7.3. For he hoped that Gaudentius would be able to accomplish everything with prompt obedience for two reasons: both because he feared the adverse side, which he had offended, and because he would be eager to take advantage of this opportunity to commend himself to Constantius, who he thought would undoubtedly be the victor; for at that time there was no one at all who did not hold that firm conviction.
7.3. Hunc enim obsequio celeri cuncta consideratione gemina efficere posse sperabat, quod adversam partem metueret offensam et properaret, nanctus hanc opportunitatem commendari Constantio, quem credebat procul dubio fore victorem: nemo enim omnium tunc tune ab hac constanti sententia discrepabat.
7.4. So when Gaudentius came there, mindful of the emperor’s injunctions, he informed Count Cretio and the other commanders by letter what was to be done, assembled the bravest soldiers from every hand, brought over light-armed skirmishers from both the Mauritanian provinces, and closely guarded the shores lying opposite to Aquitania and Italy.
7.4. Qui cum eo venisset, mandatorum principis memor, per litteras Cretione comite quid ageretur edocto, reliquisque rectoribus, lecto undique milite fortiore, translatisque ab utraque Mauritania discursatoribus expeditis, Aquitaniae et Italiae obiecta litora tuebatur artissime.
7.5. And Constantius made no mistake in adopting that plan, for so long as he lived none of his opponents reached those lands, although the coast of Sicily which extends from Lilybaeum to Pachynum was guarded by a strong armed force, which was ready to cross quickly, if an opportunity should offer.
7.5. Neque id consilium fefellit Constantium. Eo enim superstite nullus adversorum illas tetigit terras, licet oram Siciliensem a Lilybaeo protentam ad Pachynum multitudo multitude servabat armata, si patuisset facultas, ocius transitura.
7.6. When these and other less important and trifling matters had been arranged as Constantius thought would be to his advantage under the circumstances, he was informed by messages and letters of his generals that the Persian forces had united with their haughty king at their head, and were already drawing near to the banks of the Tigris, but that where they were intending to break through was uncertain.
7.6. His pro rerum ratione, ut sibi prodesse existimabat Constantius, aliisque minutis et levioribus ordinatis, ducum nuntiis docebatur et litteris, Persarum copias in unum coactas, rege turgido praeeunte, iam prope margines tendere Tigridis, incertum quonam erumpere cogitantes.
7.7. Aroused by this news, Constantius left his winter quarters as speedily as pos- sible, in order to act from nearer at hand and so be able to anticipate the coming attempts. He gathered from all sides cavalry and the flower of his infantry, on which he relied, and crossing the Euphrates by Capersana on a bridge of boats, proceeded to Edessa, a city strongly fortified and well supplied with provisions; there he waited for a time, until scouts or deserters should give information of the moving of the enemy’s camp.
7.7. Quibus percitus, ut propius agens, futuros possit antevenire conatus, quam primum hibernis egressus, accito undique equitatu, peditumque robore, quo fidebat, per Capersanam Euphrate navali ponte transcurso Edessam petit, uberem commeatibus et munitam, ibi parumper operiens, dum exploratores aut perfugae motum castrorum hostilium indicarent.
8.1. Meanwhile Julian, leaving Augst after finishing the business of which we have already spoken, sent Sallustius, who had been advanced to the rank of prefect, back to Gaul, bidding Germanianus take the place of Nebridius; he also made Nevitta commander of the cavalry, fearing Gomoarius as an old-time traitor, who (as he had heard), when leading the targeteers, secretly betrayed his prince, Veteranio. To Jovius, of whom I made mention in connection with the actions of Magnentius, he gave the quaestorship, and to Mamertinus the charge of the sacred largesses; he put Dagalaifus in command of the household troops, and assigned many others, whose services and loyalty he knew, to military commands on his own authority.
8.1. Discedens inter haec Iulianus a Rauracis, peractis quae docuimus dudum, Sallustium praefectum praefectur promotum remisit in Gallias, Germaniano iusso vicem tueri Nebridii, itidemque Nevittae magisterium commisit armorum, Gumoarium Gomoarium proditorem antiquum timens, quem cum Scutarios ageret, latenter prodidisse Veteranionem suum principem audiebat; et Iovio quaesturam, cuius in actibus Magnenti meminimus, et Mamertino largitiones curandas, et Dagalaifum praefecit domesticis, aliosque plures ex arbitrio suo militibus regendis apposuit, quorum merita norat et fidem.
8.2. He intended then to make his way through the Marcian woods and along the roads near the banks of the river Danube, but being exceedingly uncertain amid the sudden changes of events, he feared lest his small retinue might bring him into contempt and lead the populace to oppose him.
