1.1. While Fortune’s mutable phases were causing these occurrences in a different part of the world, Julian in the midst of his many occupations in Illyricum was constantly prying into the entrails of victims and watching the flight of birds, in his eagerness to foreknow the result of events; but he was perplexed by ambiguous and obscure predictions and continued to be uncertain of the future.
1.1. Dum haec in diversa parte terrarum, Fortunae struunt volubiles casus, Iulianus inter multa, quae per Illyricum agitabat, exta rimabatur assidue, avesque suspiciens, praescire festinabat accidentium finem, sed responsis ambiguis et obscuris haerebat, futurorum incertus.
1.2. At length, however, Aprunculus, a Gallic orator skilled in soothsaying, afterwards advanced to be governor of Gallia Narbonensis, told him what would happen, having learned it (as he himself declared) from the inspection of a liver which he had seen covered with a double lobe. And although Julian feared that it might be a fiction conformable to his own desire, and was therefore troubled, he himself saw a much more evident sign which clearly foretold the death of Constantius. For at the very moment when that emperor died in Cilicia, a soldier who lifted Julian with his right hand to mount his horse slipped and fell to the ground; and Julian at once cried in the hearing of many: “The man has fallen who raised me to my high estate.”
1.2. Eique tandem aruspicinae peritus, Aprunculis Aprunculus Gallus orator, promotus rector postea Narbonensis, nuntiavit eventus, inspectu iecoris (ut aiebat ipse) praedoctus, quod operimento duplici viderat tectum. Cumque ille timeret, ne cupiditati suae congruentia fingerentur, eratque ideo maestus, omen multo praesentius ipse conspexit, quod excessum Constantii dare monstrabat. Eodem enim puncto quo idem obierat in Cilicia, lapso milite qui se insessurum equo dextra manu erexit, humique prostrate, exclamavit ilico audientibus multis, cecidisse qui eum ad culmen extulerat celsum.
1.3. But although he knew that these were favourable signs, yet as if standing fast upon his guard he remained within the confines of Dacia, and even so was troubled with many fears. For he did not deem it prudent to trust the predictions which might perhaps be fulfilled by contraries.
1.3. Et quamquam haec laetifica sciret, velut fixa tamen firmitate consistens, intra terminos Daciae se continebat, sic quoque plurima pertimescens. Nec enim cautum ducebat, coniecturis credere forsitan in contrarium erupturis.
2.1. Amid this state of suspense the envoys Theolaifus and Aligildus, who had been sent to him, suddenly appeared and reported the death of Constantius, adding that with his last words he had made Julian the successor to his power.
2.1. Inter quae tam suspensa advenere subito missi ad eum legati Theolaifus atque Aligildus, defunctum Constantium nuntiantes, addentesque quod eum voce suprema successorem suae fecerit potestatis.
2.2. On learning this, and being now saved from the fret of dangers and the throes of war’s anxieties, he was hugely elated. And now believing in the prophecies, and knowing by experience that speed had often been helpful to his enterprises, he ordered a march into Thrace, quickly broke camp, and passing the slope of Succi, made for Philippopolis, the ancient Eumolpias, followed with eager step by all who were under his command.
2.2. Qua re cognita post exemptos periculorum aestus et bellicarum sollicitudinum turbas, in immensum elatus, iamque vaticiniis credens, et celeritatem negotiis suis aliquotiens profuisse expertus, edixit iter in Thracias, motisque propere signis, emensa declivitate Succorum Philippopolim petit, Eumolpiada veterem, alacri gradu sequentibus quos duxerat cunctis.
2.3. For they perceived that the throne, which they were on their way to usurp in the face of the greatest dangers, had beyond their hope been granted to him by the ordinary course of law. And as rumour is wont to exaggerate all novelties, he hastened on from there, now raised still higher, as though in some chariot of Triptolemus, which the poets of old, because of its swift turnings, represented as drawn through the air by winged dragons; and dreaded by land and sea and opposed by no delays, he entered Heraclea, also called Perinthus.
2.3. Advertebant enim imperium, quod ereptum ibant cum ultimorum metu discriminum, praeter spem ordinario iure concessum. Utque solet fama novitates augere, properabat exinde sublimior, uti quodam Triptolemi curru, quem ob rapidos circumgressus, aeriis serpentibus et pinnigeris fabulosa vetustas imponit: perque terras et maria formidatus, nullis obstantibus moris, Heracleam ingressus est Perinthum.
2.4. When this was presently known at Constantinople, all ages and sexes poured forth, as if to look upon someone sent down from heaven. And so he was met on the eleventh of December with the respectful attendance of the senate and the unanimous applause of the people, and surrounded by troups of soldiers and citizens he was escorted as if by an army in line of battle, while all eyes were turned upon him, not only with a fixed gaze, but also with great admiration.
2.4. Quo apud Constantinopolim mox comperto, effundebatur aetas omnis et sexus, tamquam demissum aliquem visura de caelo. Exceptus igitur tertium Iduum Decembrium verecundis senatus officiis, et popularium consonis plausibus, stipatusque armatorum et togatorum agminibus, velut acie ducebatur instructa, omnium oculis in eum non modo contuitu destinato, sed cum admiratione magna defixis.
2.5. For it seemed almost like a dream that this young man, just come to his growth, of small stature but conspicuous for great deeds, after the bloodstained destruction of kings and nations had passed from city to city with unlooked-for speed; that increasing in power and strength wherever he went, he had easily seized upon all places as swiftly as rumour flies, and finally had received the imperial power, bestowed upon him by Heaven’s nod without any loss to the state.
2.5. Somnio enim propius videbatur adultum adhuc iuvenem, exiguo corpore, factis praestantem ingentibus, post cruentos exitus regum et gentium, ab urbe in urbem inopina velocitate transgressum, quaqua incederet accessione opum et virium, famae instar cuncta facilius occupasse, principatum denique deferente nutu caelesti, absque ulla publicae rei suscepisse iactura.
3.1. Shortly after this Salutius Secundus was raised to the rank of praetorian prefect, and given, as a trustworthy official, the chief oversight of the inquisitions that were to be set on foot; and with him were associated Mamertinus, Arbitio, Agilo, and Nevitta, and also Jovinus, lately advanced to be commander of the cavalry in Illyricum.
