9.2. But by too great caution he had fallen into worse snares, as we shall show later, since his rivals patched up dangerous plots with Constantius, who was in other respects a moderate emperor, but cruel and implacable if anyone, however obscure, had whispered in his ear anything of that kind, and in cases of that nature unlike himself.
9.2. Sed cautela nimia in peiores haeserat plagas, ut narrabimus postea, aemulis consarcinantibus insidias graves apud Constantium, cetera medium principem, sed siquid auribus eius huius modi quivis infudisset ignotus, acerbum et implacabilem, et in hoc causarum titulo dissimilem sui.
9.3. Accordingly, on the day set for the fatal examinations the master of the horse took his seat, ostensibly as a judge, attended by others who had been told in advance what was to be done; and here and there shorthand writers were stationed who reported every question and every answer posthaste to Caesar; and by his cruel orders, instigated by the queen, who from time to time poked her face through a curtain, many were done to death without being allowed to clear themselves of the charges or to make any defence.
9.3. Proinde die funestis interrogationibus praestituto, imaginarius iudex equitum resedit magister, adhibitis allis, iam quae essent agenda praedoctis, et assistebant hinc inde notarii, quid quaesitum esset quidve responsum, cursim ad Caesarem perferentes; cuius imperio truci, stimulis reginae exsertantis ora subinde per aulaeum, nec diluere obiecta permissi nec defensi periere complures.
9.4. First of all, then, Epigonus and Eusebius were brought before them and ruined by the affinity of their names; for Montius, as I have said, at the very end of his life had accused certain tribunes of forges called by those names of having promised support to some imminent enterprise.
9.4. Primi igitur omnium statuuntur Epigonus et Eusebius, ob nominum gentilitatem oppressi. Praediximus enim Montium sub ipso vivendi termino his vocabulis appellatos, fabricarum culpasse tribunos, ut adminicula futurae molitioni pollicitos.
9.5. And Epigonus, for his part, was a philosopher only in his attire, as became evident; for when he had tried entreaties to no purpose, when his sides had been furrowed and he was threatened with death, by a shameful confession he declared that he was implicated in plans which never existed, whereas he had neither seen nor heard anything; he was wholly unacquainted with legal matters. Eusebius on the contrary, courageously denied the charges, and although he was put upon the rack, he remained firm in the same degree of constancy, crying out that it was the act of brigands and not of a court of justice.
9.5. Et Epigonus quidem amictu tenus philosophus, ut apparuit, prece frustra temptata, sulcatis lateribus, mortisque metu admoto, turpi confessione cogitatorum socium (quae nulla erant) fuisse firmavit, cum nec vidisset quicquam nec audisset, penitus expers forensium rerum; Eusebius vero obiecta fidentius negans, suspensus in eodem gradu constantiae stetit, latrocinium illud esse, non iudicium clamans.
9.6. And when, being acquainted with the law, he persistently called for his accuser and the usual formalities, Caesar, being informed of his demand and regarding his freedom of speech as arrogance, ordered that he be tortured as a reckless traducer. And when he had been so disembowelled that he had no parts left to torture, calling on Heaven for justice and smiling sardonically, he remained unshaken, with stout heart, neither deigning to accuse himself nor anyone else; and at last, without having admitted his guilt or been convicted, he was condemned to death along with his abject associate. And he was led off to execution unafraid, railing at the wickedness of the times and imitating the ancient stoic Zeno, who, after being tortured for a long time, to induce him to give false witness, tore his tongue from its roots and hurled it with its blood and spittle into the eyes of the king of Cyprus, who was putting him to the question.
9.6. Cumque pertinacius (ut legum gnarus) accusatorem flagitaret atque sollemnia, doctus id Caesar, libertatemque superbiam ratus, tamquam obtrectatorem audacem excarnificari praecepit, qui ita evisceratus ut cruciatibus membra deessent, implorans caelo iustitiam, torvum renidens, fundato pectore mansit immobilis, nec se incusare nec quemquam alium passus, et tandem nec confessus nec confutatus, cum abiecto abieoto consorte poenali est morte multatus. Et ducebatur intrepidus, temporum iniquitati insultans, imitatus Zenonem illum ilium veterem Stoicum, qui ut mentiretur quaedam laceratus diutius, avulsam sedibus linguam suam cum cruento sputamine, in oculos interrogantis Cyprii regis impegit.
9.7. After this, the matter of the royal robe was investigated, and when those who were employed in dyeing purple were tortured and had confessed to making a short sleeveless tunic to cover the chest, a man named Maras was brought in, a deacon, as the Christians call them. A letter of his was presented, written in Greek to the foreman of a weaving plant in Tyre, strongly urging him to speed up a piece of work; but what it was the letter did not say. But although finally Maras also was tortured within an inch of his life, he could not be forced to make any confession.
9.7. Post haec indumentum regale quaerebatur, et ministris fucandae purpurae tortis, confessisque pectoralem tuniculam sine manicis textam, Maras nomine quidam inductus est (ut appellant Christiani) diaconus; cuius prolatae litterae scriptae Graeco sermone, ad Tyrii textrini praepositum, celerari speciem perurgebant, quam autem non indicabant; denique etiam idem ad usque discrimen vitae vexatus, nihil fateri compulsus est.
9.8. So when many men of various conditions had been put to the question, some things were found to be doubtful and others were obviously unimportant. And after many had been put to death, the two Apollinares, father and son, were exiled; but when they had come to a place called Craterae, namely, a villa of theirs distant twenty-four miles from Antioch, their legs were broken, according to orders, and they were killed.