8.2. Profecturus itaque per Marcianas silvas viasque iunctas Histri fluminis ripis, inter subita vehementer incertus, id verebatur, ne contemptus ut comitantibus paucis, multitudinem offenderet repugnantem.
8.3. To prevent this from happening, he devised an ingenious plan: he divided his army and sent one part with Jovinus and Jovius to march rapidly along the familiar roads of Italy; the others were assigned to Nevitta, the commander of the cavalry, to advance through the middle of Raetia; to the end that, being spread over various parts of the country, they might give the impression of a huge force and fill everything with alarm. For this was what Alexander the Great had done, and many other skilful generals after him, when occasion so required.
8.3. Quod ne fieret consilio sollerti praevidit, et agminibus distributis, per itinera Italiae nota quosdam properaturos cum Iovino misit et Iovio, alios per mediterranea Raetiarum magistro equitum Nevittae commissos, quo diffusi per varia, opinionem numeri praeberent immensi, formidineque cuncta complerent. Id enim et Alexander Magnus, et deinde alii plures, negotio ita poscente, periti fecere ductores.
8.4. He also charged them, when they left, to be on their guard as they marched, as if the enemy were to meet them at once, and at night to keep watch and ward, so as not to be surprised by a hostile attack.
8.4. Mandabat tamen egressis, ut tamquam hoste protinus occursuro, tutius graderentur, stationesque nocturnas agerent et vigilias, ne improviso hostium invaderentur excursu.
9.1. When these arrangements had thus been made (suitably, as it seemed), he proceeded to go farther on by the method through which he had often broken through the country of the savages, relying upon a series of successes.
9.1. Quibus ita (ut videbatur) apte dispositis, more quo tractus perruperat saepe barbaricos, contextis successibus fidens, porrectius rrectius ire pergebat.
9.2. And when he came to the place where he learned that the river was navigable, embarking in boats, of which by a fortunate chance there was a good supply, he was carried down the channel of the river as secretly as possible; and he escaped notice because, being enduring and strong and having no need of choice food, but content with a scanty and simple diet, he passed by the towns and fortresses without entering them, taking as his model that fine saying of Cyrus of old, who on coming to an inn and being asked by the host what viands he should prepare, replied: “Nothing but bread, for I hope to dine near a stream.”
9.2. Cumque ad locum venisset, unde navigari posse didicit flumen, lembis escensis, quos opportune fors dederat plurimos, per alveum, quantum fieri potuit, ferebatur occulte, ideo latens, quod toleranter et fortiter, nullius cibi indigens mundioris, sed paucis contentus et vilibus, oppida forinsecus transibat et castra, imitatus egregium illud Cyri veteris dictum, qui cum delatus ad hospitem interrogaretur ab eo, quid ad convivium parari deberet, panem responderat solum: sperare enim aiebat, prope rivum se cenaturum.
9.3. But Rumour, which with a thousand tongues, as men say, strangely exaggerates the truth, spread herself abroad with many reports throughout all Illyricum, saying that Julian, after overthrowing a great number of kings and nations in Gaul, was on the way with a numerous army and puffed up by sundry successes.
9.3. Fama vero, quae mille, ut aiunt, linguis rerum mire exaggerat fidem, per Illyrios omnes celebrior fundebatur, Iulianum strata per Gallias multitudine regum et gentium numeroso exercitu, et successibus tumidum variis, adventare.
9.4. Alarmed by this news, the pretorian prefect Taurus speedily retreated, as if avoiding a foreign enemy, and using the rapid changes of the public courier-service, he crossed the Julian Alps, at the same stroke taking away with him Florentius, who was also prefect.
9.4. Quo rumore perculsus, praefectus praetorio Taurus, ut hostem vitans externum, mature discessit, vectusque mutatione celeri publici cursus, transitis Alpibus Iuliis, eodem ictu Florentium itidem praefectum secum abduxit.
9.5. None the less, Count Lucillianus, who then commanded the troops stationed in those regions, with headquarters at Sirmium, having some slight intelligence of Julian’s move, gathered together such forces as regard for speedy action allowed to be summoned from the neighbouring stations and planned to resist him when he should arrive.
9.5. Levibus tamen indiciis super Iuliani motu Lucillianus percitus comes, qui per illas regiones rem curabat ea tempestate castrensem, agensque apud Sirmium milites congregans, quos ex stationibus propinquis acciri celeritatis ratio permittebat, venture resistere resistcre cogitabat.
9.6. But Julian, like a meteor or a blazing dart, hastened with winged speed to his goal; and when he had come to Bononea, distant nineteen miles from Sirmium, as the moon was waning and therefore making dark the greater part of the night, he unexpectedly landed, and at once sent Dagalaifus with a light- armed force to summon Lucillianus, and if he tried to resist, to bring him by force.