3.1. Brevi deinde Secundo Salutio, promoto praefecto praetorio, summam quaestionum agitandarum ut fido commisit: Mamertino et Arbitione et Agilone atque Nevitta adiunctis, itidemque Iovino magistro equitum per Illyricum recens provecto.
3.2. These crossed all to Chalcedon, and in the presence of the generals and tribunes of the Joviani and the Herculiani examined the cases with more passion than was just and right, with the exception of a few, in which the evidence showed that the accused were most guilty.
3.2. Qui omnes transgressi Chalcedona, praesentibus Iovianorum Herculianorumque principiis et tribunis, causas vehementius aequo bonoque spectaverunt, praeter paucas ubi veritas reos nocentissimos offerebat.
3.3. At first they banished to Britain Palladius, formerly chief marshal of the court, who was brought before them merely on the suspicion of having made certain charges to Constantius against Gallus, when he held the same office under the said Gallus, who was at the time Caesar.
3.3. Et Palladium primum ex magistro officiorum in Brittannos exterminarunt, suspicione tenus insimulatum, quaedam in Gallum composuisse apud Constantium, dum sub eodem Caesare officiorum esset magister.
3.4. Then Taurus, who had been praetorian prefect, was exiled to Vercellum, although before judges who could distinguish justice from injustice his action might have appeared deserving of pardon. For what sin did he commit, if in fear of a storm that had arisen he fled to the protection of his emperor? And the decisions that were passed upon him were read not without great horror in the public protocol, which contained this beginning: “In the consulate of Taurus and Florentius, when Taurus was summoned to court by the criers.”
3.4. Dein Taurum ex praefecto praetorio in exilium egere Vercellum, cuius factum apud iudices iustorum iniustorumque distinctores, videri potuit veniae dignum. Quid enim deliquit, si ortum turbinem veritus, ad tutelam principis sui confugit? Et acta super eo gesta non sine magno legebantur horrore, cum id voluminis publici contineret exordium: “Consulatu Tauri et Florenti, inducto sub praeconibus Tauro.”
3.5. Pentadius also was threatened with the same fate, against whom the charge was made, that, being sent by Constantius he took down in shorthand the answers that Gallus had made to the many questions put to him when his ruin was approaching. But since he justified himself, he finally got off unpunished.
3.5. Ad exitium itidem tale Pentadius trahebatur, cui id obiectum est, quod a Constantio missus, notis excepit, quae propinquante pernicie, super multis interrogatus, responderat Gallus. Sed cum se iuste defenderet, tandem abiit innoxius.
3.6. With like injustice Florentius (son of Nigrinianus), then chief marshal of the court, was imprisoned in the Dalmatian island of Boae. For a second Florentius, a former praetorian prefect and consul at the time, being alarmed by the sudden change in the state, saved himself from danger with his wife, lay hid for a long time, and could not return until after the death of Julian; yet he was condemned to death in his absence.
3.6. Iniquitate simili Florentius tunc tune magister officiorum (Nigriniani filius) contrusus est in insulam Delmatiam Delmatiae Boas. Alter enim Florentius, ex praefecto praetorio consul etiamtum, rerum mutatione subita territus, cum coniuge periculis exemptus, diu delituit, nec redire ante mortem potuit Iuliani, capitis crimine tamen damnatus est absens.
3.7. In like manner Euagrius, count of the privy purse, and Saturninus, former steward of the Household, and Cyrinus, a former secretary, were all exiled. But for the death of Ursulus, count of the sacred largesses, Justice herself seems to me to have wept, and to have accused the emperor of ingratitude. For when Julian was sent as Caesar to the western regions, to be treated with extreme niggardliness, being granted no power of making any donative to the soldiers to the end that he might be exposed to more serious mutinies of the army, this very Ursulus wrote to the man in charge of the Gallic treasury, ordering that whatever the Caesar asked for should be given him without hesitation.
3.7. Pari sorte Euagrius comes rei privatae, et Saturninus ex cura palatii, et Cyrinus ex notario, portati sunt in exilium. Ursuli vero necem largitionum comitis ipsa mihi videtur flesse Iustitia, imperatorem arguens ut ingratum. Cum enim Caesar in partes mitteretur occiduas, omni tenacitate stringendus, nullaque potestate militi quicquam donandi delata, ut pateret ad motus asperiores exercitus, hic idem Ursulus datis litteris ad eum qui Gallicanos tuebatur thesauros, quicquid posceret Caesar, procul dubio iusserat dari.
3.8. After Ursulus’ death Julian found himself the object of the reproaches and curses of many men, and thinking that he could excuse himself for the unpardonable crime, he declared that the man had been put to death without his knowledge, alleging that his taking off was due to the anger of the soldiers, who remembered his words (which we have reported before ) when he saw the ruins of Amida.
3.8. Quo exstincto cum maledictis execrationibusque multorum se Iulianus sentiret expositum, impurgabile crimen excusari posse existimans, absque conscientia sua hominem affirmabat occisum, praetendens quod eum militaris ira delevit, memor quae dixerat (ut ante rettulimus), cum Amidam vidisset excisam.
3.9. From this it was clear that Julian was timorous, or that he did not know what was fitting, when he put Arbitio, who was always untrustworthy and excessively haughty, in charge of these inquisitions, while the others, including the officers of the legions, were present merely for show; for Arbitio was a man whom he knew above all others to be a threat to his own safety, as was to be expected of one who had taken a valiant part in the victories of the civil wars.
3.9. Ideoque timidus videbatur, vel parum intellegens quid conveniret, cum Arbitionem semper ambiguum et praetumidum his quaestionibus praefecisset, aliis specie tenus cum principiis legionum praesentibus, quem primum omnium saluti suae norat obiectum, ut decuit victoriarum civilium participem fortem.
3.10. But, although these acts which I have mentioned displeased even Julian’s supporters, yet those which follow were executed with proper vigour and severity.