9.8. Quaestione igitur per multiplices dilatata fortunas, cum ambigerentur quaedam, non nulla levius actitata constaret, post multorum clades Apollinares ambo pater et filius, in exilium acti, cum ad locum Crateras nomine pervenissent, villam scilicet suam, quae ab Antiochia vicensimo et quarto disiungitur lapide, ut mandatum est, fractis cruribus occiduntur.
9.9. After their death Gallus, no whit less ferocious than before, like a lion that had tasted blood, tried many cases of the kind; but of all of these it is not worth while to give an account, for fear that I may exceed the limits which I have set myself, a thing which I certainly ought to avoid.
9.9. Post quorum necem nihilo lenius ferociens Gallus, ut leo cadaveribus pastus, multa huius modi scrutabatur. Quae singula narrare non refert, ne professionis modum (quod sane vitandum est) excedamus.
10.1. While the East was enduring this long tyranny, as soon as the warm season began, Constantius, being in his seventh consulship with Gallus in his second, set out from Arelate for Valentia, to make war upon the brothers Gundomadus and Valomarius, kings of the Alamanni, whose frequent raids were devastating that part of Gaul which adjoined their frontiers.
10.1. Haec dum oriens diu perferret, caeli reserato tepore, Constantius consulatu suo septies et Caesaris iterum, egressus Arelate Valentiam petit, in Gundomadum et Vadomarium fratres Alamannorum reges arma moturus, quorum crebris excursibus vastabantur confines limitibus terrae Gallorum.
10.2. And while he delayed there for a long time, waiting for supplies, the transport of which from Aquitania was hindered by spring rains of unusual frequency and by rivers in flood, Herculanus came there, one of his body-guard, the son of Hermogenes, formerly commander of the cavalry and, as we have before related, torn to pieces in a riot of the people at Constantinople. When this man gave a true account of what Gallus and his wife had done, the emperor, grieving over the past disasters and made anxious by fear of those to come, concealed the distress that he felt as long as he could.
10.2. Dumque ibi diu moratur, commeatus opperiens, quorum translationem ex Aquitania verni imbres solito crebriores prohibebant auctique torrentes, Herculanus advenit protector domesticus, Hermogenis ex magistro equitum filius, apud Constantinopolim (ut supra retulimus) popularium quondam turbela discerpti. Quo verissime referente quae Gallus egerat coniuxque, super praeteritis maerens, et futurorum timore suspensus, angorem animi quam diu potuit emendabat amendabat.
10.3. The soldiers, however, who in the meantime had been assembled at Châlon, began to rage with impatience at the delay, being the more incensed because they lacked even the necessities of life, since the usual supplies had not yet been brought.
10.3. Miles tamen interea omnis apud Cabillona Cabyllona collectus, morarum impatiens saeviebat, hoc irritatior, quod nec subsidia vivendi suppeterent, alimentis nondum ex usu translatis.
10.4. Therefore Rufinus, who was at that time praetorian prefect, was exposed to extreme danger; for he was forced to go in person before the troops, who were aroused both by the scarcity and by their natural savage temper, and besides were naturally inclined to be harsh and bitter towards men in civil positions, in order to pacify them and explain why the convoy of provisions was interrupted.
10.4. Unde Rufinus ea tempestate praefectus praetorio, ad discrimen trusus est ultimum. Ire enim ipse compellebatur ad militem, quem exagitabat inopia simul et feritas, et alioqui coalito more in ordinarias dignitates asperum semper et saevum, ut satisfaceret, atque monstraret, quam ob causam annonae convectio sit impedita.
10.5. This was a shrewd plan, cunningly devised with set purpose, in order that by a plot of that kind the uncle of Gallus might perish, for fear that so very powerful a man might whet the boldness of his nephew and encourage his dangerous designs. But great precautions were taken, and when the design was postponed, Eusebius, the grand chamberlain, was sent to Châlon taking gold with him; when this had been secretly distributed among the turbulent inciters of rebellion, the rage of the soldiers abated and the safety of the prefect was assured. Then an abundant supply of food arrived and the camp was moved on the appointed day.
10.5. Quod opera consulta cogitabatur astute, ut hoc insidiarum genere Galli periret avunculus, ne eum ut praepotens acueret in fiduciam, exitiosa coeptantem. Verum navata est opera diligens, hocque dilato, Eusebius praepositus cubiculi missus est Cabyllona, aurum secum perferens, quo per turbulentos seditionum concitores occultius distributo, et tumor consenuit militum, et salus est in tuto locata praefecti. Deinde cibo abunde perlato, castra die praedicto sunt mota.
10.6. And so, after surmounting many difficulties, over paths many of which were heaped high with snow, they came near to Rauracum on the banks of the river Rhine. There a great force of the Alamanni opposed them, and hurling weapons from all sides like hail, by their superior numbers prevented the Romans from making a bridge by joining boats together. And when that was obviously impossible, the emperor was consumed with anxious thought and in doubt what course to take.
10.6. Emensis itaque difficultatibus multis, et nive obrutis callibus plurimis, ubi prope Rauracum ventum est ad supercilia fluminis Rheni, resistente multitudine Alamanna, pontem suspendere navium compage Romani vi nimia vetabantur, ritu grandinis undique convolantibus telis; et cum id impossibile videretur, imperator cogitationibus magnis attonitus, quid capesseret ambigebat.
10.7. But lo! a guide acquainted with the region unexpectedly appeared, and, in return for money, pointed out by night a place abounding in shallows, where the river could be crossed. And there the army might have been led over, while the enemy’s attention was turned elsewhere, and devastated the whole country without opposition, had not a few men of that same race, who held military positions of high rank, informed their countrymen of the design by secret messengers, as some thought.
