soon as the feast was ended, he laid a strong hand on Vadomarius and handed him over to the commander of the soldiers, to be closely confined in camp, having read to him the text of his orders; the king’s companions he compelled to return to their homes, since no order touching them had been given.
4.5. Finitisque epulis Vadomarium fortiter apprehensum, rectori militum arte custodiendum apud signa commisit, textu lecto iussorum, comitibus eius ad sua redire compulsis, super quibus nihil fuerat imperatum.
4.6. The aforesaid king, however, was taken to the camp of the prince, and though now without any hope of pardon, since he had learned that his secretary had been taken and that what he had written to Constantius was now generally known, without even being addressed in reproachful terms he was sent to Spain. For the greatest precaution was taken lest, when Julian should withdraw from Gaul, that most savage king should not lawlessly disturb the condition of the provinces, which had been put in order with difficulty.
4.6. Exhibitus tamen idem rex ad principis castra, iamque spe veniae omni praeclusa, cum interceptum notarium et quae scripserat ad Constantium, comperisset iam publicata, ne convicio quidem tenus compellatus, missus est ad Hispanias. Id enim studio curabatur ingenti, ne Iuliano discedente a Galliis, immanissimus homo provinciarum statum aegre compositum, licentius conturbaret.
4.7. Although Julian was somewhat elated by this good fortune, in that the king, whom he dreaded when about to leave for far countries, had been apprehended sooner than he had expected, yet he did not at all relax his diligence, but planned an attack upon the savages who (as I have shown ) had slain the Count Libino and a few of his followers in battle.
4.7. Hoc casu elatior Iulianus, regis opinione citius intercepti, quem profecturus ad longinqua formidabat nihil remittentibus curis, barbaros adoriri disposuit, quos peremisse Libinonem comitem in congressu cum militibus docuimus paucis.
4.8. And in order that no rumour of his coming might lead them to flee to more distant places, he crossed the Rhine in the deep silence of night with the lightest equipped of his auxiliary forces and surrounded them while they feared nothing of the kind. And when they were awakened by the clash of hostile arms and were looking about for their swords and spears, he flew upon them swiftly; some he slew, others, who begged for mercy and offered booty, he received in surrender, to the rest who remained there he granted peace when they sued for it and promised lasting quiet.
4.8. Et ne rumor adventus sui eos ad remotiora traduceret, superato Rheno noctis alto silentio, cum auxiliorum expeditissimis globis, nihil metuentes huius modi circumvenit, excitatosque hostilium fragore armorum, dum gladios circumspectant et tela, celeriter involavit et quosdam occidit, orantes alios praedamque offerentes, dediticios cepit, reliquis, qui remansere, pacem precantibus dedit, quietem pollicitis firmam.
5.1. While performing these exploits with resolute courage, Julian, surmising what a mass of civil strife he had aroused, and wisely foreseeing that nothing was so favourable to a sudden enterprise as speedy action, thought that he would be safer if he openly admitted his revolt, and being uncertain of the loyalty of the troops, he first propitiated Bellona with a secret rite, and then, after calling the army to an assembly with the clarion, he took his place on a tribunal of stone, and now feeling more confident (as was evident), spoke these words in a louder voice than common:
5.1. Quae dum mentibus aguntur erectis, coniectans quantas intestinae cladis excitaverat moles, nihilque tam convenire conatibus subitis, quam celeritatem sagaci praevidens mente, professa palam defectione, se tutiorem fore existimavit, incertusque de militum fide, placata ritu secretiore Bellona, classico ad contionem exercitu convocato, saxeo suggestu insistens, iamque (ut apparebat) fidentior haec clarius solito disserebat:
5.2. “Long since, noble fellow-soldiers, I have believed in my secret thoughts that you, fired by your valiant deeds, have been waiting to learn how the events that are expected may be weighed and provided for beforehand. For it becomes the soldier reared amid great and glorious deeds to use his ears rather than his tongue, and for a leader of tried justice to have no other thoughts than those which can worthily be praised and approved. Therefore, that I may cast aside vague circumlocution and set forth what I have purposed, kindly attend, I pray you, to what I shall briefly run through.”
