12.24. There it was that he found Symmachus and Maximus, two distinguished senators, who had been sent by the nobles as envoys to Constantius. On their return he received them with honour, and passing over the better man, in place of Tertullus made Maximus prefect of the eternal city, to please Rufinus Vulcatius, whose nephew he knew him to be. Under this man’s administration, however, there were supplies in abun- dance, and the complaints of the populace, which were often wont to arise, ceased altogether.
12.24. Ibi Symmachum repertum et Maximum, senatores conspicuos, a nobilitate legatos ad Constantium missos, exinde reversos honorifice vidit, et potiore posthabito, in locum Tertulli Maximum urbi praefecit aeternae, ad Rufini Vulcatii gratiam, cuius sororis eum filium norat. Hoc administrante alimentaria res abundavit et querellae plebis excitari crebro solitae cessaverunt.
12.25. Then, to bring about a feeling of security in the crisis and to encourage those who were submissive, he promoted Mamertinus, the pretorian prefect in Illyricum, to the consulship, as well as Nevitta; and that too although he had lately beyond measure blamed Constantine as the first to raise the rank of base foreigners.
12.25. tunc Tune ut et securitatem trepidis rebus afferret, et obedientium nutriret fiduciam, Mamertinum promotum praefectum praetorio per Illyricum designavit consulem et Nevittam, qui nuper ut primum augendae barbaricae vilitatis auctorem, immoderate notaverat Constantinum.
13.1. While by these and similar means Julian, wavering between hope and fear, was planning new measures, Constantius at Edessa, troubled by the varying reports of his scouts, was hesitating between two different courses, now preparing his soldiers for battle in the field, now, if opportunity should offer, planning a second siege of Bezabde, with the prudent design of not leaving the flank of Mesopotamia unprotected when he was presently about to march to the north.
13.1. His ac talibus eo inter spem metumque nova negotia commovente, Constantius apud Edessam exploratorum relationibus variis anxius, in rationes diducebatur ancipites, nunc ad concursatorias pugnas militem struens, nunc si copia patuisset, obsidione gemina Bezabden aggressurus, consultans prudenter, ne mox partes petiturus arctoas, improtectum Mesopotamiae relinqueret latus.
13.2. But in this state of indecision he was kept back by many delays, since the Persian king was waiting on the other side of the Tigris until the signs from heaven should warrant a move; for if Sapor had crossed the river and found no one to oppose him, he could easily have penetrated to the Euphrates; besides this, since he was keeping his soldiers in condition for civil war, he feared to expose them to the dangers of an attack upon a walled city, knowing by experience the strength of its fortifications and the energy of its defenders.
13.2. Verum consiliorum ambiguum retinebant multiplices morae, tardante trans Tigridem rege, dum moveri permitterent sacra. Nam si permeate flumine nullum qui resisteret invenisset, absque difficultate penetrarat Euphratem; alioqui ad civilia bella custodiens militem, timebat eum periculis obiectare circummuranis, firmitatem moenium munimenti, defensorumque alacritatem expertus.
13.3. However, in order not to be wholly inactive, nor be criticised for slackness, he ordered Arbitio and Agilo, commanders of the cavalry and of the infantry, to sally forth promptly with strong forces, not with a view of provoking the Persians to battle, but to draw a cordon on our bank of the Tigris and be on the watch to see where the impetuous king might break through. Moreover, he often warned them by word of mouth and in writing that if the enemy’s horde should begin to cross, they were to retreat quickly.
13.3. Ne quiesceret tamen, neve condemnaretur inertiae, Arbitionem et Agilonem, equestris pedestrisque militiae magistros, cum agminibus maximis properare coegit, non ut lacesserent Persas in proelia, sed praetenturis iuncturos citeriores Tigridis ripas, et speculaturos quonam rex erumperet violentus. Addebatque monendo saepius et scribendo, ut si multitudo multitude transire coepisset hostilis, referrent citius pedem.
13.4. Now, while these generals were guarding the frontiers assigned them, and the hidden purposes of that most deceitful nation were being observed, he himself with the stronger part of his army was attending to urgent affairs (getting ready for battle) and now and then sallying forth to protect the towns. But the scouts and deserters who appeared from time to time brought conflicting accounts, being uncertain what would happen, because among the Persians plans are communicated to none save the grandees, who are reticent and loyal, and with whom among their other gods Silence is honoured.
13.4. Dumque collimitia iussa custodiunt duces, et occulta fallacissimae gentis observantur, agens ipse cum parte validiori exercitus, curabat urgentia (velut pugnaturus) oppidaque tuebatur excursu. Speculatores vero et transfugae subinde venientes, repugnantia prodebant, ideo futurorum incerti, quod apud Persas nemo consiliorum est conscius, praeter optimates taciturnos et fidos, apud quos Silentii quoque colitur numen.
