5.11. Malarichus, on unexpectedly receiving this, being even then troubled and sad, and grievously lamenting his own lot and that of his fellow-countryman Silvanus, called together the Franks, who at that time were numerous and influential in the palace, and now spoke more boldly, raising an outcry over the disclosure of the plot and the unveiling of the deceit by which their lives were avowedly aimed at.
5.11. Haec Malarichus subito nanctus, etiam tunc tune squalens et maestus, suamque et popularis Silvani vicem graviter ingemiscens, adhibitis Francis, quorum ea tempestate in palatio multitudo multitude florebat, erectius iam loquebatur; tumultuando patefactis insidiis reserataque iam fallacia, per quam ex confesso salus eorum appetebatur.
5.12. And on learning this, the emperor decided that the matter should be investigated searchingly through the medium of his council and all his officers. And when the judges had taken their seats, Florentius, son of Nigrinianus, at the time deputy master of the offices, on scrutinizing the script with greater care, and finding a kind of shadow, as it were, of the former letters, perceived what had been done, namely, that the earlier text had been tampered with and other matter added quite different from what Silvanus had dictated, in accordance with the intention of this patched-up forgery.
5.12. Hisque cognitis statuit imperator, dispicientibus consistorianis et militaribus universis, in negotium perspicaciter inquiri. Cumque iudices resedissent, Florentius Nigriniani filius agens tune pro magistro officiorum, contemplans diligentius scripta, apicumque pristinorum quasi quandam umbram repperiens animadvertit (ut factum est) priore textu interpolato longe alia quam dictarat Silvanus, ex libidine consarcinatae falsitatis adscripta.
5.13. Accordingly, when this cloud of deceit had broken away, the emperor, learning of the events from a faithful report, deprived the prefect of his powers, and gave orders that he should be put under examination; but he was acquitted through an energetic conspiracy of many persons. Eusebius, however, former count of the privy purse, on being put upon the rack, admitted that this had been set on foot with his cognizance.
5.13. Proinde fallaciarum nube discussa, imperator doctus gesta relatione fideli, abrogata potestate praefectum statui sub quaestione praecepit, sed absolutus est enixa conspiratione multorum. Suspensus autem Eusebius ex comite privatarum, se conscio haec dixerat concitata.
5.14. Aedesius, who maintained with stout denial that he had known nothing of what was done, got off scot-free. And so at the close of the business all those were acquitted whom the incriminating report had forced to be produced for trial; in fact Dynamius, as if given distinction by his illustrious conduct, was bidden to govern Etruria and Umbria with the rank of corrector.
5.14. Aedesius omnino nescisse quid actum sit pertinaci infitiatione contendens, abiit innoxius, et ita finito negotio, omnes sunt absoluti quos exhiberi delatio compulit criminosa. Dynamius vero ut praeclaris artibus illustratus, cum correctoris dignitate regere iussus est Tuscos et Umbros.
5.15. Meanwhile Silvanus, stationed at Cologne and learning from his friends’ constant messages what Apodemius was undertaking to the ruin of his fortunes, knowing the pliant mind of the fickle emperor, and fearing lest he should be condemned to death absent and unheard, was put in a most difficult position and thought of entrusting himself to the good faith of the savages.
5.15. Agens inter haec apud Agrippinam Silvanus, assiduisque suorum comperiens nuntiis, quae Apodemius in labem suarum ageret fortunarum, et sciens animum tenerum versabilis principis, timensque ne trucidaretur absens et inauditus, in difficultate positus maxima, barbaricae se fidei committere cogitabat.
5.16. But he was prevented by Laniogaisus, at that time a tribune, whom I have earlier stated to have been the sole witness of Constans’ death, while he was serving as a subaltern. He assured Silvanus that the Franks, whose fellow-countryman he was, would kill him or on receipt of a bribe betray him. So Silvanus, seeing no safety under present conditions, was driven to extreme measures, and having gradually spoken more boldly with the chief officers, he aroused them by the greatness of the reward he promised; then as a temporary expedient he tore the purple decorations from the standards of the cohorts and the companies, and so mounted to the imperial dignity.