3.10. Et quamquam haec quae retulimus, eius displicuere fautoribus, sequentia tamen severitatis recto vigore sunt gesta.
3.11. For Apodemius, of the imperial secret service, who, as we have said, showed unbridled eagerness for the death of Silvanus and Gallus, was burned alive, as well as Paulus the notary, surnamed Catena, a man to be mentioned by many with groans, who thus met the fate which was to have been hoped for.
3.11. Apodemium enim ex agente in rebus, quem in Silvani necem et Galli, effrenatius arsisse docuimus, Paulumque notarium cognomento Catenam, cum multorum gemitu nominandum, vivos exustos, qui sperari debuit oppressit eventus.
3.12. Eusebius besides, who had been made Constantius’ grand chamberlain, a man full of pride and cruelty, was condemned to death by the judges. This man, who had been raised from the lowest station to a position which enabled him almost to give orders like those of the emperor himself, and in consequence had become intolerable, Adrastia, the judge of human acts, had plucked by the ear (as the saying is) and warned him to live with more restraint; and when he demurred, she threw him headlong, as if from a lofty cliff.
3.12. Eusebium super his, cui erat Constantiani thalami cura commissa, alte spirantem et dirum, addixere iudices poenae letali, quem ab ima sorte ad usque iubendum imperatoria paene elatum, ideoque intolerabilem, humanorum spectatrix Adrastia aurem (quod dicitur) vellens, monensque ut castigatius viveret, reluctantem, praecipitem tamquam e rupe quadam egit excelsa.
4.1. After this the emperor turned his attention to the palace attendants, and dismissed all who belonged to that class or could be included in it, but not like a philosopher claiming to research into truth.
4.1. Conversus post haec princeps ad palatinos, omnes omnino qui sunt quique esse possunt removit non ut philosophus veritatis indagandae professor.
4.2. For he might have been commended if he had at least retained some, few though they were, who were of modest behaviour or known to be of virtuous character. But it must be admitted that the major part of those creatures maintained a vast nursery of all the vices, to such a degree that they infected the state with evil passions, and rather by their example than by their license in wrong-doing injured many.
4.2. Laudari enim poterat, si saltem moderatos moderates quosdam licet paucos retinuisset, morumque probitate compertos. Namque fatendum est, pleramque eorum partem vitiorum omnium seminarium effusius aluisse, ita ut rem publicam infecerint cupiditatibus pravis, plusque exemplis, quam peccandi licentia, laederent multos.
4.3. For some of them, fattened on the robbery of temples and scenting out gain from every source, on being raised from abject poverty at one bound to enormous wealth, knew no limit to bribery, robbery, and extravagance, always accustomed as they were to seize the property of others.
4.3. Pasti enim ex his quidam templorum spoliis et lucra ex omni odorantes occasione, ab egestate infima ad saltum sublati divitiarum ingentium nec largiendi nec rapiendi nec absumendi tenuere aliquem modum, aliena invadere semper assuefacti.
4.4. Hence sprang the seeds of a dissolute life, perjury, and disregard for good name, and their mad pride stained their honour by shameful gains.
4.4. Unde fluxioris vitae initia pullularunt, et periuria, et nullus existimationis respectus, demensque superbia fidem suam probrosis quaestibus polluebat.
4.5. Meanwhile, gluttony and deep abysses of banquets grew apace, and the place of triumphs won in battle was taken by those gained at the table. The lavish use of silk and of the textile arts increased, and more anxious attention to the kitchen. Showy sites for richly adorned houses were eagerly sought, of such dimensions that if the consul Quinctius had owned as much in farmland, he would have lost the glory of his poverty even after his dictatorship.
4.5. Inter quae ingluvies et gurgites crevere praerupti conviviorum, et pro victorialibus epulares triumphi, ususque abundantes serici et textiles auctae sunt artes, et culinarum sollicitior cura, et ambitiosa ornatarum domorum exquisita sunt spatia, quorum mensuram si in agris consul Quinctius possedisset, amiserat etiam post dictaturam gloriam paupertatis.
4.6. To these conditions, shameful as they were, were added serious defects in military discipline. In place of the war-song the soldiers practised effeminate ditties; the warriors’ bed was not a stone (as in days of yore), but feathers and folding couches; their cups were now heavier than their swords (for they were ashamed to drink from earthenware); they even procured houses of marble, although it is written in the records of old that a Spartan soldier was severely punished because during a campaign he dared to be seen under a roof.
4.6. Quibus tam maculosis accessere flagitia disciplinae castrensis, cum miles cantilenas meditaretur, pro iubilo molliores: et non saxa (ut erant antehac) armato cubile, sed pluma et flexiles lectuli, et graviora gladiis pocula (testa enim bibere iam pudebat), quaerebantur et aedes marmoreae, cum scriptum sit antiquitatibus, Spartanum militem coercitum acriter, quod procinctus tempore ausus sit videri sub tecto.
4.7. Moreover, the soldiers of those times were so insolent and rapacious towards their countrymen, and so cowardly and weak in the presence of the enemy, that having acquired riches by patronage and idleness, they were adepts in distinguishing the varieties of gold and gems, contrary to the usage even of recent times.
4.7. Adeo autem ferox erat in suos illis temporibus miles et rapax, ignavus vero in hostes et fractus, ut per ambitiones otiumque opibus partis, auri et lapillorum varietates discerneret scientissime, contra quam recens memoria tradidit.
4.8. For it is well known that under Caesar Maximianus, when a fortified camp of the Persian king was pillaged, a common soldier after finding a Parthian jewel-box containing pearls, threw away the gems in ignorance of their value, and went his way, quite satisfied with the beauty of the leather alone.
4.8. Notum est enim sub Maximiano Caesare vallo regis Persarum direpto, gregarium quendam post sacculum Parthicum (in quo erant margaritae) repertum, proiectis imperitia gemmis, abisse, pellis nitore solo contentum.
4.9. It happened at that same time that a barber, who had been summoned to trim the emperor’s hair, appeared in splendid attire. On seeing him, Julian was amazed, and said: “I sent for a barber, not a fiscal agent.” However, he asked the man what his trade brought him in; to which the barber replied twenty daily allowances of bread, and the same amount of fodder for pack-animals (these they commonly call capita), as well as a heavy annual salary, not to mention many rich perquisites.