13.5. Moreover, the aforesaid generals kept sending for the emperor and begging that reinforcements be sent to them. For they declared that the attack of a most energetic king could not be met, unless all the forces were united at one point.
13.5. Accersebatur autem a memoratis ducibus imperator assidue, orantibus ferri sibi suppetias. Testabantur enim se non nisi coactis in unum viribus cunctis, posse impetum regis ardentissimi sustinere.
13.6. During these anxious proceedings frequent and trusty messengers arrived, from whose clear and faithful reports it was learned that Julian, having in swift course passed through Italy and Illyricum, had meanwhile seized the pass of Succi, where he was awaiting auxiliaries summoned from every quarter, in order to invade Thrace attended by a great force of soldiers.
13.6. Quae dum aguntur ita sollicite, nuntii percrebuere certissimi, quorum clara fide compertum est, Iulianum Italiam et Illyricum cursu celeri praetergressum, claustra interim occupasse Succorum, accita undique praestolantem auxilia, ut multitudine stipatus armorum pervaderet Thracias.
13.7. When this was known, Constantius, though overwhelmed with sorrow, was sustained by the one comforting thought, that in civil strife he had always come off victor; but while the present situation made it most difficult to decide upon a plan, he resolved, as the best course, gradually to send his soldiers on in advance in the public conveyances, in order the sooner to meet the dread and imminent peril.
13.7. Quo cognito, maerore offusus Constantius, solacio uno sustentabatur, quod intestinos intestines semper superaverit motus; re tamen magnam ei difficultatem ad capessendum consilium afferente, id elegit potissimum, ut vehiculis publicis impositum paulatim praemitteret militem, imminentis casus atrocitati velocius occursurum.
13.8. This plan met with general approval and the troops set out lightly equipped, as was ordered. But as he was carrying out this arrangement, word came next morning that the king with the entire force under his command had returned home, since the auspices put an end to his enterprise; relieved therefore of fear, Constantius recalled all the troops, except those that formed the usual defence of Mesopotamia, and quickly returned to the city of Nicopolis.
13.8. Omniumque consensu hac probata sententia, pergebant (ut praeceptum est), expediti. Eique haec disponenti, luce postera nuntiatur, regem cum omni manu quam duxerat, ad propria revertisse, auspiciis dirimentibus, lenitoque metu, revocatis omnibus praeter eos quos consuetudo praesidio Mesopotamiae destinarat, confestim reversus est Nicopolim urbem.
13.9. There, being still uncertain as to the outcome of his main enterprise, as soon as the army had come together he summoned all the centuries, maniples, and cohorts to an assembly; and when the trumpets sounded and the plain was filled with the multitude, in order to make them the more inclined to carry out his orders, he took his place upon a high tribunal with a larger retinue than common, and assuming an expression of calm confidence, addressed them as follows:
13.9. Summa itaque coeptorum quorsum evaderet ambigens, cum in unum exercitus convenisset, omnes centurias et manipulos et cohortes in contionem vocavit, concinentibus tubis, oppletoque multitudinis campo, ut eam ad firmanda promptius adigeret imperanda, tribunali celso insistens, stipatusque solito densius, haec prosecutus est, ad serenitatis speciem et fiduciae vultu formato:
13.10. “Being always careful by no act or word, however slight, to allow myself to do anything inconsistent with faultless honour, and like a cautious steersman putting my helm up or down according to the movements of the waves, I am now constrained, dearly beloved soldiers, to confess to you my mistake, or rather (if I may be allowed to use the right word) my kindheartedness, which I believed would be profitable to the interests of all. Therefore, that you may the more readily know the ground for convoking this assembly, hear me, I pray you, with unprejudiced and favourable ears.”
13.10. “Sollicitus semper nequid re levi vel verbo committam, inculpatae parum congruens honestati, utque cautus navigandi magister, clavos pro fluctuum motibus erigens vel inclinans, compellor nunc apud vos, amantissimi viri, confiteri meos errores, quin potius (si dici liceat verum) humanitatem, quam credidi negotiis communibus profuturam. Proinde ut sciri facilius possit, quae sit huius concilii convocandi materia, accipite quaeso aequis auribus et secundis.”
13.11. “At the time when Magnentius, whom your valorous deeds overthrew, was obstinately bent upon making general confusion in the state, I raised my cousin Gallus to the high rank of Caesar and sent him to defend the Orient. When he by many deeds abominable to witness and to rehearse had forsaken the path of justice, he was punished by the laws’ decree.”