5.16. Sed Laniogaiso vetante (tunc tribuno) quem dum militaret candidatus solum adfuisse morituro Constanti supra rettulimus, docenteque Francos, unde oriebatur, interfecturos eum aut accepto praemio prodituros, nihil tutum ex praesentibus ratus, in consilia agitabatur extrema et sensim cum principiorum verticibus erectius collocutus, eisdemque magnitudine promissae mercedis accensis, cultu purpureo a draconum et vexillorum insignibus ad tempus abstracto, ad culmen imperiale surrexit.
5.17. And while this was going on in Gaul, as the day was already drawing to its close, an unexpected messenger reached Milan, openly declaring that Silvanus, aiming higher than the command of the infantry, had won over his army and risen to imperial eminence.
5.17. Dumque haec aguntur in Galliis, ad occasum inclinato iam die, perfertur Mediolanum insperabilis nuntius, aperte Silvanum demonstrans, dum ex magisterio peditum altius nititur, sollicitato exercitu ad augustum culmen evectum.
5.18. Constantius, struck down by the weight of this unexpected mischance as by a thunderbolt of Fate, called a council at about midnight, and all the chief officials hastened to the palace. And when no one’s mind or tongue was equal to showing what ought to be done, mention in subdued tones was made of Ursicinus, as a man conspicuous for his sagacity in the art of war, and one who had been without reason provoked by serious injustice. And when he had been summoned by the master of ceremonies (which is the more honourable way) and had entered the council chamber, he was offered the purple to kiss much more graciously than ever before. Now it was the emperor Diocletian who was the first to introduce this foreign and royal form of adoration, whereas we have read that always before our emperors were saluted like the higher officials.
5.18. Hac mole casus inopini Constantio icto, quasi fulmine Fati, primates, consilio secunda vigilia convocato, properarunt omnes in regiam. Cumque nulli ad eligendum quid agi deberet, mens suppetere posset aut lingua, submissis verbis perstringebatur Ursicini mentio, ut consiliis rei bellicae praestantissimi, frustraque gravi iniuria lacessiti, et per admissionum magistrum—qui mos est honoratior—accito eodem, ingresso consistorium offertur purpura multo quam antea placidius. Diocletianus enim Augustus omnium primus, externo et regio more instituit adorari, cum semper antea ad similitudinem iudicum salutatos principes legerimus.
5.19. So the man who shortly before with malicious slander was called the maelstrom of the East and a seeker after acquisition of imperial power through his sons, then became a most politic leader and mighty fellow-soldier of Constantine’s, and the only person to extinguish the fire; but he was really being attacked under motives honourable, to be sure, but yet insidious. For great care was being taken that Silvanus should be destroyed as a very brave rebel; or, if that should fail, that Ursicinus, already deeply gangrened, should be utterly annihilated, in order that a rock so greatly to be dreaded should not be left.
5.19. Et qui paulo antea cum insectatione malivola, orientis vorago, invadendaeque summae rei per filios affectator compellabatur, tune dux prudentissimus, et Constantini magnus erat commilito, solusque ad extinguendum, probis quidem sed insidiosis rationibus petebatur. Diligens enim opera navabatur, exstingui Silvanum, ut fortissimum perduellem, aut (si secus accidisset) Ursicinum exulceratum iam penitus aboleri, ne superesset scopulus impendio formidandus.
5.20. Accordingly, when arrangements were being made for hastening his departure, and the general undertook the refutation of the charges brought against him, the emperor, forestalling him by a mild address, forbade it, declaring that it was not the time for taking up the defence of a disputed case, when the urgency of pressing affairs which should be mitigated before it grew worse, demanded that parties should mutually be restored to their old-time harmony.
5.20. Igitur cum de profectione celeranda disponeretur, propulsationem obiectorum criminum eundem ducem parantem praegressus, oratione leni prohibet imperator, non id esse memorans tempus, ut controversa defensio causae susciperetur, cum vicissim restitui in pristinam concordiam partes necessitas subigeret urgentium rerum, antequam cresceret mollienda.
5.21. Accordingly, after a many-sided debate, this point was chiefly discussed, namely, by what device Silvanus might be led to think that the emperor even then had no knowledge of his action. And they invented a plausible means of strengthening his confidence, advising him in a complimentary letter to receive Ursicinus as his successor and return with his dignities unimpaired.