5.2. “Iam dudum tacita deliberatione vos aestimo (magni commilitones) gestorum excitos amplitudine, hoc operiri consilium, ut eventus, qui sperantur, perpendi possint et praecaveri. Plus enim audire quam loqui militem decet actibus coalitum magnis et gloriosis, nec alia spectatae aequitatis sentire rectorem, quam ea, quae laudari digne potuerunt et probari. Ut igitur quae proposui ambagibus abiectis absolvam, advertite oro benivole, quae sermone brevi percurram.”
5.3. “By Heaven’s will united with you from the very beginning of my youth, I checked the constant inroads of the Alamanni and the Franks and their unending lust for plunder, and by our combined courage I made it possible for the Rhine to be crossed by Roman armies as often as they wished; and in standing firm against the clamour of rumours and the forcible invasions of mighty nations I relied, I assure you, on the support of your valour.”
5.3. “Arbitrio dei caelestis, vobis inter ipsa iuventae rudimenta permixtus, irruptiones Alamannorum assiduas et Francorum, populandique iugem licentiam fregi, et vigore communi, Romanis agminibus quotiens libet Rhenum pervium feci, contra rumorum fremitus gentiumque validarum violentos excursus, stando immobilis, virtutis vestrae nimirum firmamento confisus.”
5.4. “Gaul, an eye-witness of these labours that we have performed, and now restored after many losses and long and grievous calamities, will hand down these achievements of ours to posterity through countless ages.”
5.4. “Et haec laborum, quos exhausimus, Galliae spectatrices post funera multa, iacturasque recreatae diuturnas et graves, posteritati per aetatum examina commendabunt.”
5.5. “But now that, forced by the authority of your choice and by stress of circumstances, I have been raised to Augustan dignity, with your support and that of the deity (if fortune favours our enterprises), I am aiming higher at greater deeds, openly declaring that to an army whose justice and greatness in arms are renowned I have seemed in time of peace a mild and self-controlled leader, and in many wars against the united forces of nations, sagacious and prudent.”
5.5. “At nunc cum auctoritate vestri iudicii, rerumque necessitate compulsus, ad Augustum elatus sum culmen, deo vobisque fautoribus, si fortuna coeptis adfuerit, altius affecto maiora, id prae me ferens quod exercitui cuius aequitas armorumque inclaruit magnitudo, domi moderatus visus sum et tranquillus, et in crebritate bellorum, contra conspiratas gentium copias, consideratus et cautus.”
5.6. “Therefore, that we may with the closest unanimity of purpose forestall adverse events, follow my course of action, which is salutary (I think), since our intention and desire are in harmony with the welfare of the state; and while the regions of Illyricum are without greater garrisons, advancing with unobstructed course, let us meanwhile take possession of the utmost parts of Dacia, and from there learn by means of good success what ought to be done.”
5.6. “Ut igitur adversa praeveniamus mentium societate iunctissima, sequimini viam consilii mei salutarem (ut puto), cum integritas rerum intentioni nostrae voluntatique respondeat, et dum maioribus vacant praesidiis regiones Illyricae, impraepedito cursu tendentes, Daciarum interim fines extimos occupemus, exinde quid agi oporteat bonis successibus instruendi.”
5.7. “In support of this plan do you, I pray, after the manner of those who trust their leaders, promise under oath your lasting and faithful accord; I for my part will strive diligently and anxiously that nothing be done rashly or with faint heart, and I will show, if any one require it, my conscience clean, in that I will undertake or try nothing willingly except what contributes to the common weal.”
5.7. “Ad quae vos ex more fidentium ducum, iuramento quaeso concordiam spondete mansuram et fidem, operam mi navaturo sedulam et sollicitam, nequid agatur inconsultum et segne, et producturo, siquis exegerit, incorruptam conscientiam meam, quod nihil voluntate praeter ea, quae in commune conducunt, aggrediar aut temptabo.”
5.8. “This one thing I beg and implore: see to it that none of you under the impulse of growing ardour be guilty of injury to private citizens, bearing in mind that not so much the slaughter of countless foemen has made us famous as the prosperity and safety of the provinces, widely known through instances of virtuous conduct.”