9.6. Sed ille ut fax vel incensus malleolus, volucriter ad destinata festinans, cum venisset Bononeam, a Sirmio miliario nono disparatam et decimo, senescente luna ideoque obscurante noctis maximam partem, e navi exsiluit improvisus, statimque Dagalaifum misit cum expeditis ad Lucillianum vocandum, trahendumque si resistere niteretur.
9.7. The prefect was still asleep, and when he was awakened by the noise and confusion and saw himself surrounded by a ring of strangers, he understood the situation and, overcome with fear on hearing the emperor’s name, obeyed his command, though most unwillingly. So the commander of the cavalry, just now so haughty and self-confident, following another’s behest, was set upon the first horse that could be found and brought before the emperor like a base captive, scarcely keeping his wits through terror.
9.7. Qui tum etiam quiescens, cum strepitu excitatus turbulento vidisset ignotorum hominum se circulo circumsaeptum, concepto negotio, et imperatorii nominis metu praestrictus, praeceptis paruit invitissimus, secutusque alienum arbitrium, magister equitum paulo ante superbus et ferox, iumentoque impositus repentino, principi ut captivus offertur ignobilis, oppressam terrore vix colligens mentem.
9.8. But when at first sight of Julian he saw that the opportunity was given him of bowing down to the purple, taking heart at last and no longer in fear for his life, he said: “Incautiously and rashly, my Emperor, you have trusted yourself with a few followers to another’s territory.” To which Julian replied with a bitter smile: “Reserve these wise words for Constantius, for I have offered you the emblem of imperial majesty, not as to a counsellor, but that you might cease to fear.”
9.8. Verum cum primitus visus, adorandae purpurae datam sibi copiam advertisset, recreatus tandem suique securus, “Incaute” inquit “imperator et temere cum paucis alienis partibus te commisisti.” Cui amarum Iulianus subridens, “Haec verba prudentia serva” inquit “Constantio. Maiestatis enim insigne non ut consiliario tibi, sed ut desinas pavere porrexi.”
10.1. Then, after getting rid of Lucillianus, thinking that it was no time for delay or for inaction, bold as he was and confident in times of peril, he marched to the city, which he looked on as surrendered. And advancing with rapid steps, he had no sooner come near the suburbs, which were large and extended to a great distance, than a crowd of soldiers and people of all sorts, with many lights, flowers, and good wishes, escorted him to the palace, hailing him as Augustus and Lord.
10.1. Nihil deinde amoto Lucilliano, differendum nec agendum segnius ratus, ut erat in rebus trepidis audax et confidentior, civitatem (ut praesumebat) dediticiam petens, citis passibus incedebat, eumque suburbanis propinquantem amplis nimiumque protentis, militaris et omnis generis turba, cum lumine multo et floribus, votisque faustis, Augustum appellans et dominum, duxit in regiam.
10.2. There, rejoicing in his success and in the good omen, and with increased hope of the future, since he believed that following the example of a populous and famous metropolis the other cities also would receive him as a health- giving star, he gave chariot races on the following day, to the joy of the people. But with the dawn of the third day, impatient of delay, he hastened along the public highways, and since no one ventured to oppose him, placed a force in the pass of Succi, and entrusted its defence to Nevitta, as a faithful officer. And it will now be suitable in a brief digression, to describe the situation of this place.
10.2. Ubi eventu laetus et omine, firmata spe venturorum, quod ad exemplum urbium matris populosae et celebris, per alias quoque civitates ut sidus salutare susciperetur, edito postridie curuli certamine, cum gaudio plebis, ubi lux excanduit tertia, morarum impatiens, percursis aggeribus publicis, Succos nemine auso resistere, praesidiis occupavit, eisdemque tuendis Nevittam praefecit ut fidum. Cuius loci situm excessu brevi conveniet ostendi.
10.3. The closely united summits of the lofty mountain ranges Haemus and Rhodope, of which the one rises immediately from the banks of the Danube and the other, from those of the Axius, on our side, end with swelling hills in a narrow pass, and separate Illyricum and Thrace. On the one side they are near to the midlands of Dacia and to Serdica, on the other they look down upon Thrace and Philippop- olis, great and famous cities; and as if nature had fore-knowledge that the surrounding nations must come under the sway of Rome, the pass was purposely so fashioned that in former times it opened obscurely between hills lying close together, but afterwards, when our power rose to greatness and splendour, it was opened even for the passage of carts; and yet it could sometimes be so closed as to check the attempts of great leaders and mighty peoples.