4.9. Evenerat eisdem diebus, ut ad demendum imperatoris capillum, tonsor venire praeceptus, introiret quidam ambitiose vestitus. Quo viso Iulianus obstipuit, et “Ego” inquit “non rationalem iussi, sed tonsorem acciri.” Interrogatus tamen ille quid haberet ex arte compendii, vicenas diurnas respondit annonas, totidemque pabula iumentorum, quae vulgo dictitant capita, et annuum stipendium grave, absque fructuosis petitionibus multis.
4.10. Incensed by this, Julian discharged all attendants of that kind (as being not at all necessary to him), as well as cooks and other similar servants, who were in the habit of receiving almost the same amount, giving them permission to go wherever they wished.
4.10. Unde motus omnes huius modi, cum cocis similibusque allis, eadem paene accipere consuetos (ut parum sibi necessarios) data quo velint eundi potestate, proiecit.
5.1. Although Julian from the earliest days of his childhood had been more inclined towards the worship of the pagan gods, and as he gradually grew up burned with longing to practise it, yet because of his many reasons for anxiety he observed certain of its rites with the greatest possible secrecy.
5.1. Et quamquam a rudimentis pueritiae primis, inclinatior erat erga numinum cultum, paulatimque adulescens, desiderio rei flagrabat, multa metuens tamen agitabat quaedam ad id pertinentia, quantum fieri poterat, occultissime.
5.2. But when his fears were ended, and he saw that the time had come when he could do as he wished, he revealed the secrets of his heart and by plain and formal decrees ordered the temples to be opened, victims brought to the altars, and the worship of the gods restored.
5.2. Ubi vero abolitis quae verebatur, adesse sibi liberum tempus faciendi quae vellet advertit, pectoris patefecit arcana, et planis absolutisque decretis, aperire templa arisque hostias admovere, et restituere deorum statuit cultum.
5.3. And in order to add to the effectiveness of these ordinances, he summoned to the palace the bishops of the Christians, who were of conflicting opinions, and the people, who were also at variance, and politely advised them to lay aside their differences, and each fearlessly and without opposition to observe his own beliefs.
5.3. Utque dispositorum roboraret effectum, dissidentes Christianorum antistites cum plebe discissa in palatium intromissos, monebat civilius, ut discordiis consopitis, quisque nullo vetante, religioni suae serviret intrepidus.
5.4. On this he took a firm stand, to the end that, as this freedom increased their dissension, he might afterwards have no fear of a united populace, knowing as he did from experience that no wild beasts are such enemies to mankind as are most of the Christians in their deadly hatred of one another. And he often used to say: “Hear me, to whom the Alamanni and the Franks have given ear,” thinking that in this he was imitating a saying of the earlier emperor Marcus. But he did not observe that the two cases were very different.
5.4. Quod agebat ideo obstinate, ut dissensiones augente licentia, non timeret unanimantem postea plebem, nullas infestas hominibus bestias, ut sunt sibi ferales plerique Christianorum expertus. Saepeque dictitabat: “Audite me quem Alamanni audierunt et Franci,” imitari putans Marci principis veteris dictum. Sed parum advertit, hoc ab eo nimium discrepare.
5.5. For Marcus, as he was passing through Palestine on his way to Egypt, being often disgusted with the malodorous and rebellious Jews, is reported to have cried: “O Marcomanni, O Quadi, O Sarmatians, at last I have found a people more unruly than you.”
5.5. Ille enim cum Palaestinam transiret, Aegyptum petens, Iudaeorum faetentium et tumultuantium saepe taedio percitus, dolenter dicitur exclamasse: “O Marcomanni, o Quadi, o Sarmatae, tandem alios vobis inquietiores inveni.”
6.1. At this same time, induced by sundry rumours, there came a number of Egyptians, a contentious race of men, by custom always delighting in intricate litigation, and especially eager for excessive indemnification if they had paid anything to a collector of debts, either for the purpose of being relieved of the debt, or at any rate, to bring in what was demanded of them more conveniently by postponing it; or eager to charge wealthy men with extortion and threaten them with court proceedings.
6.1. Per hoc idem tempus, rumoribus exciti variis, Aegyptii venere complures, genus hominum controversum et assuetudine perplexius litigandi semper laetissimum, maximeque avidum multiplicatum reposcere, si compulsori quicquam dederit, ut levari debito possit, vel certe commodius per dilationem inferre quae flagitantur, aut criminis vitandi formidine, divites pecuniarum repetundarum interrogare.
6.2. All these, crowding together and chattering like jays, unseasonably interrupted the emperor himself, as well as the praetorian prefects, demanding after almost seventy years moneys that they declared that they had paid, justly or otherwise, to many individuals.
6.2. Hi omnes densati denseti in unum, principem ipsum, et praefectos praetorio, graculorum more strepentes, interpellabant incondite, modo non ante septuagensimum annum extorquentes, quae dedisse se iure vel secus plurimis affirmabant.
6.3. And, since they prevented any other business from receiving attention, the emperor issued an edict, in which he bade them all go to Chalcedon; and he promised that he would himself also shortly come there, to settle all their claims.
6.3. Cumque nihil aliud agi permitterent, edicto proposito, universos iussit transire Chalcedona, pollicitus quod ipse quoque protinus veniet, cuncta eorum negotia finiturus.
6.4. After they had crossed, orders were given to the captains of ships going to or coming from that port not to dare to give an Egyptian passage; and since that order was strictly observed, this obstinate attempt at blackmail vanished, and they all returned to their homes, disappointed in the hopes that they had entertained.
6.4. Quibus transgressis, mandatum est navigiorum magistris, ultro citroque discurrentium, nequis transfretare auderet Aegyptium, hocque observato cura perpensiore, evanuit pertinax calumniandi propositum, et omnes spe praesumpta frustrati, redierunt ad lares.
6.5. Thereupon a law was passed, as if at the proposal of Justice herself, which provided that no advocate at court should be troubled about payments which it was recognised that he had justly received.