10.7. Ecce autem ex inproviso improvise index quidam regionum gnarus advenit, et mercede accepta, vadosum locum nocte monstravit, unde superari potuit flumen. Et potuisset aliorsum intentis hostibus exercitus inde transgressus, nullo id opinante, cuncta vastare, ni pauci ex eadem gente, quibus erat honoratioris militis cura commissa, populares suos haec per nuntios docuissent occultos, ut quidam existimabant.
10.8. Now the shame of that suspicion fell upon Latinus, count in command of the bodyguard, Agilo, tribune in charge of the stable, and Scudilo, commander of the targeteers, who were then highly regarded as having in their hands the defence of the state.
10.8. Infamabat autem haec suspicio Latinum domesticorum comitem et Agilonem tribunum stabuli atque Scudilonem scutariorum rectorem, qui tunc, ut dextris suis gestantes rem publicam, colebantur colebanyur.
10.9. But the savages, taking such counsel as the immediate circumstances demanded, since the obstinacy which inspired a bold resistance was diminished perhaps because the auspices were unfavourable or because the authority of the sacrifices forbade an engagement, sent their chiefs to sue for peace and pardon for their offences.
10.9. At barbari suscepto pro instantium rerum ratione consilio, dirimentibus forte auspicibus, vel congredi prohibente auctoritate sacrorum, mollito rigore, quo fidentius resistebant, optimates misere, delictorum veniam petituros et pacem.
10.10. Therefore the envoys of both kings were detained and the matter was discussed for a long time in secret; and since there was general agreement in the opinion that peace which was asked for on reasonable conditions ought to be granted, and that it would be expedient to do so under the present circumstances, the emperor summoned an assembly of the army, intending to say a few words appropriate to the occasion; and taking his place upon a tribunal, surrounded by a staff of high officials, he spoke after this fashion:
10.10. Tentis igitur regis utriusque legatis, et negotio tectius diu pensato penato, cum pacem oportere tribui quae iustis condicionibus petebatur, eamque ex re fore sententiarum via concinens approbasset, advocato in contionem exercitu, imperator pro tempore pauca dicturus, tribunali adsistens, circumdatus potestatum coetu celsarum, ad hunc disseruit modum:
10.11. “Let no one, I pray, be surprised, if after going through the toil of long marches and getting together great quantities of supplies, I now, when approaching the abode of the savages, with my confidence in you leading the way, as if by a sudden change of plan have turned to milder designs.”
10.11. “Nemo (quaeso) miretur, si post exsudatos labores itinerum longos, congestosque adfatim commeatus, fiducia vestri ductante, barbaricos pagos adventans, velut mutato repente consilio, ad placidiora deverti.”
10.12. “For each one of you, according to his rank and judgment, upon consideration will find it to be true, that the soldier in all instances, however strong and vigorous of body, regards and defends only himself and his own life. The commander, on the other hand, has manifold duties, since he aims at fairness to all; and being the guardian of others’ safety, he realises that the interests of the people look to him wholly for protection and that therefore he ought eagerly to seize upon all remedies which the condition of affairs allows, as though offered to him by the favour of Heaven.”
10.12. “Pro suo enim loco et animo, quisque vestrum reputans id inveniet verum, quod miles ubique, licet membris vigentibus firmus firmins, se solum vitamque propriam circumspicit et defendit, imperator vero officiorum, dum aequis omnibus consulit, plenus, alienae custos salutis, nihil non ad sui spectare tutelam rationes populorum cognoscit, et remedia cuncta quae status negotiorum admittit, arripere debet alacriter, secunda numinis voluntate delata.”
10.13. “To put the matter, then, in a few words, and to explain why I have wished you all to be present here together, my loyal fellow-soldiers, receive with favourable ears what I shall briefly set forth; for perfect truth is always simple.”
10.13. “Ut in breve igitur conferam et ostendam qua ex causa omnes vos simul adesse volui, commilitones mei fidissimi, accipite aequis auribus quae succinctius explicabo. Veritatis enim absolutio semper est simplex.”
10.14. “The kings and peoples of the Alamanni, in dread of the rising progress of your glory, which fame, growing greatly, has spread abroad even among the dwellers in far off lands, through the envoys whom you see with bowed heads ask for peace and indulgence for past offences. This I, being cautious, prudent, and an advisor of what is expedient, think ought to be granted them (if I have your consent), for many reasons. First, to avoid the doubtful issue of war; then, that we may gain friends in place of enemies, as they promise; again, that without bloodshed we may tame their haughty fierceness, which is often destructive to the provinces; finally, bearing in mind this thought, that not only is the enemy vanquished who falls in battle, borne down by weight of arms and strength, but much more safely he who, while the trumpet is silent, of his own accord passes under the yoke and learns by experience that Romans lack neither courage against rebels nor mildness towards suppliants.”
10.14. “Arduos vestrae gloriae gradus, quos fama per plagarum quoque accolas extimarum diffundit, excellenter accrescens, Alamannorum reges et populi formidantes, per oratores quos videtis, summissis cervicibus, concessionem praeteritorum poscunt et pacem. Quam ut cunctator et cautus, utiliumque monitor, (si vestra voluntas adest) tribui debere censeo multa contemplans. Primo ut Martis ambigua declinentur, dein ut auxiliatores pro adversariis adsciscamus, quod pollicentur, tum autem ut incruenti mitigemus ferociae flatus, perniciosos saepe provinciis, postremo id reputantes, quod non ille hostis vincitur solus, qui cadit in acie, pondere armorum oppressus et virium, sed multo tutius etiam tuba tacente, sub iugum mittitur voluntarius, qui sentit expertus, nec fortitudinem in rebelles nec lenitatem in supplices animos abesse Romanis.”