5.8. “Illud sane obtestor et rogo: observate, ne impetu gliscentis ardoris, in privatorum damna quisquam vestrum exsiliat, id cogitans quod ita nos illustrarunt hostium innumerae strages, ut indemnitas provinciarum et salus exemplis virtutum pervulgatae.”
5.9. By this speech of the emperor, no less approved than the words of some oracle, the assembly was strongly moved. Eager for revolution, with one accord they mingled fear-inspiring shouts with the violent clash of shields, calling him a great and exalted leader and (as they knew from experience) a fortunate victor over nations and kings.
5.9. Hoc sermone imperatoris vice alicuius oraculi comprobato, mota est incitatius contio, et rerum cupida novandarum, unanimanti consensu, voces horrendas immani scutorum fragore miscebat, magnum elatumque ducem, et (ut experta est) fortunatum domitorem gentium appellans et regum.
5.10. And when all had been bidden to take the usual oath of allegiance, aiming their swords at their throats, they swore in set terms under pain of dire execrations, that they would endure all hazards for him, to the extent of pouring out their life-blood, if necessity required; their officers and all the emperor’s closest advisers followed their example, and pledged loyalty with like ceremony.
5.10. Iussique universi in eius nomen iurare, sollemniter, gladiis cervicibus suis admotis, sub exsecrationibus diris, verbis iuravere conceptis, omnes pro eo casus, quoad vitam profuderint (si necessitas adegerit) perlaturos; quae secuti rectores, omnesque principis proximi, fidem simili religione firmarunt.
5.11. Alone among all the prefect Nebridius, with a loyalty that was firm rather than prudent, opposed him, declaring that he could by no means be bound by an oath against Constantius, to whom he was indebted for many and repeated acts of kindness.
5.11. Solus omnium licet proposito stabili, audacter tamen praefectus repugnavit Nebridius, iuris iurandi nexu contra Constantium nequaquam se stringi posse commemorans, cuius beneficiis obligatus erat crebris et multis.
5.12. Upon hearing this the soldiers who were standing near, inflamed with anger, rushed upon him to slay him; but the emperor, at whose knees he had fallen, covered him with his general’s cloak. Then Julian returned to the palace. And when he saw that Nebridius had preceded him and was lying there as a suppliant, begging that, to relieve his fears, the emperor would offer him his hand, Julian answered: “Will any special honour be reserved for my friends, if you shall touch my hand? But depart in safety whithersoever you please.” On hearing this, Nebridius withdrew unharmed to his home in Tuscany.
5.12. Quibus auditis, cum stantes propius milites acriter inflammati, eum appeterent trucidandum, ad genua sua prolapsum, imperator paludamento protexit, indeque reversus in regiam cum antegressum eum vidisset supplicemque iacentem orare, ut levandi causa timoris, ei porrigeret dexteram, “Ecquid” ait “praecipuum amicis servabitur, si tu manum tetigeris meam? Sed tu quo libet abi securus.” Hocque audito, ille innoxius ad larem suum recessit in Tusciam.
5.13. After taking these precautions, as the greatness of the enterprise demanded, Julian, knowing by experience the value of anticipating and outstripping an adversary in troublous times, having given written order for a march into Pannonia, advanced his camp and his standards, and unhesitatingly committed himself to whatever Fortune might offer.
5.13. His Iulianus, ut poscebat negotii magnitudo, praestructis, expertus quid in rebus tumultuosis anteversio valeat et praegressus, per tesseram edicto itinere in Pannonias, castris promotis et signis, temere se fortunae commisit ambiguae.
6.1. It is now fitting to turn back to the past and give a brief account of what Constantius, who was wintering at Antioch, accomplished in peace and in war, while the events just described were taking place in Gaul.
6.1. Replicare nunc convenit tempora, et narrare summatim, quae dum aguntur in Galliis ante dicta, Constantius hiemans Antiochiae, domi militiaeque perfecit.