13.11. “Gallum patruelem meum tempore quo confundendis rebus pertinaciter Magnentius inhaerebat, quem obruere vestrae virtutes, potestate Caesaris sublimatum, ad Orientis praesidium misi. Qui cum a iustitia per multa visu relatuque nefaria defecisset, arbitrio punitus est legum.”
13.12. “And would to Heaven that Envy, that busiest inciter of trouble, had been content with that, in order that only this one recollection of grief now past, but unaccompanied by dangers, might disquiet me. But now another blow has fallen, more to be lamented, I might venture to say, than those that went before, which the aid of Heaven through your native valour will make harmless.”
13.12. “Atque utinam hoc contenta fuisset Invidia, turbarum acerrima concitatrix, ut angat nos una sed secura doloris praeteriti recordatio. At nunc aliud accidit, ausim dicere praeteritis maestius, quod per fortitudinem vobis ingenitam, adiumenta caelestia coercebunt.”
13.13. “Julian, to whom we entrusted the defence of Gaul while you were fighting the foreign nations that raged around Illyricum, presuming upon some trivial battles which he fought with the half-armed Germans, exulting like a madman, has involved in his ambitious cabal a few auxiliaries, whom their savagery and hopeless condition made ready for a destructive act of recklessness; and he has conspired for the hurt of the state, treading under foot Justice, the mother and nurse of the Roman world, who, as I readily believe from experience and from the lessons of the past, will in the end, as the punisher of evil deeds, take vengeance on them, and will blow away their proud spirits like ashes.”
13.13. “Iulianus, quem dum circumfrementes Illyricum nationes exteras oppugnatis, tuendis praefecimus Galliis, levium confidentia proeliorum, quae cum Germanis gessit semermibus, ut vecors elatus, adscitis in societatem superbam auxiliaribus paucis, feritate speque postrema, ad perniciosam audaciam promptis, in noxam publicam conspiravit, aequitate calcata, parente nutriceque orbis Romani, quam tumentes spiritus tamquam favillas reflaturam vindicaturamque, deinde ut sceleste factorum ultricem, et ipse expertus, et docente antiquitate facile credo.”
13.14. “What, then, remains but to meet the storms that have been raised, with the purpose of crushing by the remedies of speed the madness of the growing war before it attains greater strength? For there is no doubt that through the present help of the most high Deity, by whose eternal verdict the ungrateful are condemned, the sword that has impiously been whetted must inevitably be turned to the destruction of those who, not provoked, but made greater by many favours, have risen to endanger the guiltless.”
13.14. “Quid igitur superest, nisi ut turbinibus excitis occurramus, subcrescentis rabiem belli, antequam pubescat validius, celeritatis remediis oppressuri? Nec enim dubium, favore numinis summi praesente, cuius perenni suffragio damnantur ingrati, ferrum impie praeparatum ad eorum interitum esse vertendum, qui non lacessiti, sed aucti beneficiis pluribus, ad insontium pericula surrexerunt.”
13.15. “For, as my mind presages, and as Justice promises, who will aid right purposes, I give you my word that, when we come hand to hand, they will be so benumbed with terror as to be able to endure neither the flashing light of your eyes nor the first sound of your battle-cry.”
13.15. “Ut enim mea mens augurat Iustitiaque rectis consiliis adfutura promittit, spondeo quod, si ventum fuerit comminus, ita pavore torpescent, ut nec oculorum vestrorum vibratae lucis ardorem, nec barritus sonum perferant primum.”
13.16. After these words all were led to his opinion, and brandishing their spears in anger they first replied with many expressions of good will, and then asked to be led at once against the rebel. This mark of favour turned the emperor’s fear into joy; he at once dissolved the assembly and ordered Arbitio, whom he already knew from former experiences to be successful before all others in quelling civil wars, to go before him on his march with the lancers, the mattiarii, and the companies of light armed troops; also Gomoarius with the Laeti, to oppose the coming advance of the enemy in the pass of Succi, a man chosen before others because he was a bitter enemy of Julian, who had treated him with contempt in Gaul.
13.16. Omnes post haec dicta in sententiam ducti suam hastasque vibrantes irati, post multa quae benivole responderant, petebant duci se protinus in rebellem. Qua gratia in laetitiam imperator versus ex metu, contione mox absoluta, Arbitionem ante alios faustum ad intestina bella sedanda, ex ante actis iam sciens, iter suum praeire cum Lanceariis et Mattiariis, et catervis expeditorum praecepit, et cum Laetis itidem Gomoarium, venturis in Succorum angustiis opponendum, ea re aliis antelatum, quod ut contemptus in Galliis erat Iuliano infestus.