5.21. Habita igitur deliberatione multiplici, id potissimum tractabatur, quo commento Silvanus gesta etiam tum imperatorem ignorare existimaret. Et probabili argumento ad firmandam fidem reperto monetur honorificis scriptis, ut accepto Ursicino successore cum potestate rediret intacta.
5.22. After this had been thus settled, Ursicinus was ordered to set forth at once, accompanied (as he had requested) by some tribunes and ten of the body-guard, to assist the exigencies of the state. Among these I myself was one, with my colleague Verinianus; all the rest were relatives and friends.
5.22. Post haec ita digesta protinus iubetur exire, tribunis et protectoribus domesticis decem, ut postularat, ad iuvandas necessitates publicas ei coniunctis, inter quos ego quoque eram cum Veriniano collega, residui omnes propinqui et familiares.
5.23. And when he left, each of us attended him for a long distance in fear only for our own safety. But although we were, like gladiators, cast before ravening wild beasts, yet reflecting that melancholy events after all have this good sequel, that they give way to good fortune, we admired that saying of Tully’s, delivered even from the inmost depths of truth itself, which runs as follows: “And although it is most desirable that our fortune always remain wholly favourable, yet that evenness of life does not give so great a sense of satisfaction as when, after wretchedness and disaster, fortune is recalled to a better estate.”
5.23. Iamque eum egressum solum de se metuens quisque per longa spatia deducebat. Et quamquam ut bestiarii obiceremur intractabilibus feris, perpendentes tamen hoc bonum habere tristia accidentia, quod in locum suum secunda substituunt, mirabamur illam sententiam Tullianam, ex internis veritatis ipsius promulgatam, quae est talis: “Et quamquam optatissimum est perpetuo fortunam quam florentissimam permanere, illa tamen aequalitas vitae non tantum habet sensum, quantum cum ex miseris et perditis rebus ad meliorem statum fortuna revocatur.”
5.24. Accordingly, we hastened by forced marches, since the commander-in-chief of the army, in his zeal, wished to appear in the suspected districts before any report of the usurpation had made its way into Italy. But for all our running haste, Rumour had flown before us by some aerial path and revealed our coming; and on arriving at Cologne we found everything above our reach.
5.24. Festinamus itaque itineribus magnis, ut ambitiosus magister armorum, ante allapsum per Italicos de tyrannide ullum Rumorem, in suspectis finibus appareret, verum cursim nos properantes aeria quadam via antevolans prodiderat Fama, et Agrippinam ingressi, invenimus cuncta nostris conatibus altiora.
5.25. For since a great crowd assembled from all sides gave a firm foundation to the enterprise so timidly begun, and large forces had been mustered, it seemed, in view of the state of affairs, more fitting that our general should complaisantly favour the upstart emperor’s purpose and desire to be strengthened in the growth of his power by deceptive omens; to the end that by means of manifold devices of flattery his feeling of security might be made more complete, and he might be caught off his guard against anything hostile.
5.25. Namque convena undique multitudine trepide coepta fundante, coactisque copiis multis, pro statu rei praesentis id aptius videbatur, ut ad imperatoris novelli, per ludibriosa auspicia virium accessu firmandi sensum ac voluntatem dux flexibilis verteretur; quo variis assentandi figmentis in mollius vergente securitate, nihil metuens hostile deciperetur.
5.26. But the issue of this project seemed difficult; for special care had to be observed that the onsets should take advantage of the right moment, neither anticipating it nor falling short of it. Since if they should break out prematurely, we were all sure to suffer death under a single sentence.
5.26. Cuius rei finis arduus videbatur; erat enim cautius observandum, ut appetitus opportunitati obtemperarent, nec praecurrentes eam nec deserentes. Qui si eluxissent intempestive, constabat nos omnes sub elogio uno morte multandos.
5.27. However, our general, being kindly received and forcing himself-since our very commission bent our necks-formally to reverence the high-aiming wearer of the purple, was welcomed as a distinguished and intimate friend. In freedom of access and honourable place at the royal table he was so preferred to others that he came to be confidentially consulted about the most important affairs.
