SCRIPTURA

Ammianus Marcellinus · History · 4 of 52

Book XV · chapters 1–5

Translated by John C. Rolfe

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1.1. So far as I could investigate the truth, I have, after putting the various events in clear order, related what I myself was allowed to witness in the course of my life, or to learn by meticulous questioning of those directly concerned. The rest, which the text to follow will disclose, we shall set forth to the best of our ability with still greater accuracy, feeling no fear of critics of the prolixity of our work, as they consider it; for conciseness is to be praised only when it breaks off ill-timed discursiveness, without detracting at all from an understanding of the course of events.

1.1. Utcumque potui veritatem scrutari, ea quae videre licuit per aetatem, vel perplexe interrogando versatos in medio scire, narravimus ordine casuum exposito diversorum; residua quae secuturus aperiet textus, pro virium captu limatius absolvemus, nihil obtrectatores longi (ut putant) operis formidantes. Tunc enim laudanda est brevitas, cum moras rumpens intempestivas, nihil subtrahit cognitioni gestorum.

1.2. Hardly had Gallus been wholly stripped in Noricum, when Apodemius, a fiery inciter of disorder so long as he lived, seized and carried off Caesar’s shoes, and with such swift relays of horses that he killed some of them by over-driving, was the first to arrive in Milan as an advance informer. Entering the palace, he cast the shoes at Constantius’ feet, as if they were the spoils of the slain Parthian king. And on the arrival of the sudden tidings, which showed that an apparently hopeless and difficult enterprise had been carried out to their satisfaction with perfect ease, the highest court officials, as usual turning all their desire to please into flattery, extolled to the skies the emperor’s valour and good fortune, since at his beck two princes, though at different times, Veteranio to wit and Gallus, had been cashiered like common soldiers.

1.2. Nondum apud Noricum exuto penitus Gallo, Apodemius quoad vixerat igneus turbarum incentor, raptos eius calceos vehens, equorum permutatione veloci, ut nimietate cogendi quosdam exstingueret, praecursorius index Mediolanum advenit ingressusque regiam, ante pedes proiecit Constantii, velut spolia regis occisi Parthorum; et perlato nuntio repentino, docente rem insperatam et arduam ad sententiam totam total facilitate completam, hi qui summam aulam tenebant, omni placendi studio in adulationem ex more collato, virtutem felicitatemque imperatoris extollebant in caelum, cuius nutu in modum gregariorum militum (licet diversis temporibus) duo exauctorati sunt principes, Veteranio nimirum et Gallus.

1.3. So Constantius, elated by this extravagant passion for flattery, and confidently believing that from now on he would be free from every mortal ill, swerved swiftly aside from just conduct so immoderately that sometimes in dictation he signed himself “My Eternity,” and in writing with his own hand called himself lord of the whole world—an expression which, if used by others, ought to have been received with just indignation by one who, as he often asserted, laboured with extreme care to model his life and character in rivalry with those of the constitutional emperors.

1.3. Quo ille studio blanditiarum exquisite sublatus, immunemque se deinde fore ab omni mortalitatis incommodo fidenter existimans, confestim a iustitia declinavit ita intemperanter, ut “Aeternitatem meam” aliquotiens subsereret ipse dictando, scribendoque propria manu orbis totius se dominum appellaret; quod dicentibus aliis, indignanter admodum ferre deberet is qui ad aemulationem civilium principum formare vitam moresque suos, ut praedicabat, diligentia laborabat enixa.

1.4. For even if he ruled the infinity of worlds postulated by Democritus, of which Alexander the Great dreamed under the stimulus of Anaxarchus, yet from reading or hearsay he should have considered that (as the astronomers unanimously teach) the circuit of the whole earth, which to us seems endless, compared with the greatness of the universe has the likeness of a mere tiny point.

1.4. Namque etiam si mundorum infinitates Democriti regeret, quos Anaxarcho incitante Magnus somniabat Alexander, id reputasset legens vel audiens, quod (ut docent mathematici concinentes), ambitus terrae totius, quae nobis videtur immensa, ad magnitudinem universitatis instar brevis optinet puncti.

2.1. And now, after the pitiful downfall of the murdered Caesar, the trumpet of court trials sounded and Ursicinus was arraigned for high treason, since jealousy, the foe of all good men, grew more and more dangerous to his life.

2.1. Iamque post miserandam deleti Caesaris cladem, sonante periculorum iudicialium tuba, in crimen laesae maiestatis arcessebatur Ursicinus, adulescente magis magisque contra eius salutem livore, omnibus bonis infesto.

2.2. For he fell victim to this difficulty, that the emperor’s ears were closed for receiving any just and easily proved defence, but were open to the secret whispers of plotters, who alleged that Constantius’ name was got rid of throughout all the eastern provinces and that the above-mentioned general was longed for both at home and abroad as being formidable to the Persian nation.