10.3. Consertae celsorum montium summitates Haemi et Rhodopae, quorum alter ab ipsis Histri marginibus, alter ab Axii fluminis citeriore parte consurgit, in angustias tumulosis collibus desinentes, Illyrios interscindunt et Thracas, hinc hine vicinae mediterraneis Dacis et Serdicae, inde Thracias despectantes et Philippopolim, civitates amplas et nobiles, et tamquam natura in dicionem Romanam redigendas nationes circumsitas praenoscente, ita figuratae consuite, inter artos colles quondam hiantes obscurius, ad magnitudinem splendoremque postea rebus elatis, patefactae sunt et carpentis, aditibusque aliquotiens clausis, magnorum ducum populorumque reppulere conatus.
10.4. The part of this pass, which faces Illy- ricum, since it rises more gently, is sometimes easily surmounted, as though it kept no guard. But the opposite side, over against Thrace, precipitous and falling sheer downward, is made difficult on both sides by rough paths, and is hard to get over even when there is no opposition. At the foot of these heights on both sides lie spacious plains, the upper one extending as far as the Julian Alps, the other so flat and open that there is no hindrance to its habitation as far as the strait and the Propontis.
10.4. Et pars, quae Illyricum spectat, mollius edita, velut incauta, subinde superatur. Latus vero e regione oppositum Thraciis, prona humilitate deruptum, hincque et inde fragosis tramitibus impeditum difficile scanditur, etiam nullo vetante. Sub hac altitudine aggerum, utrubique spatiosa camporum planities iacet, superior ad usque Iulias Alpes extenta, inferior ita resupina et panda ut nullis habitetur obstaculis ad usque fretum et Propontidem.
10.5. After these arrangements had been made in a matter so momentous and so urgent, the emperor, leaving the commander of the cavalry there, returned to Naessus (a well-supplied town), from which he might without hindrance attend to everything that would contribute to his advantage.
10.5. His ut in re tali tamque urgenti compositis, magistro equitum illic relicto, imperator revertitur Naessum (copiosum oppidum), de quo impraepedite cuncta disponeret, suis utilitatibus profutura.
10.6. There he made Victor, the writer of history, whom he had seen at Sirmium and had bidden to come from there, consular governor of Pannonia Secunda, and honoured him with a statue in bronze, a man who was a model of temperance, and long afterwards prefect of the City.
10.6. Ubi Victorem apud Sirmium visum, scriptorem historicum, exindeque venire praeceptum, Pannoniae secundae consularem praefecit, et honoravit aenea statua, virum sobrietatis gratia aemulandum, multo post urbi praefectum.
10.7. And now, lifting himself higher and believing that Constantius could never be brought into harmony with him, he wrote to the senate a sharp oration full of invective, in which he specifically charged Constantius with disgraceful acts and faults. When these were read in the House, while Tertullus was still acting as prefect, the striking independence of the nobles was manifest as well as their grateful affection; for with complete agreement they one and all shouted: “We demand reverence for your own creator.”
10.7. Iamque altius semet extollens, et numquam credens ad concordiam provocari posse Constantium, orationem acrem et invectivam, probra quaedam in eum explanantem et vitia, scripserat ad senatum. Quae cum Tertullo administrante adhuc praefecturam, recitarentur in curia, eminuit nobilitatis cum speciosa fiducia, benignitas grata. Exclamatum est enim in unum, cunctorum sententia congruente, “auctori tuo reverentiam rogamus.”
10.8. Then he passed on to abuse the memory of Constantine as an innovator and a disturber of the ancient laws and of customs received of old, openly charging that he was the very first to advance barbarians even to the rods and robes of consuls. In so doing he showed neither good taste nor consideration; for instead of avoiding a fault which he so bitterly censured, he himself soon afterwards joined to Mamertinus as colleague in the consulship Nevitta, a man neither in high birth, experience, nor renown comparable with those on whom Constantine had conferred the highest magistracy, but on the contrary uncultivated, somewhat boorish, and (what was more intolerable) cruel in his high office.
10.8. tunc Tune et memoriam Constantini, ut novatoris turbatorisque priscarum legum et moris antiquitus recepti, vexavit, eum aperte incusans, quod barbaros omnium primus ad usque fasces auxerat et trabeas consulares, insulse nimirum et leviter, qui cum vitare deberet id quod infestius obiurgavit, brevi postea Mamertino in consulatu iunxit Nevittam, nec splendore nec usu nec gloria horum similem, quibus magistratum amplissimum detulerat Constantinus: contra inconsummatum et subagrestem et (quod minus erat ferendum) celsa in potestate crudelem.
11.1. While Julian was thinking of these and like matters and troubled by important and grave affairs, terrifying and unexpected news came to him of the monstrous and daring acts of certain men, which would check his eager advance, unless he could by watchful care repress these also before they came to a head. These shall be set forth briefly.