6.2. Among many others of conspicuous distinction there were also appointed to greet the emperor when he came from abroad some illustrious tribunes. Therefore when Constantius, on his return from Mesopotamia, was received with this attention, Amphilochius, a former tribune from Paphlagonia, who had served long before under Constans and was under well-founded suspicion of having sown the seeds of discord between the deceased brothers, having dared to appear somewhat arrogantly, as if he also ought to be admitted to this service, was recognised and forbidden. And when many raised an outcry and shouted that he ought not to be allowed longer to look upon the light of day, being a stiff-necked traitor, Constantius, milder than usual on this occasion, said: “Cease to trouble a man who is, I believe, guilty, but has not yet been openly convicted; and remember that if he has committed anything of that kind, so long as he is in my sight he will be punished by the judgement of his own conscience, from which he will be unable to hide.” And that was the end of it.
6.2. Inter complures alios honore conspicuos, adoraturi imperatorem peregre venientem, ordinantur etiam ex tribunis insignibus. Cum igitur a Mesopotamia reversus, Constantius hoc exciperetur officio, Amphilochius quidam ex tribuno Paphlago, quem dudum sub Constante militantem discordiarum sevisse causas inter priores, fratres, suspiciones contiguae veritati pulsabant, ausus paulo petulantius stare, ut ipse quoque ad parile obsequium admittendus, agnitus est et prohibitus, strepentibusque multis, et intueri lucem ulterius non debere clamantibus, ut perduellem, et obstinatum, Constantius circa haec lenior solito, “Desinite” ait “urgere hominem ut existimo sontem, sed nondum aperte convictum, et mementote quod, siquid admisit huius modi, sub obtutibus meis conscientiae ipsius sententia punietur, quam latere non poterit,” et ita discessum est.
6.3. On the next day, at the games in the Circus, the same man was looking on from a place opposite the emperor, where he usually sat. And when the expected contest began and a sudden shout was raised, the railing on which with many others be was leaning broke, and he with all the rest fell to the ground; and while a few were slightly injured, he alone was found to have suffered internal injuries and to have given up the ghost, whereat Constantius rejoiced greatly, as if he had a knowledge of future events also.
6.3. Postridie ludis Circensibus idem ex adverse imperatoris (ubi consueverat) spectans, repentino clamore sublato, cum certamen opinatum emitteretur, diffractis cancellis, quibus una cum pluribus incumbebat, cunctis cum eo in vanum excussis laesisque leviter paucis, interna compage disrupta, efflasse spiritum repertus est solus, unde Constantius ut futurorum quoque praescius exsultabat.
6.4. At that same time Constantius took to wife Faustina, having long since lost Eusebia, sister of the ex-consuls Eusebius and Hypatius, a lady distinguished before many others for beauty of person and of character, and kindly in spite of her lofty station, through whose well-deserved favour (as I have shown) Julian was saved from dangers and declared Caesar.
6.4. Eodem tempore Faustinam nomine sortitus est coniugem, amissa iam pridem Eusebia, cuius fratres erant Eusebius et Hypatius consulares, corporis morumque pulchritudine pluribus antistante, et in culmine tam celso humana, cuius favore iustissimo exemptum periculis, declaratumque Caesarem rettulimus Iulianum.
6.5. During those same days, attention was paid to Florentius also, who had left Gaul through fear of a change of government, and he was sent to take the place of Anatolius, praetorian prefect in Illyricum, who had recently died; and with Taurus, who was likewise praetorian prefect in Italy, he received the insignia of the highest magistracy.
6.5. Habita est eisdem diebus etiam Florentii ratio, e Galliis novitatis metu digressi, et Anatolio recens mortuo praefecto praetorio per Illyricum, ad eius mittitur locum, cumque Tauro itidem praefecto praetorio per Italiam, amplissimi suscepit insignia magistratus.
6.6. Nevertheless, equipment for foreign and civil wars continued to be made, the number of squadrons of cavalry was increased, and with equal zeal levies were ordered throughout the provinces and reinforcements enrolled for the legions; every order and profession was burdened, supplying clothing, arms, and hurling-engines, nay even gold and silver, and an abundance of provisions of all kinds as well as various sorts of beasts of burden.