2.2. Hac enim superabatur difficultate, quod ad suscipiendas defensiones aequas et probabiles, imperatoris aures occlusae, patebant susurris insidiantium clandestinis, qui Constantii nomine per orientis tractus omnes abolito, ante dictum ducem domi forisque desiderari, ut formidolosum Persicae genti, fingebant.

2.3. Yet in the face of events this high-souled hero stood immovable, taking care not to abase himself too abjectly, but lamenting from his heart that uprightness was so insecure, and the more depressed for the single reason that his friends, who had before been numerous, had deserted him for more powerful men, just as lictors are in the habit of passing, as custom requires, from magistrates to their successors.

2.3. Sed contra accidentia vir magnanimus stabat immobilis, ne se proiceret abiectius cavens, parum tuto loco innocentiam stare medullitus gemens, hocque uno tristior quod amici ante haec frequentes ad potiores desciverant, ut ad successores officiorum, more poscente, solent transire lictores.

2.4. Furthermore, he was attacked with the blandishments of counterfeit courtesy by Arbitio, who kept openly calling him his colleague and a brave man, but who was exceedingly shrewd in devising deadly snares for a straightforward character and was at that time altogether too powerful. For just as an underground serpent, lurking below the hidden entrance to its hole, watches each passer-by and attacks him with a sudden spring, so he, through envy of others’ fortune even after reaching the highest military position, without ever being injured or provoked kept staining his conscience from an insatiable determination to do harm.

2.4. Impugnabat autem eum per fictae benignitatis illecebras, collegam et virum fortem propalam saepe appellans Arbetio Arbitio, ad innectendas letales insidias vitae simplici perquam callens, et ea tempestate nimium potens. Ut enim subterraneus serpens, foramen subsidens occultum, adsultu subito singulos transitores observans incessit, ita ille odio alienae sortis etiam post adeptum summum militiae munus, nec laesus aliquando nec lacessitus, inexplebili quodam laedendi proposito, conscientiam polluebat.

2.5. So, in the presence of a few accomplices in the secret, after long deliberation it was privately arranged with the emperor that on the following night Ursicinus should be carried off far from the sight of the soldiers and slain without a trial, just as in days gone by it is said that Domitius Corbulo was murdered, a man who had been a loyal and prudent defender of the provinces amid the notorious corruption of Nero’s time.

2.5. Igitur paucis arcanorum praesentibus consciis, latenter cum imperatore sententia diu digesta, id sederat, ut nocte ventura, procul a conspectu militarium raptus, Ursicinus indemnatus occideretur, ut quondam Domitius Corbulo dicitur caesus, in colluvione illa Neroniani saeculi provinciarum fidus defensor et cautus.

2.6. When this had been so arranged and the persons appointed for it were awaiting the allotted time, the emperor changed his mind in the direction of mercy, and orders were given to postpone the wicked deed until after a second consultation.

2.6. Quibus ita compositis, cum ad hoc destinati praedictum tempus operirentur, consilio in lenitudinem flexo, facinus impium ad deliberationem secundam differri praeceptum est.

2.7. But then the artillery of slander was turned against Julian, the future famous emperor, lately brought to account, and he was involved, as was unjustly held, in a two-fold accusation: first, that he had moved from the estate of Macellum, situated in Cappadocia, into the province of Asia, in his desire for a liberal education; and, second, that he had visited his brother Gallus as he passed through Constantinople.

2.7. Indeque ad Iulianum lulianum, recens perductum, calumniarum vertitur machina, memorabilem postea principem, gemino crimine, ut iniquitas aestimabat, implicitum: quod a Macelli fundo, in Cappadocia posito, ad Asiam demigrarat, liberalium desiderio doctrinarum, et per Constantinopolim transeuntem viderat fratrem.

2.8. And although he cleared himself of these implications and showed that he had done neither of these things without warrant, yet he would have perished at the instigation of the accursed crew of flatterers, had not, through the favour of divine power, Queen Eusebia befriended him; so he was brought to the town of Comum, near Milan, and after abiding there for a short time, he was allowed to go to Greece for the sake of perfecting his education, as he earnestly desired.

2.8. Qui cum obiecta dilueret, ostenderetque neutrum sine iussu fecisse, nefando assentatorum coetu perisset urgente, ni adspiratione superni numinis Eusebia suffragante regina, ductus ad Comum oppidum Mediolano vicinum, ibique paulisper moratus, procudendi ingenii causa (ut cupidine flagravit) ad Graeciam ire permissus est.