14.1. In this welter of adverse events Constantius’ fortune, already wavering and at a standstill, showed clearly by signs almost as plain as words, that a crisis in his life was at hand. For at night he was alarmed by apparitions, and when he was not yet wholly sunk in sleep, the ghost of his father seemed to hold out to him a fair child; and when he took it and set it in his lap, it shook from him the ball which he held in his right hand and threw it to a great distance. And this foretold a change in the state, although the seers gave reassuring answers.
14.1. In hoc rerum adversarum tumultu, haerens eius fortuna iam et subsistens, adventare casum vitae difficilem, modo non loquentibus signis aperte monstrabat. Namque et nocturnis imaginibus terrebatur, et nondum penitus mersus in somnum, umbram viderat patris obtulisse pulchrum infantem, eumque susceptum et locatum in gremio suo, excussam sibi proiecisse longius sphaeram, quam ipse dextera manu gestabat. Id autem permutationem temporum indicabat, licet interpretantes placentia responderent.
14.2. After that he admitted to his more intimate attendants that, as though forsaken, he ceased to see a kind of secret something which he used to think occasionally appeared to him, though somewhat dimly; and it was supposed that a sort of guardian spirit, assigned to protect his life, had deserted him, since he was destined quickly to leave this world.
14.2. Post haec confessus est iunctioribus proximis, quod tamquam desolatus, secretum aliquid liquid videre desierit, quod interdum adfuisse sibi squalidius aestimabat, et putabatur genius esse quidam, tutelae salutis appositus, eum reliquisse mundo citius digressurum.
14.3. For the theologians maintain that there are associated with all men at their birth, but without interference with the established course of destiny, certain divinities of that sort, as directors of their conduct; but they have been seen by only a very few, whom their manifold merits have raised to eminence.
14.3. Ferunt enim theologi in lucem editis hominibus cunctis, salva firmitate fatali, huius modi quaedam velut actus rectura numina sociari, admodum tamen paucissimis visa, quos multiplices auxere virtutes.
14.4. And this oracles and writers of distinction have shown; among the latter is also the comic poet Menander, in whom we read these two senarii:A daemon is assigned to every manAt birth, to be the leader of his life.
14.4. Idque et oracula et auctores docuere praeclari. Inter quos est etiam Menander comicus, apud quem hi senarii duo leguntur:ἅπαντι δαίμων ἀνδρὶ συμπαρίσταταιεὐθὺς γενομένῳ, μυσταγωγὸς τοῦ βίου.
14.5. Likewise from the immortal poems of Homer we are given to understand that it was not the gods of heaven that spoke with brave men, and stood by them or aided them as they fought, but that guardian spirits attended them; and through reliance upon their special support, it is said, that Pythagoras, Socrates, and Numa Pompilius became famous; also the earlier Scipio, and (as some believe) Marius and Octavianus, who first had the title of Augustus conferred upon him, and Hermes Trismegistus, Apollonius of Tyana, and Plotinus, who ventured to discourse on this mystic theme, and to present a profound discussion of the question by what elements these spirits are linked with men’s souls, and taking them to their bosoms, as it were, protect them (as long as possible) and give them higher instruction, if they perceive that they are pure and kept from the pollution of sin through association with an immaculate body.
14.5. Itidem ex sempiternis Homeri carminibus intellegi datur, non deos caelestes cum viris fortibus collocutos, nec adfuisse pugnantibus vel iuvisse, sed familiaris genios cum eisdem versatos, quorum adminiculis freti praecipuis, Pythagoras enituisse dicitur et Socrates, Numaque Pompilius, et superior Scipio et (ut quidam existimant) Marius et Octavianus, cui Augusti vocabulum delatum est primo, Hermesque Termaximus, et Tyaneus Apollonius atque Plotinus, ausus quaedam super hac re disserere mystica, alteque monstrare, quibus primordiis hi genii animis conexi mortalium eas tamquam gremiis suis susceptas tuentur (quoad licitum est) docentique maiora, si senserint puras et a colluvione peccandi, immaculata corporis societate societte discretas.
15.1. Constantius, therefore, having reached Antiochia by forced marches, intending (as was his custom) eagerly to encounter civil disturbances at their outset, and having made all his preparations, was in immoderate haste to set out, although many opposed it, but only by murmurs; for no one dared openly to dissuade or to forbid him.
15.1. Ingressus itaque Antiochiam festinando Constantius, ad motum certaminum civilium (ut solebat), avide surrecturus, paratis omnibus exire properabat immodice, renitentibus plurimis murmure tenus. Nec enim dissuadere palam audebat quisquam vel vetare.