6.5. Unde velut aequitate ipsa dictante lex est promulgata, qua cavetur nullum interpellari suffragatorem, super his quae eum recte constiterit accepisse.
7.1. And so the first of January came, when the consular annals took on the names of Mamertinus and Nevitta; and the emperor showed himself especially condescending by going on foot to their inauguration in company with other high officials, an action which some commended but others criticised as affected and cheap.
7.1. Allapso itaque Calendarum Ianuariarum die cum Mamertini et Nevittae nomina suscepissent paginae consulares, humilior princeps visus est, in officio pedibus gradiendo cum honoratis, quod laudabant alii quidam ut affectatum et vile carpebant.
7.2. Then, when Mamertinus gave games in the Circus and the slaves that were to be manumitted were led in by the assistant master of ceremonies, the emperor himself, with too great haste, pronounced the usual formula, that it be done according to law; and on being reminded that the jurisdiction that day belonged to another, he fined himself ten pounds of gold, as guilty of an oversight.
7.2. Dein Mamertino ludos edente circenses, manu mittendis ex more inductis per admissionum proximum, ipse lege agi ocius dixerat, ut solebat, statimque admonitus iuris dictionem eo die ad alterum pertinere, ut errato obnoxium, decem libris auri semet ipse multavit.
7.3. Meanwhile, he came frequently into the senate house to give attention to various matters with which the many changes in the state burdened him. And when one day, as he was sitting in judgement there, and it was announced that the philosopher Maximus had come from Asia, he started up in an undignified manner, so far forgetting himself that he ran at full speed to a distance from the vestibule, and after having kissed the philosopher and received him with reverence, brought him back with him. This unseemly ostentation made him appear to be an excessive seeker for empty fame, and to have forgotten that splendid saying of Cicero’s, which narrates the following in criticising such folk:
7.3. Frequentabat inter haec curiam agendo diversa, quae divisiones multiplices ingerebant. Et cum die quodam ei causas ibi spectanti, venisse nuntiatus esset ex Asia philosophus Maximus, exsiluit indecore: et qui esset oblitus, effuso cursu a vestibulo longe progressus, exosculatum susceptumque reverenter, secum induxit per ostentationem intempestivam, nimius captator inanis gloriae visus, praeclarique illius dicti immemor Tulliani, quo tales notando ita relatum:
7.4. “Those very same philosophers inscribe their names on the very books which they write on despising glory, so that even when they express scorn of honour and fame, they wish to be praised and known by name.”
7.4. “Ipsi illi philosophi etiam in his libris, quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum inscribunt, ut in eo ipso, quo praedicationem nobilitatemque despiciunt, praedicari de se ac se nominari velint.”
7.5. Not long after this, two former members of the secret service who were among those who had been discharged approached the emperor confidently and promised to point out the hiding-place of Florentius on condition that their military rank be restored to them. But he rebuked them and called them informers, adding that it was not worthy of an emperor to be led by indirect information to bring back a man who had concealed himself through fear of death, and who perhaps would not be allowed to remain long in hiding without hope of pardon.
7.5. Haud multo deinceps, duo agentes in rebus, ex his qui proiecti sunt, eum adiere fidentius, promittentes latebras monstrare Florentii, si eis gradus militiae redderetur, quos incessens delatoresque appellans addebat non esse imperatorium, obliquis flecti indiciis ad retrahendum hominem mortis metu absconditum, qui forte non diu latitare citra spem veniae permitteretur.
7.6. Present at all these events was Praetextatus, a senator of noble character and old-time dignity, whom Julian had chanced to find engaged in private business at Constantinople and on his own initiative had appointed governor of Achaia with proconsular authority.
7.6. Aderat his omnibus Praetextatus, praeclarae indolis gravitatisque priscae senator, ex negotio proprio forte repertus apud Constantinopolim, quem arbitrio suo Achaiae proconsulari praefecerat potestate.
7.7. But, although he was so diligently engaged in reforming civil abuses, he did not on that account neglect military affairs, but put in command of the soldiers men approved by long trial; nay more, he repaired all the cities throughout Thrace as well as the fortifications on the borders, and took particular pains that the troops posted along the banks of the Danube, who, as he heard, were meeting inroads of the savages with watchfulness and valour, should lack neither arms and clothing nor pay and supplies.
7.7. Nec tamen, cum corrigendis civilibus ita diligenter instaret, omisit castrensia, rectores militibus diu exploratos apponens, urbes quin etiam per Thracias omnes, cum munimentis reparans extimis, curansque sollicite, ne arma vel indumenta, aut stipendium vel alimenta deessent his quos per supercilia Histri dispersos disperses, excursibusque barbarorum oppositos agere vigilanter audiebat et fortiter.
7.8. While he was so arranging these matters, tolerating no slackness in action, his intimates tried to persuade him to attack the neighbouring Goths, who were often deceitful and treacherous; but he replied that he was looking for a better enemy; that for the Goths the Galatian traders were enough, by whom they were offered for sale everywhere without distinction of rank.
7.8. Quae cum ita divideret, nihil segnius agi permittens, suadentibus proximis, ut aggrederetur propinquos Gothos, saepe fallaces et perfidos, hostes quaerere se meliores aiebat: illis enim sufficere mercatores Galatas, per quos ubique sine condicionis discrimine venundantur.
7.9. While he was attending to these and similar affairs he gained a reputation among foreign nations for eminence in bravery, sobriety, and knowledge of military affairs, as well as of all noble qualities; and his fame gradually spread and filled the entire world.
7.9. Haec eum curantem et talia, commendabat externis nationibus fama, ut fortitudine, sobrietate, militaris rei scientia, virtutumque omnium incrementis excelsum, paulatimque progrediens, ambitum oppleverat mundi.
7.10. Then, since the fear of his coming extended widely over neighbouring and far distant nations, deputations hastened to him from all sides more speedily than usual: on one side, the peoples beyond the Tigris and the Armenians begged for peace; on another, the Indian nations as far as the Divi and the Serendivi vied with one another in sending their leading men with gifts ahead of time; on the south, the Moors offered their services to the Roman state; from the north and the desert regions, through which the Phasis flows to the sea, came embassies from the Bosporani and other hitherto unknown peoples, humbly asking that on payment of their annual tribute they might be allowed to live in peace within the bounds of their native lands.