10.15. “In short, I await your decision as arbiters, as it were, being myself convinced as a peace-loving prince, that it is best temperately to show moderation while prosperity is with us. For, believe me, such righteous conduct will be attributed, not to lack of spirit, but to discretion and humanity.”
10.15. “In summa tanquam arbitros vos quid suadetis opperior, ut princeps tranquillus, temperanter adhibere modum adlapsa felicitate decernens. Non enim inertiae sed modestiae humanitatique (mihi credite) hoc quod recte consultum est adsignabitur.”
10.16. No sooner had he finished speaking than the whole throng, fully in agreement with the emperor’s wish, praised his purpose and unanimously voted for peace. They were influenced especially by the conviction, which they had formed from frequent campaigns, that his fortune watched over him only in civil troubles, but that when foreign wars were undertaken, they had often ended disastrously. After this a treaty was struck in accordance with the rites of the Alamanni, and when the ceremony had been concluded, the emperor withdrew to Mediolanum for his winter quarters.
10.16. Mox dicta finierat, multitudo multitude omnis ad quae imperator voluit promptior, laudato consilio, consensit in pacem, ea ratione maxime percita, quod norat expeditionibus crebris fortunam eius in malis tantum civilibus vigilasse; cum autem bella moverentur externa, accidisse plerumque luctuosa. Icto post haec foedere gentium ritu, perfectaque sollemnitate, imperator Mediolanum ad hiberna discessit.
11.1. There having laid aside the burden of other cares, Constantius began to consider, as his most difficult knot and stumbling-block, how to uproot the Caesar by a mighty effort. And as he deliberated with his closest friends, in secret conferences and by night, by what force or by what devices that might be done before the Caesar’s assurance should be more obstinately set upon throwing everything into disorder, it seemed best that Gallus should be summoned by courteous letters, under pretence of very urgent public business, to the end that, being deprived of support, he might be put to death without hindrance.
11.1. Ubi curarum abiectis ponderibus aliis, tamquam nodum et codicem obicem difficillimum, Caesarem convellere nisu valido cogitabat; eique deliberanti cum proximis, clandestinis colloquiis et nocturnis, qua vi quibusve commentis id fieret, antequam effundendis rebus pertinacius incumberet confidentia, acciri mollioribus scriptis, per simulationem tractatus publici nimis urgentis, eundem placuerat Gallum, ut auxilio destitutus, sine ullo interiret obstaculo obstaiculo.
11.2. But this view was opposed by the groups of fickle flatterers, among whom was Arbitio, a man keen and eager in plotting treachery, and Eusebius, at that time grand chamberlain, who was sufficiently inclined to mischief, and it occurred to them to say that, if Caesar left the East, it would be dangerous to leave Ursicinus there, since he would be likely to think of a loftier station, if there were on one to restrain him.
11.2. Huic sententiae versabilium adulatorum refragantibus globis, inter quos erat Arbetio Arbitio, ad insidiandum acer et flagrans, et Eusebius tunc tune praepositus cubiculi effusior ad nocendum, id occurrebat, Caesare discedente, Ursicinum in oriente perniciose relinquendum, si nullus esset qui prohiberet altiora meditaturum.
11.3. And this faction was supported by the other royal eunuchs, whose love of gain at that time was growing beyond mortal limits. These, while performing duties of an intimate nature, by secret whispers supplied fuel for false accusations. They overwhelmed that most gallant man with the weight of a grave suspicion, muttering that his sons, who were now grown up, were beginning to have imperial hopes, being popular because of their youth and their handsome persons and through their knowledge of many kinds of weapons, and bodily activity gained amidst daily army exercises, besides being known to be of sound judgment; that Gallus, while naturally savage, had been incited to deeds of cruelty by persons attached to his person, to the end that, when he had incurred the merited detestation of all classes, the emblems of empire might be transferred to the children of the master of the horse.
11.3. Eisdemque residui regii accessere spadones, quorum ea tempestate plus habendi cupiditas ultra mortalem modum adolescebat, inter ministeria vitae secretioris per arcanos susurros nutrimenta fictis criminibus subserentes; qui ponderibus invidiae gravioris virum fortissimum opprimebant, subolescere imperio adultos eius filios mussitantes, decore corporum favorabiles et aetate, per multiplicem armaturae scientiam, agilitatenque membrorum, inter cotidiana proludia exercitus, consulto consilio cognitos: Gallum suopte ingenio trucem, per suppositos quosdam ad saeva facinora ideo animatum, ut eo digna omnium ordinum ordiinum detestatione exoso, ad magistri equitum liberos principatus insignia transferantur.
11.4. When these and similar charges were dinned into the emperor’s anxious ears, which were always attentive and open to such gossip, the turmoil of his mind suggesting many plans, he at last chose the following as the best. First, in the most complimentary terms he directed Ursicinus to come to him, under pretence that, because of the urgent condition of affairs at the time, they might consult together and decide what increase of forces was necessary in order to crush the attacks of the Parthian tribes, which were threatening war.
11.4. Cum haec taliaque sollicitas eius aures everberarent, expositas semper eius modi rumoribus et patentes, vario animi motu miscente consilia, tandem id ut optimum factu elegit: et Ursicinum primum ad se venire summo cum honore mandavit, ea specie ut pro rerum tune urgentium captu, disponeretur concordi consilio, quibus virium incrementis, Parthicarum gentium arma minantium impetus frangerentur.
11.5. And that Ursicinus might not suspect any unfriendly action, in case he should come, Count Prosper was sent to be his substitute until his return. So, when the letter was received and abundant transportation facilities were furnished, we hastened at full speed to Mediolanum.