6.6. Parabantur nihilo minus externorum atque civilium instrumenta bellorum, et augebatur turmarum equestrium numerus, parique studio supplementa legionibus scripta sunt, indictis per provincias tirociniis, omnisque ordo et professio vexabatur, vestem armaque exhibens et tormenta, aurum quin etiam et argentum, multiplicisque rei cibariae copias, et diversa genera iumentorum.
6.7. And since from the king of the Persians, who had regretfully been forced back into his own territories by the difficulty of the winter season, now that the mild weather had set in a more powerful attack was feared, envoys were sent to the kings and satraps beyond the Tigris with generous gifts, to admonish and exhort them all to be loyal to us and attempt no deceit or fraud.
6.7. Et quia a Persarum rege ad sua ob difficultatem hiberni temporis aegre contruso, reserata caeli temperie validior impetus timebatur, ad Transtigritanos reges et satrapas legati cum muneribus missi sunt amplis, monituri cunctos et hortaturi, nostra sentire, et nihil fallax temptare vel fraudulentum.
6.8. But above all Arsaces and Meribanes, kings of Armenia and of Hiberia, were bribed with splendidly adorned garments and gifts of many kinds, since they would be likely to cause damage to Roman interests, if when affairs were already dubious they should revolt to the Persians.
6.8. Ante omnia tamen Arsaces et Meribanes, Armeniae et Hiberiae reges, cultu ambitioso indumentorum emercabantur, et multiformibus donis, damna Romanis negotiis illaturi, si rebus tum etiam dubiis descivissent ad Persas.
6.9. In the midst of such urgent affairs Hermogenes died and Helpidius was promoted to the prefecture, a man born in Paphlagonia, ordinary in appearance and speech, but of a simple nature, so averse to bloodshed and so mild that once when Constantius had ordered him to torture an innocent man in his presence, he quietly asked that his office might be taken from him and these matters left to more suitable men, to be carried out according to the sovereign’s mind.
6.9. Inter tot urgentia, Hermogene defuncto, ad praefecturam promovetur Helpidius, ortus in Paphlagonia, aspectu vilis et lingua, sed simplicioris ingenii, incruentus et mitis, adeo ut cum ei coram innocentem quendam torquere Constantius praecepisset, aequo animo abrogari sibi potestatem oraret, haecque potioribus aliis ex sententia principis agenda permitti.
7.1. Therefore, Constantius, wavering amid the difficulty of pressing affairs, was in doubt what course to pursue, considering long and anxiously whether to go to distant lands against Julian, or to repel the Parthians, who (as they threatened) were soon about to cross the Euphrates; and after hesitating and often taking counsel with his generals, he at last inclined to this plan: that after finishing, or at any rate quieting, the nearer war, and leaving no one to fear behind his back, after overrunning Illyricum and Italy (as he thought), he should take Julian (like a hunter’s prey) in the very beginning of his enterprises; for so he kept continually declaring, to calm the fear of his men.
7.1. Rigore itaque instantium negotiorum anceps Constantius, quid capesseret ambigebat, diu multumque anxius, utrum Iulianum peteret et longinqua, an Parthos repelleret, iam transituros (ut minabantur) Euphratem, haerensque tandem cum ducibus communicato saepe consilio, in id flexus est, ut finito propiore bello vel certe mollito, nullo post terga relicto quem formidaret, Illyriis percursis et Italia (ut rebatur), Iulianum inter exordia ipsa coeptorum tamquam praedam venaticiam caperet. Hoc enim ad leniendum suorum metum subinde praedicabat.
7.2. Nevertheless, that he might not grow lukewarm or seem to have neglected the other side of the war, spreading everywhere the terror of his coming; and fearing lest Africa should be invaded in his absence, a province advantageous to the emperors for all occasions, as if he were on the point of leaving the regions of the East, he sent to Africa by sea the secretary Gaudentius, who (as I have hinted before) had been for some time in Gaul to watch the actions of Julian.
7.2. Tamen ne intepesceret, aut omisisse belli videretur aliud latus, adventus sui terrorem ubique dispergens, veritusque ne Africa absente eo perrumperetur, ad omnes casus principibus opportuna, velut finibus Orientis egressurus, per mare notarium misit Gaudentium, quem exploratorem actuum Iuliani per Gallias aliquamdiu fuisse praestrinximus.