15.2. When autumn was already waning he began his march, and on coming to a suburban estate called Hippocephalus, distant three miles from the city, he saw in broad daylight on the right side of the road the corpse of a man with head torn off, lying stretched out towards the west. Terrified by the omen, although the fates were preparing his end, he kept on with the greater determination and arrived at Tarsus. There he was taken with a slight fever, but in the expectation of being able to throw off the danger of his illness by the motion of the journey he kept on over difficult roads to Mobsucrenae, the last station of Cilicia as you go from here, situated at the foot of Mount Taurus; but when he tried to start again on the following day, he was detained by the increasing severity of the disease. Gradually the extreme heat of the fever so inflamed his veins that his body could not even be touched, since it burned like a furnace; and when the application of remedies proved useless, as he breathed his last he lamented his end. However, while his mind was still unimpaired he is said to have designated Julian as the successor to the throne.
15.2. Autumno iam senescente profectus, cum ad suburbanum venisset, disiunctum exinde tertio lapide, Hippocephalum nomine, lucente iam die, cadaver hominis interfecti, dextra iacens capite avulso conspexit, contra occiduum latus extensum: territusque omine, finem parantibus fatis, destinatius ipse tendebat, venitque Tarsum, ubi leviore febri contactus, ratusque itinerario motu imminutae valetudinis excuti posse discrimen, petit per vias difficiles Mobsucrenas, Ciliciae ultimam hinc hine pergentibus stationem, sub Tauri montis radicibus positam, egredique secuto die conatus, illabente morbi gravitate detentus est: paulatimque urente calore nimio venas, ut ne tangi quidem corpus eius posset, in modum foculi fervens, cum usus deficeret medelarum, ultimum spirans, deflebat exitium, mentisque sensu tum etiam integro, successorem suae potestatis statuisse dicitur Iulianum.
15.3. Then the death-rattle began and he was silent, and after a long struggle with life now about to leave him, he died on the fifth of October, in the thirty-eighth year of his reign at the age of forty- four years and a few months.
15.3. Deinde anhelitu iam pulsante letali, conticuit, diuque cum anima colluctatus iam discessura, abiit e vita tertium nonarum Octobrium, imperii tricesimo octavo vitaeque anno quadragesimo quarto et mensibus paucis.
15.4. After this followed the last mournful call to the deceased, and grief and wailing broke out; then those who held the first rank in the royal court considered what they should do, or what they ought to attempt. And after a few had been sounded secretly as to the choice of an emperor, at the suggestion of Eusebius (as was reported), whom the consciousness of his guilt pricked, since Julian’s nearness made an attempt at revolution inadvisable, Theolaifus and Aligildus, at that time counts, were sent to him, to report the death of his kinsman, and beg him to lay aside all delay and come to take over the Orient, which was ready to obey him.
15.4. Post quae, supremis cum gemitu conclamatis, excitisque lamentis et luctu, deliberabant locum obtinentes in aula regia primum, quid agerent quidve moliri deberent: paucisque occulte super eligendo imperatore temptatis, incitante (ut ferebatur) Eusebio, quem noxarum conscientia stimulabat, cum novandis rebus imminens obsisteret Iulianus, mittuntur ad eum Theolaifus et Aligildus tunc tune comites, mortem indicantes propinqui, et oraturi, ut mora omni depulsa, ad obtinendum obtemperare sibi paratum, tenderet Orientem.
15.5. However, rumour and an uncertain report had it that Constantius had made a last will, in which (as I have said) he wrote down Julian as his heir and gave commissions and legacies to those who were dear to him.
15.5. Fama tamen rumorque loquebatur incertus, Constantium voluntatem ordinasse postremam, in qua Iulianum (ut praediximus) scripsit heredem, et his quos diligebat, fidei commissa detulit et legata.
15.6. Now he left his wife with child, and the posthumous daughter to whom she afterwards gave birth was called by his name, and when she grew up was united in marriage with Gratianus.
15.6. Uxorem autem praegnantem reliquit, unde edita postuma eiusque nomine appellata, cum adolevisset, matrimonii iure copulata est Gratiano.
16.1. Observing, therefore, a true distinction between his good qualities and his defects, it will be fitting to set forth his good points first. He always maintained the dignity of imperial majesty, and his great and lofty spirit disdained the favour of the populace. He was exceedingly sparing in conferring the higher dignities, with few exceptions allowing no innovations in the way of additions to the administrative offices; and he never let the military lift their heads too high.
16.1. Bonorum igitur vitiorumque eius differentia vere servata, praecipua prima conveniet expediri. Imperatoriae auctoritatis cothurnum ubique custodiens, popularitatem elato animo contemnebat et magno, erga tribuendas celsiores dignitates impendio parcus, nihil circa administrationum augmenta praeter pauca novari perpessus, numquam erigens cornua militarium.