5.27. Susceptus tamen idem dux leniter adactusque, inclinante negotio ipso cervices, adorare sollemniter anhelantem celsius purpuratum, ut spectabilis colebatur et intimus: facilitate aditus honoreque mensae regalis adeo antepositus aliis, ut iam secretius de rerum summa consultaretur.
5.28. Silvanus took it ill that while unworthy men were raised to the consulship and to high positions, he and Ursicinus alone, after having toiled through such heavy and repeated tasks for the government, had been so scorned that he himself had been cruelly harassed in an unworthy controversy through the examination of friends of his, and summoned to trial for treason, while Ursicinus, haled back from the East, was delivered over to the hatred of his enemies; and these continual complaints he made both covertly and openly.
5.28. Aegre ferebat Silvanus ad consulatum potestatesque sublimes elatis indignis, se et Ursicinum solos post exsudatos magnos pro re publica labores et crebros, ita fuisse despectos, ut ipse quidem per quaestiones familiarium sub disceptatione ignobili crudeliter agitatus, commisisse in maiestatem arcesseretur, alter vero ab oriente raptus odiis inimicorum addiceretur; et haec assidue clam querebatur et palam.
5.29. We however were alarmed, in spite of these and similar speeches, at the uproarious complaints of the soldiers on every hand, pleading their destitution and eager to burst through the passes of the Cottian Alps with all speed.
5.29. Terrebant nos tamen, cum dicerentur haec et similia, circumfrementia undique murmura causantis inopiam militis, et rapida celeritate ardentis angustias Alpium perrumpere Cottiarum.
5.30. Amid this perplexing distress of spirit we kept casting about in secret investigation for some plan likely to have results; and in the end, after often changing our minds through fear, we resolved to search with the greatest pains for discreet representatives, to bind our communication with solemn oaths, and try to win over the Bracchiati and Cornuti, troops wavering in their allegiance and ready to be swayed by any influence for an ample bribe.
5.30. In hoc aestu mentis ancipiti, ad effectum tendens consilium occulta scrutabamur scrutabamus indagine, sederatque tandem mutatis prae timore saepe sententiis, ut quaesitis magna industria cautis rei ministris, obstricto religionum consecratione colloquio, Bracchiati sollicitarentur atque Cornuti, fluxioris fidei et ubertate mercedis ad momentum omne versabiles.
5.31. Accordingly, the matter was arranged through some common soldiers as go-betweens, men who through their very inconspicuousness were suited to accomplish it; and just as sunrise was reddening the sky, a sudden group of armed men, fired by the expectation of rewards, burst forth; and as usually happens in critical moments, made bolder by slaying the sentinels, they forced their way into the palace, dragged Silvanus from a chapel where he had in breathless fear taken refuge, while on his way to the celebration of a Christian service, and butchered him with repeated sword-thrusts.
5.31. Firmato itaque negotio per sequestres quosdam gregarios, obscuritate ipsa ad id patrandum idoneos, praemiorum exspectatione accensus solis ortu iam rutilo, subitus armatorum globus erupit, atque ut solet in dubiis rebus, audentior caesis custodibus, regia penetrata, Silvanum extractum aedicula, quo exanimatus confugerat, ad conventiculum ritus Christiani tendentem, densis gladiorum ictibus trucidarunt.
5.32. So fell by this manner of death a general of no slight merits, who through fear due to the slanders in which he was ensnared during his absence by a clique of his enemies, in order to save his life had resorted to the uttermost measures of defence.
5.32. Ita dux haut exsilium meritorum hoc genere oppetit mortis, metu calumniarum, quibus factione iniquorum irretitus est absens, ut tueri possit salutem, ad praesidia progressus extrema.
5.33. For although he held Constantius under obligation through gratitude for that timely act of coming over to his side with his soldiers before the battle of Mursa, yet he feared him as variable and uncertain, although he could point also to the valiant deeds of his father Bonitus, a Frank it is true, but one who in the civil war often fought vigorously on the side of Constantine against the soldiers of Licinius.
5.33. Licet enim ob tempestivam illam cum armaturis proditionem ante Mursense proelium obligatum gratia retineret Constantium, ut dubium tamen et mutabilem verebatur, licet patris quoque Boniti praetenderet fortia facta, Franci quidem sed pro Constantini partibus in bello civili acriter contra Licinianos saepe versati.