11.1. Haec et talia cogitanti, sollicitoque super maximis rebus et seriis, nuntius metuendus intimatur et insperatus, ausa indicans quorundam immania, impeditura cursus eius ardentes, ni vigilanter haec quoque antequam adolescerent adulescerent hebetasset. Quae breviter exponentur.
11.2. Two of Constantius’ legions, which with one cohort of bowmen he had found at Sirmium, being not yet sure of their loyalty he had sent to Gaul under colour of urgent necessity. These were slow to move, through dread of the long march and of the Germans, our fierce and persistent foes, and were planning a rebellion, aided and abetted by Nigrinus, a native of Mesopotamia and commander of a troop of horsemen. Having arranged the plot by secret conferences and added to its strength by profound silence, on arriving at Aquileia, a well-situated and prosperous city, surrounded by strong walls, with hostile intent they suddenly closed its gates, supported in this revolt by the native population, because of the dread which was even then connected with the name of Constantius.
11.2. Duas legiones Constantiacas addita una sagittariorum cohorte, quas invenerat apud Sirmium, ut suspectae adhuc fidei, per speciem necessitatum urgentium misit in Gallias. Quae pigrius motae, spatiaque itinerum longa, et Germanos hostes truces et assiduos formidantes, novare quaedam moliebantur, auctore et incitatore Nigrino, equitum turmae tribuno, in Mesopotamia genito: reque digesta per secreta colloquia, et alto roborata silentio, cum Aquileiam pervenissent, uberem situ et opibus, murisque circumdatam validis, eam hostiliter repente clausere, iuvante indigena plebe tumultum horrore, cui Constanti nomen erat tum etiam iunctum.
11.3. And having closed the entrances and posted armed men on the towers and bulwarks, they made ready whatever would be helpful in the coming contest, meanwhile living free from care or restraint; and by so daring an act they roused the neighbouring Italians to side with Constantius, whom they thought to be still living.
11.3. Et obseratis aditibus, turribusque armatis ac propugnaculis, futurae concertationi praeparabant utilia, interim soluti et liberi, hocque facinore ita audaci, ad favendum Constanti partibus ut superstitis Italicos incolas excitabant.
12.1. When Julian learned of this, being still at Naessus, and fearing no trouble from behind him, he recalled reading and hearing that this city had indeed oftentimes been besieged, but yet had never been razed nor had ever surrendered. Therefore he hastened with the greater earnestness to win it to his side either by craft or by sundry kinds of flattery before any greater mischief should arise.
12.1. Quibus Iulianus acceptis, agens tunc apud Naessum, nihil a tergo timens adversum, legensque et audiens hanc civitatem circumsessam quidem aliquotiens, numquam tamen excisam aut deditam, impensiore studio sibi sociare vel fraude, vel diversis adulationum generibus, antequam maius oriretur aliquid, properabat.
12.2. Hence he ordered Jovinus, a commander of the horse, who was coming over the Alps and had entered Noricum, to return with speed, in order to quench in any way he could the fire that had broken out. Also, that nothing might be wanting, he gave orders that all soldiers who followed the court or the standards should be detained as they passed through that same town, in order to give help according to their powers.
12.2. Ideoque Iovinum magistrum equitum venientem per Alpes, Noricosque ingressum, ad id quod exarserat, quoquo modo corrigendum, redire citius imperavit. Et nequid deesset, milites omnes, qui comitatum sequebantur aut signa, retineri iussit per idem oppidum transeuntes, pro viribus laturos auxilium.
12.3. These arrangements made, he himself, learning not long afterwards of the death of Constantius, hastily traversed Thrace and entered Constantinople. And being often advised that the said siege would be long rather than formidable, he assigned Immo with his other officers to that task and then ordered Jovinus to go and attend to other matters of greater urgency.
12.3. Hisque dispositis, ipse haut diu postea cognita morte Constanti, discursis Thraciis Constantinopolim introiit: ac saepe doctus lentius fore id obsidium quam verendum, Immone cum comitibus aliis ad hoc destinato, ire monuit exinde Iovinum, alia quae potiores flagitabant necessitates, acturum.
12.4. And so when Aquileia was surrounded with a double line of shields, it was thought best in the unanimous opinion of the generals to try, partly by threats and partly by fair words, to induce the defenders to surrender; but when after much debate to and fro their obstinacy became immensely greater, the conference ended without result.
12.4. Ordine itaque scutorum gemino Aquileia circumsaepta, concinentibus sententiis ducum, conveniens visum est ad deditionem allicere defensores, minacium blandorumque varietate sermonum: et multis ultro citroque dictitatis, in immensum obstinatione gliscente, ex colloquio re infecta disceditur.
12.5. And since now nothing was looked for except battle, both sides refreshed themselves with food and sleep; at daybreak the sound of the trumpets roused them to slay one another, and raising a shout they rushed to battle with more boldness than discretion.