16.2. Under him no leader of an army was advanced to the rank of clarissimus. For they were (according to my personal recollection) all perfectissimi. The governor of a province never officially met a commander of the cavalry, nor was the latter official allowed to take part in civil affairs. But all the military and civil officials always looked up to the praetorian prefects with the old-time respect, as the peak of all authority.
16.2. Nec sub eo dux quisquam cum clarissimatu provectus est. Erant enim (ut nos quoque meminimus), perfectissimi: nec occurrebat magistro equitum provinciae rector nec contingi ab eo civile negotium permittebat. Sed cunctae castrenses et ordinariae potestates, ut honorum omnium apicem, priscae reverentiae more, praefectos semper suspexere praetorio.
16.3. In the maintenance of the soldiers he was exceedingly careful; somewhat critical at times in evaluating services, he bestowed appointments at court by the plumb-line, as it were. Under him no one who was to hold a high position was appointed to a post in the palace suddenly or untried, but a man who after ten years was to be marshal of the court, or head treasurer, or to fill any similar post, was thoroughly known. It very rarely happened that any military officer passed to a civil magistracy, and on the other hand, none were put in command of soldiers who had not grown hardy in the dust of battle.
16.3. In conservando milite nimium cautus, examinator meritorum non numquam subscruposus, palatinas dignitates velut ex quodam tribuens perpendiculo, et sub eo nemo celsum aliquid acturus, in regia repentinus adhibitus est vel incognitus, sed qui post decennium officiorum magisterium vel largitiones vel simile quicquam esset recturus, apertissime noscebatur. Valdeque raro contigerat, ut militarium aliquis ad civilia regenda transiret, contraque non nisi pulvere bellico indurati, praeficiebantur armatis.
16.4. He made great pretensions to learning, but after failing in rhetoric because of dullness of mind, he turned to making verses, but accomplished nothing worth while.
16.4. Doctrinarum diligens affectator, sed cum a rhetorice per ingenium desereretur obtunsum, ad versificandum transgressus, nihil operae pretium fecit.
16.5. By a prudent and temperate manner of life and by moderation in eating and drinking he maintained such sound health that he rarely suffered from illnesses, but such as he had were of a dangerous character. For that abstinence from dissipation and luxury have this effect on the body is shown by repeated experience, as well as by the statements of physicians.
16.5. In vita parca et sobria, edendi potandique moderatione, valetudinem ita retinuit firmam, ut raros colligeret morbos, sed eos non procul a vitae periculis: id enim evenire corporibus a lascivia dimotis et luxu, diuturna experimenta et professiones medendi monstrarunt.
16.6. He was content with little sleep when time and circumstances so required. Throughout the entire span of his life he was so extraordinarily chaste, that not even a suspicion could be raised against him even by an ill-disposed attendant on his private life, a charge which malice, even if it fails to discover it, still trumps up, having regard to the unrestrained liberty of supreme power.
16.6. Somno contentus exiguo, cum id posceret tempus et ratio, perque spatia vitae longissima impendio castus, ut nec malivolo citerioris vitae ministro saltem suspicione tenus posset redargui, quod crimen etiam si non invenit, malignitas fingit, in summarum licentia potestatum.
16.7. In riding, in hurling the javelin, and especially in the skilful use of the bow, and in all the exercises of the foot-soldiers, he was an adept. That no one ever saw him wipe his mouth or nose in public, or spit, or turn his face in either direction, or that so long as he lived he never tasted fruit, I leave unmentioned, since it has often been related.
16.7. Equitandi et iaculandi, maximeque perite dirigendi sagittas, artiumque armaturae pedestris perquam scientissimus. Quod autem nec os tersisse umquam vel nares in publico, nec spuisse, nec transtulisse in partem alterutram vultum aliquando est visus, nec pomorum quoad vixerat gustaverit (ut dicta saepius) praetermitto.
16.8. Having given a succinct account of his merits, so far as I could know them, let us now come to an enumeration of his defects. While in administrative affairs he was comparable to other emperors of medium quality, if he found any indication, however slight or groundless, of an aspiration to the supreme power, by endless investigations, in which he made no distinction between right and wrong, he easily surpassed the savagery of Caligula, Domitian, and Commodus. For it was in rivalry of the cruelty of those emperors that at the beginning of his reign he destroyed root and branch all who were related to him by blood and race.
16.8. Dinumeratis carptim bonis, quae scire potuimus, nunc ad explananda explanada eius vitia veniamus. Cum esset in negotiis aliis principibus mediis comparandus, si affectatae dominationis amplam quandam falsam repperisset aut levem, hanc sine fine scrutando, fasque eodem loco ducens et nefas, Caligulae et Domitiani et Commodi immanitatem facile superabat, quorum aemulatus saevitiam inter imperandi exordia, cunctos sanguine et genere se contingentes, stirpitus interemit.