5.34. Now it had happened that before anything of the kind was set on foot in Gaul, the people at Rome in the Great Circus (whether excited by some story or by some presentiment is uncertain) cried out with a loud voice: “Silvanus is vanquished.”
5.34. Evenerat autem ut, antequam huius modi aliquid agitaretur in Galliis, Romae in Circo maximo populus, incertum relatione quadam percitus an praesagio, “Silvanus devictus est” magnis vocibus exclamaret.
5.35. Accordingly, when Silvanus had been slain at Cologne, as has been related, the emperor learned of it with inconceivable joy, and swollen with vanity and pride, ascribed this also to the prosperous course of his own good fortune, in accordance with the way in which he always hated brave and energetic men, as Domitian did in times gone by, yet tried to overcome them by every possible scheme of opposition.
5.35. Igitur Silvano Agrippinae (ut relatum est) interfecto, inaestimabili gaudio re cognita princeps, insolentia coalitus et tumore, hoc quoque felicitatis suae prosperis cursibus assignabat, eo more quo semper oderat fortiter facientes, ut quondam Domitianus, superare tamen quacumque arte contraria cupiebat.
5.36. And so far was he from praising conscientious service, that he actually wrote that Ursicinus had embezzled funds from the Gallic treasury, which no one had touched. And he had ordered the matter to be closely examined, questioning Remigius, who at that time was already auditor of the general’s office of infantry supplies, and whose fate it was, long afterwards, in the days of Valentinian, to take his life with the halter because of the affair of the embassy from Tripoli.
5.36. Tantumque afuit laudare industrie gesta, ut etiam quaedam scriberet de Gallicanis intercepta thesauris, quos nemo attigerat. Idque scrutari iusserat artius interrogate Remigio, etiam tum rationario apparitionis armorum magistri, cui multo postea Valentiniani temporibus laques vitam in causa Tripolitanae legationis, eripuit.
5.37. After this turn of affairs, Constantius, as one that now touched the skies with his head and would control all human chances, was puffed up by the grandiloquence of his flatterers, whose number he himself increased by scorning and rejecting those who were not adepts in that line; as we read of Croesus, that he drove Solon headlong out of his kingdom for the reason that he did not know how to flatter; and of Dionysius, that he threatened the poet Philoxenus with death, because when the tyrant was reading aloud his own silly and unrythmical verses, and every one else applauded, the poet alone listened unmoved.
5.37. Post quae ita completa, Constantius ut iam caelo contiguus, casibusque imperaturus humanis, magniloquentia sufflabatur adulatorum, quos augebat ipse spernendo proiciendoque id genus parum callentes, ut Croesum legimus ideo regno suo Solonem expulisse praecipitem, quia blandiri nesciebat; et Dionysium intentasse poetae Philoxeno Phiioxeno mortem, cum eum recitantem proprios versus absurdos et inconcinnos, laudantibus cunctis, solus audiret immobilis.
5.38. But this fault is a pernicious nurse of vices. For praise ought to be acceptable in high places only when opportunity is also sometimes given for reproach of things ill done.
5.38. Quae res perniciosa vitiorum est altrix. Ea demum enim laus grata esse potestati debet excelsae, cum interdum et vituperationi secus gestorum pateat locus.
6.1. And now after this relief the usual trials were set on foot, and many men were punished with bonds and chains, as malefactors. For up rose that diabolical informer Paulus, bubbling over with joy, to begin practising his venomous arts more freely; and when the councillors and officers (as was ordered) inquired into the matter, Proculus, Silvanus’ adjutant, was put upon the rack. Since he was a puny and sickly man, every one feared that his slight frame would yield to excessive torture, and that he would cause many persons of all conditions to be accused of heinous crimes. But the result was not at all what was expected.
6.1. Iamque post securitatem quaestiones agitabantur ex more, et vinculis catenisque plures ut noxii plectebantur. Exsurgebat enim effervens laetitia Paulus, tartareus ille delator, ad venenatas artes suas licentius exercendas, et inquirentibus in negotium consistorianis atque militaribus (ut praeceptum est) Proculus admovetur eculeo, Silvani domesticus, homo gracilis et morbosus, metuentibus cunctis, ne vi nimia tormentorum, levi corpore fatigato, reos atrocium criminum promiscue citari faceret multos. Verum contra quam speratum est contigit.