12.5. Et quia nihil praeter pugnam exspectabatur, curatis utrubique cibo somnoque corporibus, aurora iam surgente, concrepante sonitu bucinarum, partes accensae in clades mutuas, ferocientes magis quam consultius, elatis clamoribus ferebantur.
12.6. Then the besiegers, pushing before them mantlets and closely-woven hurdles, advanced slowly and cautiously, and with a great number of iron tools tried to undermine the walls. Many carried scaling- ladders made to match the height of the walls, but when they could all but touch the ramparts, some were crushed by stones that were hurled down upon them, others were pierced with whizzing darts; and as the survivors gave way, they carried with them all the rest, whom fear of a like fate turned from their purpose of fighting.
12.6. Pluteos igitur prae se ferentes oppugnatores, cratesque densius textas, sensim incedentes et caute, murorum ima suffodere ferramentorum multitudine conabantur, aptas plerique vehentes ad mensuram moenium scalas, iamque parietibus paene contigui pars lapidibus volutis in pronum collisi, pars confixi stridentibus iaculis, retroque gradientes, averterunt secum omnes alios metu similium a proposito pugnandi detortos.
12.7. This first encounter raised the courage of the besieged, who felt confident of still greater success, and made light of what remained to do; with settled and resolute minds they placed artillery in suitable places and with unwearied labour kept guard and attended to other measures of safety.
12.7. Hoc primo congressu erecti in audaciam clausi, assumpta fiducia meliorum, parvi ducebant restantia, mentibusque fundatis et compositis per opportuna tormentis, indefesso labore, vigilias et cetera subsidia securitatis implebant.
12.8. On the other side the assailants, though anxious and fearful of danger, yet from shame of seeming spiritless and slack, seeing that assault by open force effected little, turned to the devices of the besiegers’ art. And since a suitable place could nowhere be found for moving up rams, for bringing engines to bear, or for digging mines, the fact that the river Natesio flows by the city only a short distance off suggested a device as worthy of admiration as those of old.
12.8. Contra munitores licet pavore discriminum anxii, pudore tamen ne secordes viderentur et segnes, ubi parum vis procedebat, Marte aperto temptata, ad instrumenta obsidionalium artium transtulerunt. Et quia nec arietibus admovendis, nec ad intemptandas machinas vel ut possint forari cuniculi, inveniebatur locus usquam habilis, disparatione brevi civitatem Natisone Natesione amni praeterlabente, commentum excogitatum est cum veteribus admirandum.
12.9. With eager speed they built wooden towers higher than the enemy’s ramparts and placed each upon three ships strongly fastened together. On these stood armed men, who, with forces gathered from near at hand strove with combined and equal courage to dislodge the defenders; and below, light-armed skirmishers issued forth from the lower rooms of the towers and threw out little bridges, which they had made beforehand, and hastened to cross on them. Thus they worked in unison, in order that while those stationed above on both sides assailed each other in turn with missiles and stones, those who had crossed by the bridges might without interference tear down a part of the wall and open an approach into the heart of the city.
12.9. Constructas veloci studio ligneas turres, propugnaculis hostium celsiores, imposuere trigeminis navibus, valide sibi conexis, quibus insistentes armati, uno parique ardore prohibitores probibitores dispellere, collatis ex propinquo viribus, nitebantur: subterque expediti velites a turrium cavernis egressi, iniectis ponticulis, quos ante compaginarant, transgredi festinarunt indiviso negotio ut, dum vicissim missilibus se petunt et saxis utrimquesecus alte locati, hi qui transiere per pontes, nullo interpellante, aedificii parte convulsa, aditus in penetralia oppidi reserarent.
12.10. But the result of this well-laid plan was unsuccessful. For when the towers were already drawing near, fire-darts steeped in pitch were hurled at them and they were assailed as well with reeds, faggots, and all kinds of kindling material. When by the rapidly spreading fire and the weight of the men who stood precariously upon them the towers toppled and fell into the river, some of the soldiers were killed on their very tops, pierced by missiles from the distant engines.
12.10. Verum summa coepti prudentis aliorsum evasit. Cum enim adventarent iam turres, contortis malleolis madentibus pice, harundine quin etiam, sarmentis ac vario fomite flammarum incessebantur. Quae quoniam, incendio celeri, ponderibusque trepide superstantium inclinatae, prociderunt in flumen, armatorum aliqui per earum fastigia interibant, eminus confixi tormentis.
12.11. Meanwhile the foot-soldiers, left alone after the death of their companions on the ships, were crushed by huge stones, except a few whom speed of foot through the encumbered passageways saved from death. Finally, after the conflict had lasted until evening, the usual signal for retreat was given; whereupon both sides withdrew and spent what remained of the day with different feelings.