16.9. To add to the sufferings of the wretches who were reported to him for impairment of, or insult to, his majesty, his bitterness and angry suspicions were stretched to the uttermost in all such cases. If anything of the kind was bruited abroad, he gave himself up to inquisitions with more eagerness than humanity, and appointed for such trials merciless judges; and in the punishment of some he tried to make their death lingering, if nature allowed, in some particulars being even more ruthless than Gallienus in such inquisitions.
16.9. Addebatur miserorum aerumnis, qui rei maiestatis imminutae vel laesae deferebantur, acerbitas eius et iracundia suspicionesque in huius modi cuncta distentae. Et siquid tale increpuisset, in quaestiones acrius exsurgens quam civiliter, spectatores apponebat his litibus truces, mortemque longius in puniendis quibusdam, si natura permitteret, conabatur extendi, in eius modi controversiarum partibus etiam Gallieno ferocior.
16.10. As a matter of fact, he was the object of many genuine plots of traitors, such as Aureolus, Postumus, Ingenuus, Valens surnamed Thessalonicus, and several others, yet he often showed leniency in punishing crimes which would bring death to the victim; but he also tried to make false or doubtful cases appear well-founded by excessively violent tortures.
16.10. Ille enim perduellionum crebris verisque appetitus insidiis, Aureoli et Postumi et Ingenui et Valentis, cognomento Thessalonici, aliorumque plurium, mortem factura crimina aliquotiens lenius vindicabat: hic hie etiam ficta vel dubia, adigebat videri certissima, vi nimia tormentorum.
16.11. And in such affairs he showed deadly enmity to justice, although he made a special effort to be considered just and merciful. And as sparks flying from a dry forest even with a light breeze of wind come with irresistible course and bring danger to rural villages, so he also from trivial causes roused up a mass of evils, unlike that revered prince Marcus, who, when Cassius had mounted to imperial heights in Syria, and a packet of letters sent by him to his accomplices had fallen into the emperor’s hands through the capture of their bearer, at once ordered it to be burned unopened, in order that, being at the time still in Illyricum, he might not know who were plotting against him, and hence be forced to hate some men against his will.
16.11. iustumque lustumque in eius modi titulis capitali odio oderat, cum maxime id ageret ut iustus aestimaretur et clemens. Et tamquam ex arida silva volantes scintillae, flatu leni ventorum, ad usque discrimina vicorum agrestium incohibili cursu perveniunt, ita ille quoque ex minimis causis, malorum congeries excitabat, Marci illius dissimilis principis verecundi, qui cum ad imperiale culmen in Syria Cassius surrexisset, epistularum fascem ab eo ad conscios missum, perlatore capto sibi oblatum, ilico signatum exuri praecepit, agens adhuc in Illyrico, ne insidiatoribus cognitis, invitus quosdam habere posset offensos.
16.12. And, as some right- thinking men believed, it would have been a striking indication of true worth in Constantius, if he had renounced his power without bloodshed, rather than defended it so mercilessly.
16.12. Utque recte sentientes quidam arbitrabantur, virtutis erat potius indicium magnum, imperio eundem Constantium sine cruore cessisse, quam vindicasse tam inclementer.
16.13. And this Tully also shows in a letter to Nepos, in which he taxes Caesar with cruelty, saying: “For happiness is nothing else than success in noble actions. Or, to express it differently, happiness is the good fortune that aids worthy designs, and one who does not aim at these can in no wise be happy. Therefore, in lawless and impious plans, such as Caesar followed, there could be no happiness. Happier, in my judgement, was Camillus in exile than was Manlius at that same time, even if (as he had desired) he had succeeded in making himself king.”
16.13. Ut Tullius quoque docet, crudelitatis increpans Caesarem, in quadam ad Nepotem epistula: “Neque enim quicquam aliud est felicitas” inquit “nisi honestarum rerum prosperitas. Vel ut alio modo definiam: felicitas est fortuna adiutrix consiliorum bonorum, quibus qui non utitur, felix esse nullo pacto potest. Ergo in perditis impiisque consiliis, quibus Caesar usus est, nulla potuit esse felicitas. Feliciorque meo iudicio Camillus exsulans quam temporibus eisdem Manlius, etiam si (id quod cupierat) regnare potuisset.”
16.14. Heraclitus the Ephesian also agrees with this, when he reminds us that the weak and cowardly have sometimes, through the mutability of fortune, been victorious over eminent men; but that the most conspicuous praise is won, when high-placed power sending, as it were, under the yoke the inclination to harm, to be angry, and to show cruelty, on the citadel of a spirit victorious over itself has raised a glorious trophy.