6.2. For mindful of a dream, in which he was forbidden while asleep, as he himself declared, to strike a certain innocent person, although tortured to the very brink of death, he neither named nor impeached anyone, but steadfastly defended the action of Silvanus, proving by credible evidence that he had attempted his enterprise, not driven on from ambition, but compelled by necessity.
6.2. Memor enim somnii quo vetitus erat per quietem (ut ipse firmavit) pulsare quendam insontem, usque ad confinia mortis vexatus, nec nominavit nec prodidit aliquem, sed asserebat factum Silvani constanter, id eum cogitasse quod iniit, non cupiditate sed necessitate compulsum, argumento evidenti demonstrans.
6.3. For he brought forward a convincing reason, made clear by the testimony of many persons, namely, that four days before Silvanus assumed the badges of empire, he paid the soldiers and in Constantius’ name exhorted them to be brave and loyal. From which it was clear that if he were planning to appropriate the insignia of a higher rank, he would have bestowed so great a quantity of gold as his own gift.
6.3. Causam enim probabilem ponebat in medio, multorum testimoniis claram, quod die quinto antequam infulas susciperet principatus, donatum stipendio militem Constanti nomine allocutus est, fortis esset et fidus. Unde apparebat quod si praesumere fortunae superioris insignia conaretur, auri tam grave pondus largiretur ut suum.
6.4. After him Poemenius, doomed like evil doers, was haled to execution and perished; he was the man (as we have told above) who was chosen to protect his fellow-citizens when Treves closed its gates against Decentius Caesar. Then the counts Asclepiodotus, Lutto and Maudio were put to death, and many others, since the obduracy of the times made an intricate investigation into these and similar charges.
6.4. Post hunc damnatorum sorte Poemenius raptus ad supplicium interiit, qui (ut supra rettulimus) cum Treveri civitatem Caesari clausissent Decentio, ad defendendam plebem electus est. Tum Asclepiodotus et Lutto et Maudio comites interempti sunt, aliique plures, haec et similia perplexe temporis obstinatione scrutante.
7.1. While the dire confusion was causing these calamities of general destruction, Leontius, governor of the Eternal City, gave many proofs of being an excellent judge; for he was prompt in hearing cases, most just in his decisions, by nature kindly, although for the sake of maintaining his authority he seemed to some to be severe and too apt to condemn.
7.1. Dum has exitiorum communium clades suscitat turbo feralis, urbem aeternam Leontius regens, multa spectati iudicis documenta praebebat, in audiendo celerior, in disceptando iustissimus, natura benevolus, licet auctoritatis causa servandae acer quibusdam videbatur, et inclinatior ad damnandum.
7.2. Now the first device for stirring up rebellion against him was very slight and trivial. For when the arrest of the charioteer Philoromus was ordered, all the commons followed, as if to defend their own darling, and with a formidable onslaught set upon the governor, thinking him to be timid. But he, firm and resolute, sent his officers among them-seized some and put them to the torture, and then without anyone protesting or opposing him he punished them with exile to the islands.
7.2. Prima igitur causa seditionis in eum concitandae vilissima fuit et levis. Philoromum enim aurigam rapi praeceptum, secuta plebs omnis, velut defensura proprium pignus, terribili impetu praefectum incessebat ut timidum, sed ille stabilis et erectus, immissis apparitoribus, correptos aliquos vexatosque tormentis, nec strepente ullo nec obsistente, insulari poena multavit.
7.3. And a few days later the people again, excited with their usual passion, and alleging a scarcity of wine, assembled at the Septemzodium, a much frequented spot, where the emperor Marcus Aurelius erected a Nymphaeum of pretentious style. Thither the governor resolutely proceeded, although earnestly entreated by all his legal and official suite not to trust himself to the self-confident and threatening throng, which was still angry from the former disturbance; but he, hard to frighten, kept straight on, so boldly that a part of his following deserted him, though he was hastening into imminent danger.