2.9. Nor were there wanting later actions arising from these occurrences which one might say had a happy issue, since the accusers were justly punished, or their charges came to naught as if void and vain. But it sometimes happened that rich men, knocking at the strongholds of the mighty, and clinging to them as ivy does to lofty trees, bought their acquittal at monstrous prices; but poor men, who had little or no means for purchasing safety, were condemned out of hand. And so both truth was masked by lies and sometimes false passed for true.

2.9. Nec defuere deinceps ex his emergentia casibus, quae diceres secundis avibus contigisse, dum punirentur ex iure, vel tamquam irrita diffluebant et vana. Sed accidebat non numquam, ut opulenti pulsantes praesidia potiorum, eisdemque tamquam ederae celsis arboribus adhaerentes, absolutionem pretiis mercarentur immensis; tenues vero, quibus exiguae vires erant ad redimendam salutem aut nullae, damnabantur abrupte. Ideoque et veritas mendaciis velabatur, et valuere pro veris aliquotiens falsa.

2.10. At that same time Gorgonius also, who had been appointed the Caesar’s head chamberlain, was brought to trial; and although it was clear from his own confession that he had been a party in his bold deeds, and sometimes their instigator, yet through a plot of the eunuchs justice was overshadowed with a clever tissue of lies, and he slipped out of danger and went his way.

2.10. Perductus est eisdem diebus et Gorgonius, cui erat thalami Caesariani cura commissa, cumque eum ausorum fuisse participem, concitoremque interdum, ex confesso pateret, conspiratione spadonum iustitia concinnatis mendaciis obumbrata, periculo evolutus abscessit.

3.1. While these events were taking place at Milan, troops of soldiers were brought from the East to Aquileia together with several courtiers, their limbs wasting in chains as they drew feeble breaths and prayed to be delivered from longer life amid manifold miseries. For they were charged with having been tools of the savagery of Gallus, and it was through them, it was believed, that Domitianus and Montius were torn to pieces and others after them were driven to swift destruction.

3.1. Haec dum Mediolani aguntur, militarium catervae ab oriente perductae sunt Aquileiam, cum aulicis pluribus, membris inter catenas fluentibus, spiritum trahentes exiguum vivendique moras per aerumnas detestati multiplices. Arcessebantur enim ministri fuisse Galli ferocientis, perque eos Domitianus discerptus credebatur et Montius, et alii post eos acti in exitium praeceps.

3.2. To hear their defence were sent Arbetio and Eusebius, then grand chamberlain, both given to inconsiderate boasting, equally unjust and cruel. They, without examining anyone carefully or distinguishing between the innocent and the guilty, scourged and tortured some and condemned them to banishment, others they thrust down to the lowest military rank, the rest they sentenced to suffer death. And after filling the tombs with corpses, they returned as if in triumph and reported their exploits to the emperor, who in regard to these and similar cases was openly inflexible and severe.

3.2. Ad quos audiendos Arboreus Arbetio missus est et Eusebius, cubiculi tunc tune praepositus, ambo inconsideratae iactantiae, iniusti pariter et cruenti. Qui nullo perspicaciter inquisito, sine innocentium sontiumque differentia, alios verberibus vel tormentis afflictos exsulari poena damnarunt, quosdam ad infimam trusere militiam, residuos capitalibus addixere suppliciis. Impletisque funerum bustis, reversi velut ovantes, gesta rettulerunt ad principem, erga haec et similia palam obstinatum et gravem.

3.3. Thereupon and henceforth Constantius, as if to upset the predestined order of the fates, more eagerly opened his heart and laid it bare to the plotters, many in number. Accordingly, numerous gossip - hunters suddenly arose, snapping with the jaws of wild beasts at even the highest officials, and afterwards at poor and rich indifferently, not like those Cibyrate hounds of Verres fawning upon the tribunal of only one governor, but afflicting the members of the whole commonwealth with a visitation of evils.

3.3. Vehementius hinc et deinde Constantius, quasi praescriptum fatorum ordinem convulsurus, recluso pectore patebat insidiantibus multis. Unde rumorum aucupes subito exstitere complures, honorum vertices ipsos ferinis morsibus appetentes, posteaque pauperes et divites indiscrete; non ut Cibyratae illi Verrini, tribunal unius legati lambentes, sed rei publicae membra totius per incidentia mala vexantes.

3.4. Among these Paulus and Mercurius were easily the leaders, the one a Persian by origin, the other born in Dacia; Paulus was a notary, Mercurius, a former imperial steward, was now a treasurer. And in fact this Paulus, as was told before, was nicknamed “the Chain,” because he was invincible in weaving coils of calumny, exerting himself in a wonderful variety of schemes, just as some expert wrestlers are in the habit of showing excessive skill in their contests.