11.5. Et nequid suspicaretur adversi venturus, vicarius eius (dum redit) Prosper missus est comes; acceptisque litteris, et copia rei vehiculariae data, Mediolanum itineribus properavimus magnis.
11.6. After this the next thing was to summon Caesar and induce him to make equal haste, and in order to remove suspicion, Constantius with many feigned endearments urged his sister, the Caesar’s wife, at last to satisfy his longing and visit him. And although she hesitated, through fear of her brother’s habitual cruelty, yet she set forth, hoping that, since he was her own brother, she might be able to pacify him. But after she had entered Bithynia, at the station called Caeni Gallicani, she was carried off by a sudden attack of fever. After her death the Caesar, considering that the support on which he thought he could rely had failed him, hesitated in anxious deliberation what to do.
11.6. Restabat ut Caesar post haec properaret accitus, et abstergendae causa suspicionis, sororem suam (eius uxorem) Constantius ad se tandem desideratam venire, multis fictisque blanditiis hortabatur. Quae licet ambigeret, metuens saepe cruentum, spe tamen quod eum lenire poterit ut germanum, profecta, cum Bithyniam introisset, in statione quae Caenos Gallicanos appellatur, absumpta est vi febrium repentina. Cuius post obitum maritus contemplans contenplans cecidisse fiduciam qua se fultum existimabat, anxia cogitatione quid moliretur haerebat.
11.7. For in the midst of his embarrassments and troubles his anxious mind dwelt on this one thought, that Constantius, who measured everything by the standard of his own opinion, was not one to accept any excuse or pardon mistakes; but, being especially inclined to the ruin of his kin, would secretly set a snare for him and punish him with death, if he caught him off his guard.
11.7. Inter res enim impeditas et turbidas, ad hoc unum mentem sollicitam dirigebat, quod Constantius cuncta ad suam sententiam conferens, nec satisfactionem suscipiet aliquam, nec erratis ignoscet, sed ut erat in propinquitatis perniciem inclinatior, laqueos ei latenter obtendens, si cepisset incautum, morte multaret.
11.8. But in such a critical situation and anticipating the worst if he were not on the watch, he secretly aimed at the highest rank, if any chance should offer; but for a twofold reason he feared treachery on the part of those nearest to his person, both because they stood in dread of him as cruel and untrustworthy, and because they feared the fortune of Constantius which in civil discords usually had the upper hand.
11.8. Eo necessitatis adductus, ultimaque ni vigilasset opperiens, principem locum, si copia patuisset, clam affectabat, sed perfidiam proximorum ratione bifaria verebatur, qui eum ut truculentum horrebant et levem, quique altiorem Constantii fortunam in discordiis civilibus formidabant.
11.9. Amid this huge mass of anxieties he received constant letters from the emperor, admonishing and begging him to come to him and covertly hinting that the commonwealth could not be divided and ought not to be, but that each ought to the extent of his powers to lend it aid when it was tottering, doubtless referring to the devastation of Gaul.
11.9. Inter has curarum moles immensas, imperatoris scripta suscipiebat assidua, monentis orantisque ut ad se veniret, et mente monstrantis obliqua, rem publicam nec posse dividi nec debere, sed pro viribus quemque ei ferre suppetias fluctuanti, nimirum Galliarum indicans vastitatem.
11.10. To this he added an example of not so very great antiquity, that Diocletian and his colleague were obeyed by their Caesars as by attendants, who did not remain in one place but hastened about hither and thither, and that in Syria Galerius, clad in purple, walked for nearly a mile before the chariot of his Augustus when the latter was angry with him.
11.10. Quibus subserebat non adeo vetus exemplum, quod Diocletiano et eius collegae, ut apparitores Caesares non resides sed ultro citroque discurrentes, obtemperabant, et in Syria Augusti vehiculum irascentis, per spatium mille passuum fere pedes antegressus est Galerius purpuratus.
11.11. After many other messengers came Scudilo, tribune of the targeteers, a skilled artist in persuasion, under the cloak of a somewhat rough nature. He alone of all, by means of flattering words mingled with false oaths, succeeded in persuading Gallus to set out, constantly repeating with hypocritical expression that his cousin would ardently wish to see him, that being a mild and merciful prince he would overlook anything that was done through inadvertence; that he would make him a sharer in his rank, to be a partner also in the labours which the northern provinces, for a long time wearied, demanded.
11.11. Advenit post multos Scudilo scutariorum tribunus, velamento subagrestis ingenii, persuasionis opifex callidus. Qui eum adulabili sermone periuriis admixto, solus omnium proficisci pellexit, vultu assimulato saepius replicando, quod flagrantibus votis eum videre frater cuperet patruelis, siquid per imprudentiam gestum est, remissurus, ut mitis et clemens, participemque eum suae maiestatis assciscet, futurum laborum quoque socium, quos Arctoae provinciae diu fessae poscebant.
11.12. And since, when the fates lay hands upon men, their senses are apt to be dulled and blunted, Gallus was roused by these blandishments to the hope of a better destiny, and leaving Antioch under the lead of an unpropitious power, he proceeded to go straight from the smoke into the fire, as the old proverb has it; and entering Constantinople as if in the height of prosperity and security, he exhibited horse-races and crowned Thorax the charioteer as victor.
11.12. Utque solent manum iniectantibus fatis, hebetari sensus hominum et obtundi, his illecebris ad meliorum expectationem erectus, egressusque Antiochia numine laevo ductante, prorsus ire tendebat de fumo, ut proverbium loquitur vetus, ad flammam; et ingressus Constantinopolim, tamquam in rebus prosperis et securis, editis equestribus ludis, capiti Thoracis aurigae coronam imposuit, ut victoris.