7.10. Proinde timore eius adventus per finitimos longeque distantes latius explicato, legationes undique solito ocius concurrebant: hinc Transtigritanis pacem obsecrantibus et Armeniis, inde nationibus Indicis certatim cum donis optimates mittentibus ante tempus ab usque Divis et Serendivis, ab australi plaga ad famulandum rei Romanae semet offerentibus Mauris, ab aquilone et regionibus solis, per quas in mare Phasis accipitur, Bosporanis aliisque antehac ignotis legationes vehentibus supplices, ut annua complentes sollemnia, intra terrarum genitalium terminos otiose vivere sinerentur.
8.1. Now is a fitting time (I think), since the history of a great prince has opportunely brought us to these places, to give some account of the remote parts of Thrace, and of the topography of the Pontic sea, with clearness and accuracy, partly from my own observation and partly from reading.
8.1. Appositum est (ut existimo) tempus, ad has partes nos occasione magni principis devolutos, super Thraciarum extimis situque Pontici sinus, visa vel lecta quaedam perspicua fide monstrare.
8.2. Athos, that lofty mountain in Macedonia through which the Medic ships once passed, and Caphereus, the headland of Euboea where Nauplius, Looking eastward. father of Palamedes, wrecked the Argive fleet, although they face each other at a long distance apart, separate the Aegean and the Thessalian seas. The Aegean gradually grows larger, and on the right, where it is of wide extent, is rich in islands through the Sporades and Cyclades, so-called because they are all grouped about Delos, famous as the cradle of the gods. On the left, it washes Imbros and Tenedos, Lemnos and Thasos, and when the wind is strong, dashes violently upon Lesbos.
8.2. Athos in Macedonia mons ille praecelsus navibus quondam Medicis pervius, et Caphereus Euboicus scopulus, ubi Nauplius Palamedis pater classem collisit Argivam, licet longo spatio controversi a Thessalo mari distinguunt Aegaeum, quod paulatim fusius adulescens, dextra (qua late protenditur) per Sporadas est insulosum atque Cycladas, ideo sic appellatas quod omnes ambiunt Delon partu deorum insignem, laeva Imbrum et Tenedum circumluens et Lemnum et Thasum, quando perflatur, Lesbo illiditur violentius.
8.3. From there, with back-flowing current, it laves the temple of Apollo Sminthius, the Troad, and Ilium, famed for the death of heroes, and forms the bay of Melas, facing the west wind, at the entrance of which is seen Abdera, the home of Protagoras and Democritus, and the bloodstained dwelling of the Thracian Diomedes, and the vales through which the Hebrus flows into it, and Maronea and Aenos, a city which Aeneas began under unfavourable auspices, but presently abandoned it and hastened on to ancient Ausonia under the guidance of the gods.
8.3. Unde gurgitibus refluis Apollinis Sminthii templum et Troada perstringit et Ilium heroicis casibus claram, efficitque Melana sinum oppositum Zephyro, cuius apud principium Abdera visitur Protagorae domicilium et Democriti, cruentaeque Diomedis Thracii sedes et convalles, per quas Hebrus sibi miscetur, et Maronea et Aenus, qua diris auspiciis coepta moxque relicta ad Ausoniam veterem ductu numinum properavit Aeneas.
8.4. After this, the Aegean gradually grows narrower and flows as if by a kind of natural union into the Pontus; and joining with a part of this it takes the form of the Greek letter φ. Then it separates Hellespontus from the province of Rhodopa and flows past Cynossema, where Hecuba is supposed to be buried, and Coela, Sestos and Callipolis.3 On the opposite side it washes the tombs of Achilles and Ajax, and Dardanus and Abydus, from which Xerxes built a bridge and crossed the sea on foot; then Lampsacus, which the Persian king gave to Themistocles as a gift, and Parion, founded by Paris, the son of lasion.
8.4. Hinc gracilescens paulatim et velut naturali quodam commercio ruens in Pontum eiusque partem ad se iungens, in speciem Φ litterae Graecae formatur, exin Hellespontum a Rhodopa scindens, Cynossema (ubi sepulta creditur Hecuba) et Coelan praeterlabitur et Seston et Callipolin. Contra per Achillis Aiacisque sepulchra, Dardanum contingit et Abydon, unde iunctis pontibus Xerxes maria pedibus peragravit, dein Lampsacum Themistocli dono datam a rege Persarum, et Parion quam condidit Iasionis filius Paris.
8.5. Then swelling on both sides into the form of a half-circle and giving a view of widely separated lands, it laves with the spreading waters of the Propontis, on the eastern side Cyzicus and Dindyma, where there is a sacred shrine of the Great Mother, and Apamia and Cius, where Hylas was pursued and carried off by the nymph, and Astacus, in a later age called after King Nicomedes. Where it turns to the westward it beats upon the Cherronesus and Aegospotami, where Anaxagoras predicted a rain of stones from heaven, and Lysimachia and the city which Hercules founded and dedicated to the name of his comrade Perinthus;
8.5. Unde semiorbe curvescens altrinsecus, lataque aperiens terrarum divortia, circumfluis spatiis Propontidos respergit ex eoo latere Cyzicum, et Dindyma (religiosa Matris Magnae delubra), et Apamiam Ciumque, ubi Hylam et Astacum secuto tempore Nicomediam a rege cognominatam, qua in occasum procedit Cherronesum pulsat et Aegospotamus, in quo loco lapides casuros ex caelo praedixit Anaxagoras, et Lysimachiam et civitatem, quam Hercules conditam Perinthi comitis sui memoriae dedicavit.
8.6. and in order to keep the form of the letter φ full and complete, in the very middle of the circle lies the oblong island of Proconesos, and Besbicus.
8.6. Et ut effecte pleneque Φ litterae figura servetur, in meditullio ipso rotunditatis Proconesus insula est oblonga et Besbicus.
8.7. After reaching the extreme end of this part, it again contracts into a narrow strait, and flowing between Europe and Bithynia, passes by Chalcedon, Chrysopolis, and some obscure stations.