3.4. Inter quos facile Paulus et Mercurius eminebant: hic hie origine Persa, ille natus in Dacia: notarius ille, hie a ministro triclinii rationalis. Et Paulo quidem, ut relatum est supra, Catenae inditum est cognomentum, eo quod in complicandis calumniarum nexibus erat indissolubilis, mira inventorum sese varietate dispendens, ut in colluctationibus callere nimis quidam solent artifices palaestritae.

3.5. But Mercurius was dubbed “Count of Dreams,” because, like a slinking, biting cur, savage within but peacefully wagging its tail, he would often worm his way into banquets and meetings, and if anyone had told a friend that he had seen anything in his sleep, when nature roams more freely, Mercurius would give it a worse colour by his venomous skill and pour it into the open ears of the emperor; and on such grounds a man, as though really chargeable with inexpiable guilt, would be beaten down by a heavy burden of accusation.

3.5. Mercurius vero somniorum appellatus est comes, quod ut clam mordax canis interna saevitia summissius agitans caudam, epulis coetibusque se crebris inserens, si per quietem quisquam, ubi fusius natura vagatur, vidisse aliquid amico narrasset, id venenatis artibus coloratum in peius, patulis imperatoris auribus infundebat, et ob hoc homo tamquam inexpiabili obnoxius culpae, gravi mole criminis pulsabatur.

3.6. Since rumour exaggerated these reports and gave them wide currency, people were so far from revealing their nightly visions, that on the contrary they would hardly admit in the presence of strangers that they had slept at all, and certain scholars lamented that they had not been born near Mount Atlas, where it is said that dreams are not seen; but how that happens we may leave to those who are most versed in natural science.

3.6. Haec augente vulgatius fama, tantum aberat, ut proderet quisquam visa nocturna, ut contra aegre homines dormisse sese praesentibus faterentur externis, maerebantque docti quidam, quod apud Atlanteos nati non essent, ubi memorantur somnia non videri; quod unde eveniat, rerum scientissimis relinquamus.

3.7. Amid these dire aspects of trials and tortures there arose in Illyricum another disaster, which began with idle words and resulted in peril to many. At a dinner-party given by Africanus, governor of Pannonia Secunda, at Sirmium, certain men who were deep in their cups and supposed that no spy was present freely criticized the existing rule as most oppressive; whereupon some assured them, as if from portents, that the desired change of the times was at hand; others with inconceivable folly asserted that through auguries of their forefathers it was meant for them.

3.7. Inter has quaestionum suppliciorumque species diras, in Illyrico exoritur alia clades, ad multorum pericula ex verborum inanitate progressa. In convivio Africani, Pannoniae secundae rectoris, apud Sirmium poculis amplioribus madefacti quidam, arbitrum adesse nullum existimantes, licenter imperium praesens ut molestissimum incusabant; quibus alii optatam permutationem temporum adventare, veluti e praesagiis affirmabant, non nulli maiorum augurio sibi portendi, incogitabili dementia promittebant.

3.8. One of their number, Gaudentius, of the secret service, a dull man but of a hasty disposition, had reported the occurrence as serious to Rufinus, who was then chief steward of the praetorian prefecture, a man always eager for extreme measures and notorious for his natural depravity.

3.8. E quorum numero Gaudentius agens in rebus, mente praecipiti stolidus, rem ut seriam detulerat ad Rufinum, apparitionis praefecturae praetorianae tune principem, ultimorum semper avidum hominem, et coalita pravitate famosum.

3.9. Rufinus at once, as though upborne on wings, flew to the emperor’s court and inflamed him, since he was easily influenced by such suspicions, to such excitement that without any deliberation Africanus and all those present at the fatal table were ordered to be quickly hoisted up and carried out. That done, the dire informer, more strongly desirous of things forbidden, as is the way of mankind, was directed to continue for two years in his present service, as he had requested.

3.9. Qui confestim quasi pinnis elatus, ad comitatum principis advolavit, eumque ad suspiciones huius modi mollem et penetrabilem, ita acriter inflammavit, ut sine deliberatione ulla Africanus, et omnes letalis mensae participes, iuberentur rapi sublimes. Quo facto delator funestus, vetita ex more humano validius cupiens, biennio id quod agebat (ut postularat) continuare praeceptus est.

3.10. So Teutomeres, of the emperor’s bodyguard, was sent with a colleague to seize them, and loading them with chains, as he had been ordered, he brought them all in. But when they came to Aquileia, Marinus, an ex-drillmaster and now a tribune, who was on furlough at the time, the originator of that mischievous talk and besides a man of hot temper, being left in a tavern while things necessary for their journey were preparing, and chancing upon a long knife, stabbed himself in the side, at once plucked forth his vitals, and so died.