11.13. On learning this Constantius was enraged beyond all human bounds, and lest by any chance Gallus should become uncertain as to the future and should try in the course of his journey to take measures for his own safety, all the soldiers in the towns through which he would pass were purposely removed.
11.13. Quo cognito Constantius ultra mortalem modum exarsit; ac nequo casu idem Gallus de futuris incertus, agitare quaedam conducentia saluti suae per itinera conaretur, remoti sunt omnes de industria milites agentes in civitatibus perviis.
11.14. And at that time Taurus, who had been sent to Armenia as quaestor, boldly passed that way without addressing him or going to see him. Others, however, visited him by the emperor’s orders, under pretext of various matters of business, but really to take care that he should not be able to make any move or indulge in any secret enterprise; among these was Leontius, then quaestor and later prefect of the city, Lucillianus, as count commander of the household troops, and a tribune of the targeteers called Bainobaudes.
11.14. Eoque tempore Taurus quaestor ad Armeniam missus, confidenter nec appellate eo nec viso transivit. Venere tamen aliqui iussu imperatoris, administrationum specie diversarum, eundem ne commovere se posset, neve temptaret aliquid occulte custodituri; inter quos Leontius erat, postea urbi praefectus, ut quaestor, et Lucillianus quasi domesticorum comes et scutariorum tribunus nomine Bainobaudes.
11.15. Thus, after covering long distances over level country, he had entered Hadrianopolis, a city in the region of Mt. Haemus, formerly called Uscudama, and for twelve days was recovering his strength, exhausted by his exertions. There he learned that certian Theban legions that were passing the winter in near-by towns had sent some of their comrades to encourage him by faithful and sure promises to remain there, since they were full of confidence in their strength and were posted in large numbers in neighbouring encampments; but owing to the watchful care of those about him, he could not steal an opportunity of seeing them or hearing the message that they brought.
11.15. Emensis itaque longis intervallis et planis, cum Hadrianopolim introisset, urbem Haemimontanam, Uscudamam antehac appellatam, fessasque labore diebus duodecim recreans vires, comperit Thebaeas legiones in vicinis oppidis hiemantes, consortes suos misisse quosdam, eum ut remaneret promissis fidis hortaturos et firmis, cum animarentur roboris sui fiducia, abunde per stationes locatae confines, sed observante cura pervigili proximorum, nullam videndi vel audiendi quae ferebant, furari potuit facultatem.
11.16. Then, as letter followed letter, urging him to leave, making use of ten public vehicles, as was directed, and leaving behind all his attendants with the exception of a few whom he had brought with him to serve in his bedroom and at his table, he was driven to make haste, being without proper care of his person and urged on by many, railing from time to time at the rashness which had reduced him, now mean and abject, to submit to the will of the lowest of mankind.
11.16. Inde aliis super alias urgentibus litteris exire et decem vehiculis publicis, ut praeceptum est, usus, relicto palatio omni, praeter paucos tori ministros et mensae, quos avexerat secum, squalore concretus, celerare gradum compellebatur, adigentibus multis, temeritati suae subinde flebiliter imprecatus, quae eum iam despectum et vilem arbitrio subdiderat infimorum.
11.17. Yet all this time, whenever nature allowed him sleep, his senses were wounded by frightful spectres that shrieked about him, and throngs of those whom he had slain, led by Domitianus and Montius, would seize him and fling him to the claws of the Furies, as he imagined in his dreams.
11.17. Inter haec tamen per indutias naturae conquiescentis, sauciabantur eius sensus circumstridentium terrore larvarum, interfectorumque catervae, Domitiano et Montio praeviis, correptum eum (ut existimabat in somnis), uncis furialibus obiectabant.
11.18. For the mind, when freed from the bonds of the body, being always filled with tireless movement, from the underlying thoughts and worries which torment the minds of mortals, conjures up the nocturnal visions to which we give the name of phantasies.
11.18. Solutus enim corporeis nexibus, animus semper vigens motibus indefessis, ex cogitationibus subiectis et curis, quae mortalium sollicitant mentes, colligit visa nocturna, quas φαντασίας nos appellamus.
11.19. And thus with the way opened by the sad decree of fate, by which it was ordained that he should be stripped of life and rank, he hurried by the most direct way and with relays of horses and came to Petobio, a town of Noricum. There all the secret plots were revealed and Count Barbatio suddenly made his appearance—he had commanded the household troops under Gallus—accompanied by Apodemius, of the secret service, and at the head of soldiers whom Constantius had chosen because they were under obligation to him for favours and could not, he felt sure, be influenced by bribes or any feeling of pity.
11.19. Pandente itaque viam fatorum sorte tristissima, qua praestitutum erat eum vita et imperio spoliari, itineribus rectis permutatione iumentorum emensis, venit Petobionem oppidum Noricorum, ubi reseratae sunt insidiarum latebrae omnes, et Barbatio repente apparuit Comes, qui sub eo domesticis praefuit, cum Apodemio agente in rebus, milites ducens, quos beneficiis suis oppigneratos elegerat imperator, certus nec praemiis nec miseratione ulla posse deflecti.
11.20. And now the affair was being carried on with no disguised intrigue, but where the palace stood without the walls Barbatio surrounded it with armed men. And entering when the light was now dim and removing the Caesar’s royal robes, he put upon him a tunic and an ordinary soldier’s cloak, assuring him with frequent oaths, as if by the emperor’s command, that he would suffer no further harm. Then he said to him: “Get up at once,” and having unexpectedly placed him in a private carriage, he took him to Histria, near the town of Pola, where in former times, as we are informed, Constantine’s son Crispus was killed.