7.3. Diebusque paucis secutis cum itidem plebs excita calore quo consuevit, vini causando inopiam, ad Septemzodium convenisset, celebrem locum, ubi operis ambitiosi Nymphaeum Marcus condidit imperator, illuc de industria pergens praefectus, ab omni toga apparitioneque rogabatur enixius, ne in multitudinem se arrogantem immitteret et minacem, ex commotione pristina saevientem; difficilis ad pavorem, recta tetendit, adeo ut eum obsequentium pars desereret, licet in periculum festinantem abruptum.
7.4. Then, seated in his carriage, with every appearance of confidence he scanned with keen eyes the faces of the crowds in their tiers, raging on all sides of him like serpents, and allowed many insults to be hurled at him; but recognising one fellow conspicuous among the rest, of huge stature and redheaded, he asked him if he were not Peter, surnamed Valuomeres, as he had heard. And when the man had replied in insolent tones that he was none other, the governor, who had known him of old as the ringleader of the malcontents, in spite of the outcries of many, gave orders to bind his hands behind him and hang him up.
7.4. Insidens itaque vehiculo, cum speciosa fiducia contuebatur acribus oculis tumultuantium undique cuneorum, veluti serpentium vultus, perpessusque multa dici probrosa, agnitum quendam inter alios eminentem vasti corporis rutilique capilli, interrogavit, an ipse esset Petrus Valuomeres (ut audierat) cognomento; eumque cum esse sonu respondisset obiurgatorio, ut seditiosorum antesignanum olim sibi compertum, reclamantibus multis, post terga manibus vinctis, suspendi praecepit.
7.5. On seeing him aloft, vainly begging for the aid of his fellows, the whole mob, until then crowded together, scattered through the various arteries of the city and vanished so completely that this most doughty promoter of riots had his sides well flogged, as if in a secret dungeon, and was banished to Picenum. There later he had the hardihood to offer violence to a maiden of good family, and, under sentence of the governor Patruinus, suffered capital punishment.
7.5. Quo viso sublimi, tribuliumque adiumentum nequicquam implorante, vulgus omne paulo ante confertum, per varia urbis membra diffusum, ita evanuit ut turbarum acerrimus concitor, tamquam in iudiciali secreto exaratis lateribus, ad Picenum eiceretur, ubi postea ausus eripere virginis non obscurae pudorem, Patruini consularis sententia supplicio est capitali addictus.
7.6. During the administration of this Leontius, a priest of the Christian religion, Liberius by name, by order of Constantius was brought before the privy council on the charge of opposing the emperor’s commands and the decrees of the majority of his colleagues in an affair which I shall run over briefly.
7.6. Hoc administrante Leontio, Liberius Christianae legis antistes, a Constantio ad comitatum mitti praeceptus est, tamquam imperatoriis iussis et plurimorum sui consortium decretis obsistens, in re quam brevi textu percurram.
7.7. Athanasius, at that time bishop of Alexandria, was a man who exalted himself above his calling and tried to pry into matters outside his province, as persistent rumours revealed; therefore an assembly which had been convoked of members of that same sect—a synod, as they call it—deposed him from the rank that he held.
7.7. Athanasium episcopum eo tempore apud Alexandriam, ultra professionem altius se efferentem, scitarique conatum externa, ut prodidere rumores assidui, coetus in unum quaesitus eiusdem legis cultorum (synodus ut appellant) removit a sacramento quod optinebat.
7.8. For it was reported that, being highly skilled in the interpretation of prophetic lots or of the omens indicated by birds, he had sometimes foretold future events; and besides this he was also charged with other practices repugnant to the purposes of the religion over which he presided.
7.8. Dicebatur enim fatidicarum sortium fidem, quaeve augurales portenderent alites, scientissime callens, aliquotiens praedixisse futura; super his intendebantur ei alia quoque, a proposito legis abhorrentia cui praesidebat.
7.9. Liberius, when directed by the emperor’s order to depose him from his priesthood by endorsing the official decree, though holding the same opinion as the rest strenuously objected, crying out that it was the height of injustice to condemn a man unseen and unheard, thus, of course, openly defying the emperor’s will.
7.9. Hunc per subscriptionem abicere sede sacerdotali, paria sentiens ceteris, iubente principe Liberius monitus, perseveranter renitebatur, nec visum hominem nec auditum damnare nefas ultimum saepe exclamans, aperte scilicet recalcitrans imperatoris arbitrio.