8.7. Post cuius summitatem in angustias rursus extenuatum Europam et Bithyniam intercurrens, per Chalcedona et Chrysopolim et stationes transit obscuras.
8.8. Its left bank, however, is looked down upon by the port of Athyras and Selymbria, and Constantinople, the ancient Byzantium, a colony of the Athenians, and the promontory Ceras, which bears a tower built high and giving light to ships; therefore a very cold wind which often blows from that quarter is called Ceratas.
8.8. Nam supercilia eius sinistra Athyras portus despectat et Selymbria et Constantinopolis, vetus Byzantium, Atticorum colonia, et promuntorium Ceras praelucentem navibus vehens constructam celsius turrim, quapropter Ceratas appellatur ventus inde suetus oriri praegelidus.
8.9. After being broken in this fashion and coming to an end through the mingling of the two seas, it now grows quieter and spreads out into the form of a flat of water extending in width and length as far as the eye can reach.
8.9. Hoc modo fractum et participatione maris utriusque finitum, iamque mitescens in aequoream panditur faciem, quantum potest cadere sub aspectum, late diffusum et longe.
8.10. The complete voyage around its shores, as one would encircle an island, is a distance of 23,000 stadia, as is asserted by Eratosthenes, Hecataeus, Ptolemy, and other very accurate investigators of such problems; and according to the testimony of all geographers it has the form of a drawn Scythian bow.
8.10. Omnis autem eius velut insularis circuitus litorea navigatio viginti tribus dimensa milibus stadiorum, ut Eratosthenes affirmat et Hecataeus et Ptolomaeus aliique huius modi cognitionum minutissimi scitatores, in speciem Scythici arcus nervo coagmentati geographiae totius assensione formatur.
8.11. And where the sun rises from the eastern ocean it comes to an end in the marshes of the Maeotis; where it inclines towards the west it is bounded by Roman provinces; where it looks up to the Bears it breeds men of varying languages and habits; on the southern side it slopes downward in a gentle curve.
8.11. Et qua sol oceano exsurgit eoo, paludibus clauditur Maeotidos: qua declinat in vesperum, Romanis provinciis terminatur: unde suspicit sidus arctoum, homines alit linguis et moribus dispares: latus eius austrinum molli devexitate subductum.
8.12. Over this vast space are scattered cities of the Greeks, all of which, with a few exceptions, were founded at varying periods by the Milesians, who were themselves colonists of the Athenians. The Milesians in much earlier times were established among other Ionians in Asia by Nileus, the son of that Codrus who (they say) sacrificed himself for his country in the Dorian war.
8.12. Per haec amplissima spatia oppida sunt dispersa Graecorum, quae cuncta aetatibus variis praeter pauca Atheniensium coloni condidere Milesii, inter Ionas alios in Asia per Nileum multo ante locati, Codri illius filium, qui se pro patria bello fertur Dorico devovisse.
8.13. Now the tips of the bow on both sides are represented by the two Bospori lying opposite to each other, the Thracian and the Cimmerian; and they are called Bospori, as the poets say, because the daughter of Inachus, when she was changed into a heifer, once crossed through them to the Ionian sea.
8.13. Extremitatis autem arcus utrumque tenus duo exprimunt Bospori, e regione sibi oppositi, Thracius et Cimmericus: hac causa Bospori vocitati, quod per eos quondam Inachi filia, mutata (ut poetae loquuntur) in bovem, ad mare Ionium permeavit.
8.14. The right-hand curve of the Thracian Bosporus begins with the shore of Bithynia, which the men of old called Mygdonia, containing the provinces of Thynia and Mariandena, and also the Bebrycians, who were delivered from the cruelty of Amycus through the valour of Pollux; and a remote station, a place where the menacing harpies fluttered about the seer Phineus and filled him with fear. Along these shores, which curve into extensive bays, the rivers Sangarius and Phyllis, Lycus and Rheba pour into the sea; opposite them are the dark Symplegades, twin rocks rising on all sides into precipitous cliffs, which were wont in ages past to rush together and dash their huge mass upon each other with awful crash, and then to recoil with a swift spring and return to what they had struck. If even a bird should fly between these swiftly separating and clashing rocks, no speed of wing could save it from being crushed to death.
8.14. Dextram igitur inflexionem Bospori Thracii excipit Bithyniae litus, quam veteres dixere Mygdoniam, in qua Thynia et Mariandena sunt regiones et Amyci saevitia Bebryces exempti virtute Pollucis, remotaque statio, in qua volitantes minaciter harpyias Phineus vates horrebat; per quae litora in sinus oblongos curvatus Sangarius et Phyllis et Lycus et Rhebas Rheba fluvii funduntur in maria, quibus controversae cyaneae sunt Symplegades, gemini scopuli in vertices undique porrecti deruptos, assueti priscis saeculis obviam sibi cum horrendo fragore collisis molibus ferri, cedentesque retrorsus acri assultu, ad ea reverti quae pulsarant. Per has saxorum dehiscentium concursantiumque crebritates si etiam ales intervolasset, nulla celeritate pinnarum eripi poterat quin interiret oppressa.
8.15. But these cliffs, ever since the Argo, first of all ships, hastening to Colchis to carry off the golden fleece, had passed between them unharmed, have stood motionless with their force assuaged and so united that no one of those who now look upon them would believe that they had ever been separated, were it not that all the songs of the poets of old agree about the story.
8.15. Hi scopuli cum eos Argo prima omnium navis Colchos as direptionem aurei properans velleris praeterisset innoxia, immobiles turbine circumfracto stetere concorporati, ut eos aliquando fuisse diremptos nulli nunc conspicantium credant, nisi super hoc congruerent omnes priscorum carminum cantus.
8.16. Beyond one part of Bithynia extend the provinces of Pontus and Paphlagonia, in which are the great cities of Heraclea, Sinope, Polemonion and Amisos, as well as Ties and Amastris, all owing their origin to the activity of the Greeks; also Cerasus, from which Lucullus brought the fruits so-named. There are also two islands, on which are situated the celebrated cities of Trapezus and Pityus.