11.20. Iamque non umbratis fallaciis res agebatur, sed qua palatium est extra muros, armatis Barbatio omne circumdedit. Ingressusque obscuro iam die, ablatis regiis indumentis, Caesarem tunica texit et paludamento communi, eum post haec nihil passurum, velut mandato principis iurandi crebritate confirmans, et “Statim” inquit “exsurge,” et inopinum carpento privato impositum, ad Histriam duxit, prope oppidum Polam, ubi quondam peremptum Constantini filium accipimus Crispum.
11.21. And while he was kept there in closest confinement, already as good as buried by fear of his approaching end, there hastened to him Eusebius, at that time grand chamberlain, Pentadius, the secretary, and Mallobaudes, tribune of the guard, to compel him by order of the emperor to inform them, case by case, why he had ordered the execution of all those whom he had put to death at Antioch.
11.21. Et cum ibi servaretur artissime, terrore propinquantis exitii iam praesepultus, accurrit Eusebius, cubiculi tune praepositus, Pentadiusque notarius, et Mallobaudes armaturarum tribunus, iussu imperatoris compulsuri eum singillatim docere, quam ob causam quemque apud Antiochiam necatorum iusserat trucidari.
11.22. At this, o’erspread with the pallor of Adrastus, he was able to say only that he had slain most of them at the instigation of his wife Constantina, assuredly not knowing that when the mother of Alexander the Great urged her son to put an innocent man to death and said again and again, in the hope of later gaining what she desired, that she had carried him for nine months in her womb, the king made this wise answer: “Ask some other reward, dear mother, for a man’s life is not to be weighed against any favour.”
11.22. Ad quae Adrasteo pallore perfusus, hactenus valuit loqui, quod plerosque incitante coniuge iugulaverit Constantina, ignorans profecto Alexandrum Magnum urgenti matri ut occideret quendam insontem, et dictitanti spe impetrandi postea quae vellet, eum se per novem menses utero portasse praegnantem, ita respondisse prudenter: “Aliam, parens optima, posce mercedem; hominis enim salus beneficio nullo pensatur.”
11.23. On hearing this the emperor, smitten with implacable anger and resentment, rested all his hopes of securing his safety on destroying Gallus; and sending Serenianus, who, as I have before shown, had been charged with high treason and acquitted by some jugglery or other, and with him Pentadius the secretary and Apodemius of the secret service, he condemned him to capital punishment. Accordingly his hands were bound, after the fashion of some guilty robber, and he was beheaded. Then his face and head were mutilated, and the man who a little while before had been a terror to cities and provinces was left a disfigured corpse.
11.23. Quo comperto irrevocabili ira princeps percitus et dolore, fiduciam omnem fundandae securitatis in eodem posuit abolendo. Et misso Sereniano, quem in crimen maiestatis vocatum praestigiis praestrigiis quibusdam absolutum esse supra monstravimus, Pentadio quin etiam notario, et Apodemio agente in rebus, eum capitali supplicio destinavit, et ita colligatis manibus in modum noxii cuiusdam latronis, cervice abscisa, ereptaque vultus et capitis dignitate, cadaver est relictum informe, paulo ante urbibus et provinciis formidatum.
11.24. But the justice of the heavenly power was everywhere watchful; for not only did his cruel deeds prove the ruin of Gallus, but not long afterwards a painful death overtook both of those whose false blandishments and perjuries led him, guilty though he was, into the snares of destruction. Of these Scudilo, because of an abscess of the liver, vomited up his lungs and so died; Barbatio, who for a long time had invented false accusations against Gallus, charged by the whispers of certain men of aiming higher than the mastership of the infantry, was found guilty and by an unwept end made atonement to the shades of the Caesar, whom he had treacherously done to death.
11.24. Sed vigilavit utrubique superni numinis aequitas. Nam et Gallum actus oppressere crudeles, et non diu postea ambo cruciabili morte absumpti sunt, qui eum licet nocentem, blandius palpantes periuriis, ad usque plagas perduxere letales. Quorum Scudilo destillatione iecoris pulmones vomitans interiit; Barbatio, qui in eum iam diu falsa composuerat crimina, cum ex magisterio peditum altius niti quorundam susurris incusaretur, damnatus extincti per fallacias Caesaris manibus minibus inlacrimoso illacrimoso obitu parentavit.
11.25. These and innumerable other instances of the kind are sometimes (and would that it were always so!) the work of Adrastia, the chastiser of evil deeds and the rewarder of good actions, whom we also call by the second name of Nemesis. She is, as it were, the sublime jurisdiction of an efficient divine power, dwelling, as men think, above the orbit of the moon; or as others define her, an actual guardian presiding with universal sway over the destinies of individual men. The ancient theologians, regarding her as the daughter of Justice, say that from an unknown eternity she looks down upon all the creatures of earth.
11.25. Haec et huius modi quaedam innumerabilia ultrix facinorum impiorum, bonorumque praemiatrix, aliquotiens operatur Adrastia, (atque utinam semper!): quam vocabulo duplici etiam Nemesim appellamus: ius quoddam sublime numinis efficacis, humanarum mentium opinione lunari circulo superpositum, vel ut definiunt alii, substantialis tutela generali potentia partilibus praesidens fatis, quam theologi veteres fingentes Iustitiae filiam, ex abdita quadam aeternitate tradunt omnia despectare terrena.