3.10. Missus igitur ad eos corripiendos Teutomeres protector domesticus cum collega onustos omnes catenis (ut mandatum est) perducebat. Sed ubi ventum est Aquileiam, Marinus tribunus ex campidoctore eo tempore vacans, auctor perniciosi sermonis, et alioqui naturae ferventis, in taberna relictus, dum parantur itineri necessaria, lateri cultrum longiorem casu repertum impegit, statimque extractis vitalibus, interiit.

3.11. The rest were brought to Milan and cruelly tortured; and since they admitted that while feasting they had uttered some saucy expressions, it was ordered that they be kept in close confinement with some hope (though doubtful) of acquittal. But the members of the emperor’s guard, after being sentenced to leave the country for exile, since Marinus with their connivance had been allowed to die, at the suit of Arbetio obtained pardon.

3.11. Residui ducti Mediolanum, excruciatique tormentis, et confessi inter epulas petulanter se quaedam locutos, iussi sunt attineri poenalibus claustris, sub absolutionis aliqua spe (licet incerta). Protectores vero pronuntiati vertere solum exilio, ut Marino eisdem consciis mori permisso, veniam Arbetione meruere precante.

4.1. The affair thus ended, war was declared on the... and Lentienses, tribes of the Alamanni, who often made extensive inroads through the Roman frontier defences. On that expedition the emperor himself set out and came to Raetia and the Campi Canini; and after long and careful deliberation it seemed both honorable and expedient that, while he waited there with a part of the soldiers, Arbetio, commander of the cavalry, with the stronger part of the army should march on, skirting the shores of Lake Brigantia, in order to engage at once with the savages. Here I will describe the appearance of this place as briefly as my project allows.

4.1. Re hoc modo finita, … et Lentiensibus, Alamannicis pagis, indictum est bellum, collimitia saepe Romana latius irrumpentibus. Ad quem procinctum imperator egressus, in Raetias camposque venit Caninos, et digestis diu consiliis, id visum est honestum et utile, ut eo cum militis parte ibidem opperiente, Arbetio magister equitum cum validiore exercitus manu, relegens margines lacus Brigantiae pergeret, protinus barbaris congressurus. Cuius loci figuram breviter quantum ratio patitur, designabo.

4.2. Between the defiles of lofty mountains the Rhine rises and pours with mighty current over high rocks, without receiving tributary streams, just as the Nile with headlong descent pours over the cataracts. And it could be navigated from its very source, since it overflows with waters of its own, did it not run along like a torrent rather than a quietly flowing river.

4.2. Inter montium celsorum amfractus, immani pulsu Rhenus exoriens, per scopulos extenditur altos, nullos advenas amnes adoptans, ut per cataractas inclinatione praecipiti funditur Nilus. Et navigari ab ortu poterat primigenio copiis exuberans propriis, ni ruenti curreret similis potius quam fluenti lenius amni.

4.3. And now rolling to level ground and cutting its way between high and widely separated banks, it enters a vast round lake, which its Raetian neighbour calls Brigantia; this is four hundred and sixty stades long and in breadth spreads over an almost equal space; it is inaccessible through the bristling woods of the gloomy forest except where that old-time practical Roman ability, in spite of the opposition of the savages, the nature of the region, and the rigour of the climate, constructed a broad highroad.

4.3. Iamque ad plana volutus, altaque divortia riparum adradens, lacum invadit rotundum et vastum, quem Brigantiam accola Raetus appellat, perque quadringenta et sexaginta stadia longum, parique paene spatio late diffusum, horrore silvarum squalentium inaccessum, nisi qua vetus illa Romana virtus et sobria iter composuit latum, barbaris et natura locorum et caeli inclementia refragante.

4.4. Into this pool, then, the river bursts roaring with frothing eddies, and cleaving the sluggish quiet of the waters, cuts through its midst as if with a boundary line. And as if the element were divided by an everlasting discord, without increasing or diminishing the volume which it carried in, it emerges with name and force unchanged, and without thereafter suffering any contact it mingles with Ocean’s flood.

4.4. Hanc ergo paludem spumosis strependo verticibus amnis irrumpens, et undarum quietem permeans pigram, mediam velut finali intersecat libramento, et tamquam elementum perenni discordia separatum, nec aucto nec imminuto agmine quod intulit, vocabulo et viribus absolvitur integris, nec contagia deinde ulla perpetiens, oceani gurgitibus intimatur.

4.5. And what is exceeding strange, neither is the lake stirred by the swift passage of the waters nor is the hurrying river stayed by the foul mud of the lake, and though mingled they cannot be blended into one body; but if one’s very sight did not prove it to be so, one would not believe it possible for them to be kept apart by any power.

4.5. Quodque est impendio mirum, nec stagnum aquarum rapido transcursu movetur, nec limosa subluvie tardatur properans flumen, et confusum misceri non potest corpus; quod, ni ita agi ipse doceret aspectus, nulla vi credebatur posse discerni.