12.11. Inter quae destituti pedites post navalium sociorum occasum, obtriti sunt saxis immanibus, praeter paucos quos morte scilicet per impedita suffugia, velocitas exemerat pedum. Ad ultimum certamine protracto in vesperam, datoque signo in receptum ex more, ambo digressi, diei residuum animis egere disparibus.
12.12. For the laments of the besiegers, as they grieved for the death of their comrades, encouraged the defenders to hope that they were now getting the upper hand, although they, too, had a few losses to mourn. Yet, in spite of this, no time was lost, and after a whole night, during which enough food and rest to recover their strength was allowed, the battle was renewed at daybreak at the sound of the trumpet.
12.12. Munitorum enim maerores, funera lugentium propria, prohibitores spe iam superandi firmabant, licet ipsi quoque paucos gemebant amissos. Properabatur tamen nihilo minus, et quantum recreandis viribus quiete et cibo satis fuit tribute, per noctis integrae spatium, reparatur lucis exordio proelium, incitamento tubarum.
12.13. Then some with their shields raised over their heads, to be less hampered in fighting, others carrying ladders on their shoulders as before, rushed forward in fiery haste, exposing their breasts to wounds from many kinds of weapons. Still others tried to break the iron bars of the gates, but were assailed in their turn with fire or slain by great stones hurled from the walls. Some, who boldly tried to cross the moat, taken unawares by the sudden onslaughts of those that secretly rushed forth through the postern gates, either fell, if overbold, or withdrew wounded. For the return to the walls was safe and a rampart before the walls covered with turf protected from all danger those who lay in wait.
12.13. Et quidam elatis super capita scutis (ut pugnaturi levius), alii vehentes umeris ut antea scalas, ferventique impetu procurrentes, pectora multiformium telorum ictibus exponebant. Alii ferratas portarum obices effringendas adorti, ultro ignibus petebantur, vel elisi saxis muralibus oppetebant. Quidam fossam fidentius transire conati, repentinis eorum assultibus, qui erumpebant clanculo per posticas, ruebant incaute, aut saucii discedebant. Recursus enim ad moenia tutior, vallumque antemuranum caespitibus fultum, insidiantes ab omni discrimine defendebant.
12.14. But although the besieged, who had no help other than that of the walls, excelled in endurance and the arts of war, yet our soldiers, selected from the better companies, unable to bear the long delay, went about all the suburbs, diligently seeking for places where they could force an entrance into the city by main strength or by their artillery.
12.14. Et quamquam prohibitores duritia bellorumque artibus antistarent antistabant, quibus nihil praeter moenium supererat adiumentum, collectus tamen ex potioribus numeris miles, diuturnas ferre nequiens moras, suburbana omnia circumibat, diligenter inquirens, qua vi vel machinis posset patefactam irrumpere civitatem.
12.15. But when this proved impossible, prevented by the greatness of the difficulties, they began to conduct the siege with less energy, and the garrison troops, leaving behind only the sentinels and pickets, ransacked the neighbouring fields, got an abundance of all suitable things, and gave their comrades a large share of their plunder; and in consequence, by drinking immoderately and stuffing themselves with rich food, they lost their vigour.
12.15. Quod ubi patrare non poterat, magnitudine vetante difficultatum, obsideri remissius coepta est, et excubiis stationibusque relictis, praesidiarii milites vastantes agros propinquos, omnibus congruentibus abundabant, raptorum pleraque concorporalibus suis impertientes. Unde largiore admodum potu, saginisque distenti marcebant.
12.16. When Julian, who was still wintering in Constantinople, heard from the report of Immo and his colleagues what had happened, he devised a shrewd remedy for the troubles; he at once sent Agilo, commander of the infantry, who was well known at that time, to Aquileia, hoping that the sight of so distinguished a man, and the announcement through him of Constantius’ death, might put an end to the blockade.
12.16. His relatione Immonis consortiumque cognitis, Iulianus Constantinopoli etiam tum hibernans, sollerti remedio turbatis consuluit rebus, moxque Agilonem magistrum peditum ea tempestate probe cognitum miserat, ut viso honoratissimo viro, compertaque per eum morte Constanti, solveretur obsidium.
12.17. Meanwhile, that the siege of Aquileia might not be interrupted, it was decided, since all the rest of their toil had come to nothing, to force a surrender of the vigorous defenders by thirst. And when the aqueducts had been cut off, but in spite of that they resisted with still greater confidence, with a mighty effort the river was turned from its course; but that also was done in vain. For when the means of drinking more greedily were diminished, men whom their own rashness had beleaguered lived frugally, and contented themselves with water from wells.