8.16. Post Bithyniae partem provinciae Pontus et Paphlagonia protenduntur, in quibus Heraclea et Sinope et Polemonion, et Amisos amplae sunt civitates, et Tios et Amastris, omnes ab auspicio diligentia fundatae Graecorum, et Cerasus, unde advexit huius nominis poma Lucullus, insulaeque duae, et Trapezunta et Pityunta continentis oppida non obscura.
8.17. Beyond these places is the Acherusian cave, which the natives call Mychopontion, and the port of Acone, besides the rivers Acheron (also called the Arcadius), Iris, Thybris, and hard by, the Parthenius, all of which flow with swift course into the sea. The next river to these is the Thermodon, flowing from Mount Armonius and gliding through the Themiscyraean groves, to which the Amazons were forced to migrate in days of yore for the following reason.
8.17. Ultra haec loca Acherusium specus est, quod accolae Μυχοπόντιον appellant, et portus Acone, fluviique Acheron, idemque Arcadius, et Iris et Tibris Thybris et iuxta Parthenius, omnes in mare ictu rapido decurrentes. Thermodon his amnis est proximus ab Armonio defluens monte, et Themiscyraeos interlabens lucos ad quos Amazonas quondam migrare necessitas subegerat talis.
8.18. The Amazons of old, after having by constant losses worn out their neighbours, and devastated them by bloody raids, had higher aspirations; and considering their strength and feeling that it was too great merely for frequent attacks upon their neighbours, being carried away besides by the headstrong heat of covetousness, they broke through many nations and made war upon the Athenians. But after a bitter contest they were scattered in all directions, and since the flanks of their cavalry were left unprotected, they all perished.
8.18. Attritis damnorum assiduitate finitimis, Amazones veteres, quae eos cruentis populabantur incursibus, altiora spirabant, viresque suas circumspectantes his, quae propinqua saepius appetebant, validiores, raptae praecipiti cupiditatis ardore, perruptis nationibus plurimis, manus Atheniensibus intulerunt, acrique concertatione effuse disiectae, omnes nudatis equitatus sui lateribus, corruere.
8.19. Upon the news of their destruction the remainder, who had been left at home as unfit for war, suffered extreme hardship; and in order to avoid the deadly attacks of their neighbours, who paid them like for like, they moved to a quieter abode on the Thermodon. Thereafter their descendants, who had greatly increased, returned, thanks to their numerous offspring, with a very powerful force, and in later times were a cause of terror to peoples of divers nationalities.
8.19. Harum interitu cognito, residuae ut imbelles domi relictae, extrema perpessae, et vicinitatis repensantis similia, funestos impetus declinantes, ad pacatiorem sedem transiere Thermodontis, quarum progenies longe deinde propagata, per numerosam subolem manu firmissima ad loca reverterat genitalia, secuto tempore populis diversarum originum formidabilis.
8.20. Not far from there the hill called Carambis lifts itself with gentle slope, rising towards the Great Bear of the north, and opposite this, at a distance of 2500 stadia, is Criumetopon, a promontory of Taurica. From this point the whole seacoast, beginning at the river Halys, as if drawn in a straight line, has the form of the string joined to the two tips of the bow.
8.20. Haut procul inde attollitur attolitur Carambis, placide collis contra septentrionem Helicen exsurgens, cuius e regione est Criumetopon, Tauricae Taurices promuntorium, duobus milibus et quingentis stadiis disparatum. Hocque ex loco omnis ora maritima, cuius initium Halys est amnis, velut longitudine lineali directa nervi efficit speciem, duabus arcus summitatibus complicati.
8.21. Bordering on these regions are the Dahae, the fiercest of all warriors, and the Chalybes, by whom iron was first mined and worked. Beyond these are open plains, inhabited by the Byzares, Sapires, Tibareni, Mossynoeci, Macrones and Philyres, peoples not known to us through any intercourse.
8.21. His regionibus Dahae confines sunt, acerrimi omnium bellatores, et Chalybes, per quos erutum et domitum est primitus ferrum. Post quos terras patentes Byzares obtinent et Sapires et Tibareni et Mossynoeci et Macrones et Philyres, populi nulla nobis assuetudine cogniti.
8.22. A short distance from these are the tombs of famous men, in which are buried Sthenelus, Idmon, and Tiphys; the first of these was a companion of Hercules, mortally wounded in the war with the Amazons, the second the augur of the Argonauts, the third the careful steersman of that same craft.
8.22. A quibus brevi spatio distant virorum monumenta nobilium, in quibus Sthenelus est humatus et Idmon et Tiphys, primus Herculis socius, Amazonico bello letaliter vulneratus, alter augur Argonautarum, tertius eiusdem navis cautissimus rector.
8.23. After passing the places mentioned, one comes to the grotto of Aulion and the river Callichorus, which owes its name to the fact that Bacchus, when he had after three years vanquished the peoples of India, returned to those regions, and on the green and shady banks of that river renewed the former orgies and dances; some think that this kind of festival was also called trieterica.
8.23. Praetercursis partibus memoratis, Aulion antron est, et fluenta Callichori, ex facto cognominati, quod superatis post triennium Indicis nationibus, ad eos tractus Liber reversus, circa huius ripas viridis et opacas orgia pristina reparavit et choros: trieterica huius modi sacra quidam existimant appellari.
8.24. Beyond these territories are the populous districts of the Camaritae, and the Phasis in impetuous course borders on the Colchians, an ancient race of Egyptian origin. There, among other cities, is Phasis, which gets its name from the river, and Dioscurias, well known even to this day, said to have been founded by Amphitus and Cercius of Sparta, the charioteers of Castor and Pollux, and founders of the nation of the Heniochi.
8.24. Post haec confinia, Camaritarum pagi sunt celebres, et Phasis fremebundis cursibus Colchos attingit, Aegyptiorum antiquam subolem, ubi inter civitates alias Phasis est nomine fluvii dictitata, et Dioscurias nunc nune usque nota, cuius auctores Amphitus et Cercius Spartani traduntur, aurigae Castoris et Pollucis, quibus Heniochorum natio est instituta.