4.6. In the same way the river Alpheus, rising in Arcadia and falling in love with the fountain Arethusa, cleaves the Ionian Sea, as the myth tells us, and hastens to the retreat of the beloved nymph.

4.6. Sic Alpheus oriens in Arcadia, cupidine fontis Arethusae captus, scindens Ionium mare, ut fabulae ferunt, ad usque amatae confinia proruit nymphae.

4.7. Arbetio did not wait for the coming of messengers to announce the arrival of the savages, although he knew that a dangerous war was on foot, and when he was decoyed into a hidden ambuscade, he stood immovable, overwhelmed by the sudden mischance.

4.7. Arbetio qui adventus barbarorum nuntiarent non exspectans dum adessent, licet sciret aspera orta bellorum, in occultas delatus insidias, stetit immobilis, malo repentino perculsus.

4.8. For the enemy sprang unexpectedly out of their lurking-places and without sparing pierced with many kinds of weapons everything within reach; and in fact not one of our men could resist, nor could they hope for any other means of saving their lives than swift flight. Therefore the soldiers, bent on avoiding wounds, straggled here and there in disorderly march, exposing their backs to blows. Very many however, scattering by narrow by-paths and saved from danger by the protecting darkness of the night, when daylight returned recovered their strength and rejoined each his own company. In this mischance, so heavy and so unexpected, an excessive number of soldiers and ten tribunes were lost.

4.8. Namque improvisi e latebris hostes exsiliunt, et sine parsimonia quicquid offendi poterat telorum genere multiplici configebant; nec enim resistere nostrorum quisquam potuit, nec aliud vitae subsidium, nisi discessu sperare veloci. Quocirca vulneribus declinandis intenti, incomposito agmine milites huc et illuc dispalantes, terga ferienda dederunt. Plerique tamen per angustas semitas sparsi, periculoque praesidio tenebrosae noctis extracti, revoluta iam luce, redintegratis viribus agmini quisque proprio sese consociavit. In quo casu ita tristi et inopino, abundans numerus armatorum, et tribuni desiderati sunt decem.

4.9. As a result the Alamanni, elated in spirit, came on more boldly the following day against the Roman works; and while the morning mist obscured the light they rushed about with drawn swords, gnashing their teeth and giving vent to boastful threats. But the targeteers suddenly sallied forth, and when they were driven back by the opposition of the enemy’s battalions, and were at a standstill, with one mind they called out all their comrades to the fight.

4.9. Ob quae Alamanni sublatis animis ferocius incedentes secuto die prope munimenta Romana, adimente matutina nebula lucem, strictis mucronibus discurrebant, frendendo minas tumidas intentantes. Egressique repente scutarii, cum obiectu turmarum hostilium repercussi stetissent, omnes suos conspiratis mentibus ciebant ad pugnam.

4.10. But when the majority were terrified by the evidence of the recent disaster, and Arbetio hesitated, believing that the sequel would be dangerous, three tribunes sallied forth together: Arintheus, lieutenant-commander of the heavy-armed bodyguard, Seniauchus, leader of a squadron of the household cavalry, and Bappo, an officer of the veterans.

4.10. Verum cum plerosque recentis aerumnae documenta terrerent, et intuta fore residua credens haereret Arbetio, tres simul exsiluere tribuni, Arintheus agens vicem armaturarum rectoris, et Seniachus Seniauchus qui equestrem turmam comitum tuebatur, et Bappo ducens promotos.

4.11. They with the soldiers under their command, devoting themselves on behalf of the common cause, like the Decii of old, poured like a torrent upon the enemy, and not in a pitched battle, but in a series of swift skirmishes, put them all to most shameful flight. And as they scattered with broken ranks and encumbered by their haste to escape, they exposed themselves unprotected, and by many a thrust of swords and spears were cut to pieces.

4.11. Qui cum commissis sibi militibus, pro causa communi se velut propria Deciorum veterum exemplo voventes, more fluminis hostibus superfusi, non iusto proelio sed discursionibus rapidis, universos in fugam coegere foedissimam. Qui dispersi laxatis ordinibus, dumque elabi properant impediti, corpora nudantes intecta, gladiorum hastarumque densis ictibus truncabantur.

4.12. And many, as they lay there, slain horse and man together, seemed even then to be sitting fast upon the back of their mounts. On seeing this, all who had been in doubt about going into battle with their comrades poured forth from the camp, and careless of all precaution trod under foot the horde of savages, except those whom flight had saved from death, trampling on heaps of dead bodies and drenched with the blood of the slain.