12.17. Inter quae ne cessaret Aquileiae oppugnatio cum in reliquis opera consumeretur in cassum, placuit resistentes acriter ad deditionem siti compelli, et ubi aquarum ductibus intersectis, nihilo minus celsiore fiducia repugnarent, flumen laboribus avertitur magnis. Quod itidem frustra est factum. Attenuatis enim avidioribus bibendi subsidiis, hic quos temeritas clauserat, contenti putealibus aquis, parce vixerunt.
12.18. While these events were taking place with the results already told, Agilo (as he was ordered) came to them, and covered by a close array of shields drew near confidently; but after giving a detailed and true account of the death of Constantius and the establishment of Julian’s rule, he was overwhelmed with endless abuse as a liar. And no one believed his account of what had happened until he was admitted alone within the walls under a pledge of safe conduct and repeated what he had said, adding a solemn oath that it was true.
12.18. Quae dum agitantur casibus ante dictis, supervenit (ut praeceptum est) Agilo, scutorumque densitate contectus, prope fidenter accessit, multaque locutus et vera, quibus Constanti obitum, firmatumque Iuliani docebat imperium, sine fine conviciis confutabatur ut fallax. Nec ei quisquam credidit gesta narranti, antequam pacta salute, susceptus ad pugnaculum solus, fide religiosius reddita, ea quae docuerat, replicaret.
12.19. When this was heard, the gates were opened, and after their long torment all poured forth and gladly met the peace-making general. Trying to excuse themselves, they presented Nigrinus as the author of the whole outrage, along with a few others, asking that by the execution of these men the crime of treason and the woes of their city might be expiated.
12.19. His auditis ex diuturno angore portis reclusis omnes effusi, suscepere laeti pacificum ducem, seque purgantes, Nigrinum totius furoris auctorem, paucosque alios obtulerunt, eorum supplicio laesae crimina maiestatis et urbis aerumnas expiari poscentes.
12.20. Finally, a few days later, after the affair had been more thoroughly investigated before Mamertinus, the praetorian prefect, then sitting in judgement, Nigrinus as the chief instigator of the war was burned alive. But after him Romulus and Sabostius, senators of Aquileia, being convicted of having sown the seeds of discord without regard to its dangerous consequences, died by the executioner’s sword. All the rest, whom compulsion, rather than inclination, had driven to this mad strife, escaped unpunished. For so the emperor, naturally mild and merciful, had decided on grounds of justice.
12.20. Paucis denique post diebus, exploratius spectato negotio, Mamertino tum iudicante, praefecto praetorio, Nigrinus ut acerrimus belli instinctor, exustus est vivus. Romulus vero post eum et Sabostius curiales, convicti, sine respectu periculi studia sevisse discordiarum, poenali consumpti sunt ferro. Residui omnes abierunt innoxii, quos ad certaminum rabiem necessitas egerat, non voluntas. Id enim aequitate pensata, statuerat placabilis imperator et clemens.
12.21. Now these things happened later. But Julian was still at Naessus, beset by deep cares, since he feared many dangers from two quarters. For he stood in dread lest the soldiers besieged at Aquileia should by a sudden onset block the passes of the Julian Alps, and he should thus lose the provinces and the support which he daily expected from them.
12.21. Et haec quidem postea gesta sunt. Iulianus vero agens etiam tum apud Naessum, curis altioribus stringebatur, multa utrimque pertimescens. Formidabat enim ne clausorum militum apud Aquileiam repentino assultu, obseratis angustiis Alpium Iuliarum, provincias et adminicula perderet, quae exinde sperabat in dies.
12.22. Also he greatly feared the forces of the Orient, hearing that the soldiers dispersed over Thrace had been quickly concentrated to meet sudden violence and were approaching the frontiers of Succi under the lead of the count Martianus. But in spite of this he himself also, acting with an energy commensurate with the pressing mass of dangers, assembled the Illyrian army, reared in the toil of Mars and ready in times of strife to join with a warlike commander.
12.22. Itidemque opes Orientis magnopere verebatur audiens dispersum per Thracias militem, contra vim subitam cito coactum, adventare Succorum confinia, comite Martiano ducente. Sed tamen congrua instantium sollicitudinum moli, ipse quoque agitans efficaciter, Illyricum contrahebat exercitum, pulvere coalitum Martio, promptumque in certaminibus bellicoso iungi rectori.
12.23. Nor did he at so critical a time disregard the interests of private persons, but he gave ear to their suits and disputes, especially those of the senators of the free towns, whom he was much inclined to favour, and unjustly invested many of them with high public office.
12.23. Nec privatorum utilitates in tempore ita flagranti despiciens, litesque audiens controversas maxime municipalium ordinum, ad quorum favorem propensior, iniuste plures muneribus publicis annectebat.