16.14. Id Ephesius quoque Heraclitus asserens monet, ab inertibus et ignavis, eventus variante fortuna, superatos aliquotiens viros fuisse praestantes; illud vero eminere inter praecipuas laudes, cum potestas, in gradu, velut sub iugum missa nocendi saeviendi cupiditate et irascendi, in arce victoris animi tropaeum erexerit gloriosum.
16.15. Now, although this emperor in foreign wars met with loss and disaster, yet he was elated by his success in civil conflicts and drenched with awful gore from the internal wounds of the state. It was on this unworthy rather than just or usual ground that in Gaul and Pannonia he erected triumphal arches at great expense commemorating the ruin of the provinces, and added records of his deeds, that men might read of him so long as those monuments could last.
16.15. Ut autem in externis bellis hie princeps fuit saucius et afflictus, ita prospere succedentibus pugnis civilibus tumidus, et intestinis ulceribus rei publicae sanie perfusus horrenda: quo pravo proposito magis quam recto vel usitato, triumphalis arcus ex clade provinciarum sumptibus magnis erexit in Galliis et Pannoniis, titulis gestorum affixis, se (quoad stare poterunt monumenta) lecturis.
16.16. He was to an excessive degree under the influence of his wives, and the shrill-voiced eunuchs, and certain of the court officials, who applauded his every word, and listened for his “yes” or “no,” in order to be able to agree with him.
16.16. Uxoribus et spadonum gracilentis vocibus et palatinis quibusdam nimium quantum addictus, ad singula eius verba plaudentibus, et quid ille aiat aut neget (ut assentiri possint) observantibus.
16.17. The bitterness of the times was increased by the insatiate extortion of the tax-collectors, who brought him more hatred than money; and to many this seemed the more intolerable, for the reason that he never investigated a dispute, nor had regard for the welfare of the provinces, although they were oppressed by a multiplicity of taxes and tributes. And besides this, he found it easy to take away exemptions which he had once given.
16.17. Augebat etiam amaritudinem temporum, flagitatorum rapacitas inexpleta, plus odiorum ei quam pecuniae conferentium. Hocque multis intolerantius videbatur, quod nec causam aliquando audivit, nec provinciarum indemnitati prospexit, cum multiplicatis tributis et vectigalibus vexarentur. Eratque super his adimere facilis quae donabat.
16.18. The plain and simple religion of the Christians he obscured by a dotard’s superstition, and by subtle and involved discussions about dogma, rather than by seriously trying to make them agree, he aroused many controversies; and as these spread more and more, he fed them with contentious words. And since throngs of bishops hastened hither and thither on the public post-horses to the various synods, as they call them, while he sought to make the whole ritual conform to his own will, he cut the sinews of the courier-service.
16.18. Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem anili superstitione confundens, in qua scrutanda perplexius quam componenda gravius excitavit discidia plurima, quae progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum, ut catervis antistitum iumentis publicis ultro citroque discurrentibus per synodos (quas appellant), dum ritum omnem ad suum trahere conatur arbitrium, rei vehiculariae succideret nervos.
16.19. His bodily appearance and form were as follows: he was rather dark, with bulging eyes and sharp-sighted; his hair was soft and his regularly shaven cheeks were neat and shining; from the meeting of neck and shoulders to the groin he was unusually long, and his legs were very short and bowed, for which reason he was good at running and leaping.
16.19. Figura tali situque membrorum: subniger, luce oculorum edita, cernensque acutum, molli capillo capilo, rasis assidue genis lucentibus ad decorem, usque ad pubem ab ipsis colli confinis longior, brevissimis cruribus et incurvis, unde saltu valebat et cursu.
16.20. When the corpse of the deceased emperor had been washed and placed in a coffin, Jovianus, who was at that time still an officer in the bodyguard, was ordered to escort it with regal pomp to Constantinople, to be interred beside his kinsfolk.
16.20. Pollinctum igitur corpus defuncti, conditumque in loculis, Iovianus etiam tum protector domesticus, cum regia prosequi pompa, Constantinopolim usque iussus est, prope necessitudines eius humandum.
16.21. And as he sat in the carriage that bore the remains, samples of the soldiers’ rations (“probae,” as they themselves call them) were presented to him, as they commonly are to emperors, and the public courier-horses were shown to him, and the people thronged about him in the customary manner. These and similar things foretold imperial power for the said Jovianus, but of an empty and shadowy kind, since he was merely the director of a funeral procession.
16.21. Eique vehiculo insidenti, quod portabat reliquias, ut principibus solet, annonae militaris offerebantur indicia (ut ipsi nominant “probae”) et animalia publica monstrabantur, et ex usu crebrescebant occursus, quae et alia horum similia eidem Ioviano loviano imperium quidem sed et cassum et umbratile (ut ministro rerum funebrium) portendebant.