4.12. Multique cum equis interfecti iacentes, etiam tum eorum dorsis videbantur innexi; quo viso omnes e castris effusi, qui prodire in proelium cum sociis ambigebant, cavendi immemores, proterebant barbaram plebem, nisi quos fuga exemerat morte, calcantes cadaverum strues, et perfusi sanie peremptorum.

4.13. The battle thus done and ended, the emperor returned in triumph and joy to Milan, to pass the winter.

4.13. Hocque exitu proelio terminate, imperator Mediolanum ad hiberna ovans revertit et laetus.

5.1. Now there arises in this afflicted state of affairs a storm of new calamities, with no less mischief to the provinces; and it would have destroyed everything at once, had not Fortune, arbitress of human chances, brought to an end with speedy issue a most formidable uprising.

5.1. Exoritur iam hinc rebus afflictis, haut dispari provinciarum malo calamitatum turbo novarum, exstincturus omnia simul, ni Fortuna moderatrix humanorum casuum motum eventu celeri consummavit, impendio formidatum.

5.2. Since through long neglect Gaul was enduring bitter massacres, pillage, and the ravages of fire, as the savages plundered at will and no one helped, Silvanus, an infantry commander thought capable of redressing these outrages, came there at the emperor’s order; and Arbetio urged by whatever means he could that this should be hastened, in order that the burden of a perilous undertaking might be imposed upon an absent rival, whose survival even to this time he looked upon as an affliction.

5.2. Cum diuturna incuria Galliae caedes acerbas rapinasque et incendia, barbaris licenter grassantibus, nullo iuvante perferrent, Silvanus pedestris militiae rector, ut efficax ad haec corrigenda, principis iussu perrexit, Arbetione id maturari modis quibus poterat adigente, ut absenti aemulo quem superesse adhuc gravabatur periculosae molis onus impingeret.

5.3. A certain Dynamius, superintendent of the emperor’s pack-animals, had asked Silvanus for letters of recommendation to his friends, in order to make himself very conspicuous, as if he were one of his intimates. On obtaining this request, for Silvanus, suspecting nothing, had innocently granted it, he kept the letters, intending to work some mischief at the proper time.

5.3. Dynamius quidam actuarius sarcinalium principis iumentorum, commendaticias ab eo petierat litteras ad amicos, ut quasi familiaris eiusdem esset notissimus. Hoc impetrato, cum ille nihil suspicans simpliciter praestitisset, servabat epistulas, ut perniciosum aliquid in tempore moliretur.

5.4. So when the abovementioned commander was traversing Gaul in the service of the government and driving forth the savages, who had now lost their confidence and courage, this same Dynamius, being restless in action, like the crafty man he was and practised in deceit, devised a wicked plot. He had as abettors and fellow conspirators, as uncertain rumours declared, Lampadius, the praetorian prefect, and Eusebius, former keeper of the privy purse, who had been nicknamed Mattyocopus, and Aedesius, late master of the rolls, all of whom the said prefect had arranged to have called to the consulship as his nearest friends. With a sponge he effaced the lines of writing, leaving only the signature intact, and wrote above it another text far different from the original, indicating that Silvanus in obscure terms was asking and urging his assistants within the palace or without official position, including both Tuscus Albinus and many more, to help him, aiming as he was at a loftier position and soon to mount to the imperial throne.

5.4. Memorato itaque duce Gallias ex re publica public discursante, barbarosque propellente, iam sibi diffidentes et trepidantes, idem Dynamius inquietius agens, ut versutus et in fallendo exercitatus, fraudem comminiscitur impiam, subornatore et conscio, ut iactavere rumores incerti, Lampadio praefecto praetorio, et Eusebio ex comite rei privatae, cui cognomentum erat inditum Mattyocopae Mattyocopi, atque Aedesio ex magistro memoriae, quos ad consulatum ut amicos iunctissimos idem curarat rogari praefectus; et peniculo serie litterarum abstersa, solaque incolumi relicta subscriptione, alter multum a vero illo dissonans superscribitur textus: velut Silvano rogante verbis obliquis, hortanteque amicos agentes intra palatium, vel privatos, inter quos et Tuscus erat Albinus, aliique plures, ut se altiora coeptantem, et prope diem loci principalis aditum petiturum iuvarent.

5.5. This packet of letters, thus forged at his pleasure to assail the life of an innocent man, the prefect received from Dynamius, and coming into the emperor’s private room at an opportune time and finding him alone, secretly handed it to him, accustomed as he was eagerly to investigate these and similar charges. Thereby the prefect hoped that he would be rewarded by the emperor, as a most watchful and careful guardian of his safety. And when these letters, patched together with cunning craft, were read to the consistory, orders were given that those tribunes whose names were mentioned in the letters should be imprisoned, and that the private individuals should be brought to the capital from the provinces.