11.26. She, as queen of causes and arbiter and judge of events, controls the urn with its lots and causes the changes of fortune, and sometimes she gives our plans a different result than that at which we aimed, changing and confounding many actions. She too, binding the vainly swelling pride of mortals with the indissoluble bond of fate, and tilting changeably, as she knows how to do, the balance of gain and loss, now bends and weakens the uplifted necks of the proud, and now, raising the good from the lowest estate, lifts them to a happy life. Moreover, the storied past has given her wings in order that she might be thought to come to all with swift speed; and it has given her a helm to hold and has put a wheel beneath her feet, in order that none may fail to know that she runs through all the elements and rules the universe.
11.26. Haec ut regina causarum, et arbitra rerum ac disceptatrix, urnam sortium temperat, accidentium vices alternans, voluntatumque nostrarum exorsa interdum alio quam quo contendebant exitu terminans, multiplices actus permutando convolvit. Eademque necessitatis insolubili retinaculo mortalitatis vinciens fastus, tumentes in cassum, et incrementorum detrimentorumque momenta versabilis librans (ut novit), nunc erectas eminentium cervices opprimit et enervat, nunc bonos ab imo suscitans ad bene vivendum extollit. Pinnas autem ideo illi fabulosa vetustas aptavit, ut adesse velocitate volucri cunctis crunctis existimetur, et praetendere gubernaculum dedit, eique subdidit rotam, ut universitatem regere per elementa discurrens omnia non ignoretur.
11.27. By this untimely death, although himself weary of his existence, the Caesar passed from life in the twenty-ninth year of his age, after a rule of four years. He was born in Etruria at Massa in the district of Veternum, being the son of Constantius, the brother of the emperor Constantine, and Galla, the sister of Rufinus and Cerealis, who were distinguished by the vesture of consul and prefect.
11.27. Hoc immaturo interitu, ipse quoque sui pertaesus, excessit e vita, aetatis nono anno atque vicensimo, cum quadriennio imperasset. Natus apud Tuscos in Massa Veternensi patre Constantio, Constantini fratre imperatoris, matreque Galla, sorore Rufini et Cerealis, quos trabeae consulares nobilitarunt, et praefecturae.
11.28. He was conspicuous for his handsome person, being well proportioned, with well-knit limbs. He had soft golden hair, and although his beard was just appearing in the form of tender down, yet he was conspicuous for the dignity of greater maturity. But he differed as much from the disciplined character of his brother Julian as did Domitian, son of Vespasian, from his brother Titus.
11.28. Fuit autem forma conspicuus bona, decente filo corporis membrorumque recta compage, flavo capillo et molli, barba licet recens emergente lanugine tenera, ita tamen ut maturius auctoritas emineret; tantum a temperatis moribus Iuliani differens fratris, quantum inter Vespasiani filios fuit Domitianum et Titum.
11.29. Raised to the highest rank in Fortune’s gift, he experienced her fickle changes, which make sport of mortals, now lifting some to the stars, now plunging them in the depths of Cocytus. But although instances of this are innumerable, I shall make cursory mention of only a few.
11.29. Assumptus autem in amplissimum fortunae fastigium, versabilis eius motus expertus est, qui ludunt mortalitatem, nunc evehentes quosdam in sidera, nunc ad Cocyti profunda mergentes. Cuius rei cum innumera sint exempla, pauca tactu summo transcurram.
11.30. It was this mutable and fickle Fortune that changed the Sicilian Agathocles from a potter to a king, and Dionysius, once the terror of nations, to the head of an elementary school, at Corinth.
11.30. Haec fortuna mutabilis et inconstans fecit Agathoclem Siculum ex figulo regem, et Dionysium, gentium quondam terrorem, Corinthi litterario ludo praefecit.
11.31. She it was that raised Andriscus of Adramyttium, who was born in a fullery, to the title of the Pseudo-Philip, and taught the legitimate son of Perseus the blacksmith’s trade as a means of livelihood.
11.31. Haec Adramytenum Andriscum, in fullonio natum, ad Pseudophilippi nomen evexit, et Persei legitimum filium artem ferrariam ob quaerendum docuit victum.
11.32. She, too, delivered Mancinus, after his supreme command, to the Numantians, Veturius to the cruelty of the Samnites, and Claudius to the Corsicans, and she subjected Regulus to the savagery of the Carthaginians. Through her injustice Pompey, after he had gained the surname Great by his glorious deeds, was butchered in Egypt to give the eunuchs’ pleasure.
11.32. Eadem Mancinum post imperium dedidit Numantinis, Samnitum atrocitati Veturium, et Claudium Corsis, substravitque feritati Carthaginis Regulum; istius iniquitate Pompeius, post quaesitum Magni ex rerum gestarum amplitudine cognomentum, ad spadonum libidinem in Aegypto trucidatur.
11.33. Eunus, too, a workhouse slave, commanded an army of runaways in Sicily. How many Romans of illustrious birth at the nod of that same arbiter of events embraced the knees of a Viriathus or a Spartacus! How many heads dreaded by all nations has the fatal excutioner lopped off! One is led to prison, another is elevated to un-looked-for power, a third is cast down from the highest pinnacle of rank.
11.33. Et Eunus quidam ergastularius servus ductavit in Sicilia fugitivos fugitives. Quam multi splendido loco nati Romani, eadem rerum domina conivente, Viriathi genua sunt amplexi vel Spartaci? Quot capita quae horruere gentes funesti carnifices absciderunt? Alter in vincula ducitur, alter insperatae praeficitur potestati, alius a summo culmine dignitatis excutitur.
11.34. But if anyone should desire to know all these instances, varied and constantly occurring as they are, he will be mad enough to think of searching out the number of the sands and the weight of the mountains.
11.34. Quae omnia si scire quisquam velit quam varia sint et assidua, harenarum numerum idem iam desipiens et montium pondera scrutari putabit.