5.5. Hunc fascem ad arbitrium figmenti compositum, vitam pulsaturum insontis, a Dynamio susceptum praefectus imperatori, avide scrutari haec et similia consueto, secrete obtulit soli, ingressus intimum conclave in tempore, deinde sperans accepturum se a principe praemium, ut pervigilem salutis eius custodem et cautum, lectaque consistorio astu callido consarcinata materia, tribuni iussi sunt custodiri, et de provinciis duci privati, quorum epistulae nomina designabant.

5.6. But Malarichus, commander of the gentiles, was at once struck with the unfairness of the procedure, and summoning his colleagues, vigorously protested, exclaiming that men devoted to the empire ought not to be made victims of cliques and wiles. And he asked that he himself—leaving as hostages his relatives and having Mallobaudes, tribune of the heavy-armed guard, as surety for his return—might be commissioned to go quickly and fetch Silvanus, who was not entering upon any such attempt as those most bitter plotters had trumped up. Or as an alternative, he asked that he might make a like promise and that Mallobaudes be allowed to hurry there and perform what he himself had promised to do.

5.6. Confestimque iniquitate rei percitus Malarichus, gentilium rector, collegis adhibitis strepebat immaniter, circumveniri homines dicatos imperio per factiones et dolos minime debere proclamans, petebatque ut ipse relictis obsidum loco necessitudinibus suis, Mallobaude armaturarum tribuno spondente quod remeabit, velocius iuberetur ire ducturus Silvanum, aggredi nihil tale conatum, quale insidiatores acerrimi concitarunt; vel contra se paria promittente, Mallobaudem orabat properare permitti, haec quae ipse pollicitus est impleturum.

5.7. For he declared that he knew beyond question that, if any outsider should be sent, Silvanus, being by nature apprehensive, even when there was nothing alarming, would be likely to upset the peace.

5.7. Testabatur enim id se procul dubio scire, quod siqui mitteretur externus, suopte ingenio Silvanus etiam nulla re perterrente timidior, composita forte turbabit.

5.8. But although his advice was expedient and necessary, yet he was talking vainly to the winds. For by Arbetio’s advice Apodemius, an inveterate and bitter enemy of every patriot, was sent with a letter to recall Silvanus. He, caring little for what might happen, on arriving in Gaul, departed from the instructions given him on his setting out and remained there without either interviewing Silvanus or citing him to come to court by delivering the letter; and associating with himself the fiscal agent of the province, as if the said infantry commander were proscribed and now to be executed, he abused his dependents and slaves with the arrogance of an enemy.

5.8. Et quamquam utilia moneret et necessaria, ventis tamen loquebatur incassum. Namque Arbetione auctore, Apodemius ad eum vocandum cum litteris mittitur, inimicus bonorum omnium diuturnus et gravis. Qui incidentia parvi ducens cum venisset in Gallias, dissidens a mandatis, quae proficiscenti sunt data, nec viso Silvano nec oblatis scriptis ut veniret admonito, remansit adscitoque rationali, quasi proscripti iamque necandi magistri peditum clientes et servos hostili tumore vexabat.

5.9. In the meantime, however, while Silvanus’ presence was awaited and Apodemius was disturbing the peace, Dynamius, in order to maintain the credibility of his wicked inventions with a stronger argument, had made up a letter tallying with the one which he had presented to the emperor through the prefect, and sent it to the tribune of the Cremona armory, in the name of Silvanus and Malarichus; in this letter the tribune, as one privy to their secret designs, was admonished to prepare everything with speed.

5.9. Inter haec tamen dum praesentia Silvani speratur, et Apodemius quieta perturbat, Dynamius ut argumento validiore impie structorum adsereret fidem, compositas litteras his concinentes quas obtulerat principi per praefectum, ad tribunum miserat fabricae Cremonensis, nomine Silvani et Malarichi, a quibus ut arcanorum conscius monebatur parare propere cuncta.

5.10. When the tribune had read this, hesitating for a long time and puzzling as to what in the world it meant (for he did not remember that the men whose letter he had received had ever talked with him about any confidential business), he sent the identical letter back to Malarichus by the carrier who had brought it, and with him a soldier, begging Malarichus to explain openly what he wanted, and not so enigmatically. For he declared that, being a somewhat rude and plain man, he had not understood what had been obscurely intimated.

5.10. Qui cum haec legisset, haerens et ambigens diu quidnam id esset—nec enim meminerat secum aliquando super negotio ullo interiore hos quorum litteras acceperat collocutos—epistulas ipsas per baiulum qui portarat, iuncto milite ad Malarichum remisit, obsecrans ut doceret aperte quae vellet, non ita perplexe; nec enim intellexisse firmabat, ut subagrestem et simplicem, quid significatum esset obscurius.