7.10. For although Constantius, who was always hostile to Athanasius, knew that the matter had been carried out, yet he strove with eager desire to have it ratified also by the higher power of the bishop of the Eternal City; and since he could not obtain this, Liberius was spirited away, but only with the greatest difficulty and in the middle of the night, for fear of the populace, who were devotedly attached to him.
7.10. Id enim ille Athanasio semper infestus, licet sciret impletum, tamen auctoritate quoque potiore aeternae urbis episcopi firmari desiderio nitebatur ardenti; quo non impetrato, Liberius aegre populi metu, qui eius amore flagrabat, cum magna difficultate noctis medio potuit asportari.
8.1. This, then, was the situation at Rome, as the preceding text has shown. But Constantius was disquieted by frequent messages reporting that Gaul was in desperate case, since the savages were ruinously devastating everything without opposition. And after worrying for a long time how he might forcibly avert these disasters, while himself remaining in Italy as he desired—for he thought it risky to thrust himself into a far—distant regionhe at length hit upon the right plan and thought of associating with himself in a share of the empire his cousin Julian, who not so very long before had been summoned from the district of Achaia and still wore his student’s cloak.
8.1. Et haec quidem Romae (ut ostendit textus superior) agebantur. Constantium vero exagitabant assidui nuntii, deploratas iam Gallias indicantes, nullo renitente ad internecionem barbaris vastantibus universa; aestuansque diu qua vi propulsaret aerumnas, ipse in Italia residens, ut cupiebat periculosum enim existimabat se in partem contrudere longe dimotam—repperit tandem consilium rectum, et Iulianum patruelem fratrem haut ita dudum ab Achaico tractu accitum, etiam tum palliatum, in societatem imperii adsciscere cogitabat.
8.2. When Constantius, driven by the weight of impending calamities, admitted his purpose to his intimates, openly declaring (what he had never done before) that in his lone state he was giving way before so many and such frequent crises, they, being trained to excessive flattery, tried to cajole him, constantly repeating that there was nothing so difficult that his surpassing ability and a good fortune so nearly celestial could not overcome as usual. And several, since the consciousness of their offences pricked them on, added that the title of Caesar ought henceforth to be avoided, rehearsing what had happened under Gallus.
8.2. Id ubi, urgente malorum impendentium mole, confessus est proximis, succumbere tot necessitatibus tamque crebris unum se (quod numquam fecerat) aperte demonstrans, illi in assentationem nimiam eruditi, infatuabant hominem, nihil esse ita asperum dictitantes, quod praepotens eius virtus, fortunaque tam vicina sideribus, non superaret ex more. Addebantque noxarum conscientia stimulante complures, deinceps caveri debere Caesaris nomen, replicantes gesta sub Gallo.
8.3. To them in their obstinate resistance the queen alone opposed herself, whether she dreaded journeying to a far country or with her native intelligence took counsel for the common good, and she declared that a kinsman ought to be preferred to every one else. So, after much bandying the matter to and fro in fruitless deliberations, the emperor’s resolution stood firm, and setting aside all bootless discussion, he decided to admit Julian to a share in the imperial power.
8.3. Quis annitentibus obstinate opponebat se sola regina, incertum migrationem ad longinqua pertimescens, an pro nativa prudentia consulens in commune, omnibusque memorans anteponi debere propinquum. Post multa itaque per deliberationes ambiguas actitata, stetit fixa sententia, abiectisque disputationibus irritis, ad imperium placuit Iulianum assumere.
8.4. So when he had been summoned and had arrived, on an appointed day all his fellow-soldiers there present were called together, and a platform was erected on a lofty scaffolding, surrounded by the eagles and the standards. On this Augustus stood, and holding Julian by the right hand, in a quiet tone delivered the following address:
8.4. Et cum venisset accitus, praedicto die advocato omni quod aderat commilitio, tribunali ad altiorem suggestum erecto, quod aquilae circumdederunt et signa, Augustus insistens eumque manu retinens dextera, haec sermone placido peroravit:
8.5. “We stand before you, valiant defenders of our country, to avenge the common cause with one all but unanimous spirit; and how I shall accomplish this I shall briefly explain to you, as impartial judges.”
8.5. “Adsistimus apud vos—optimi rei publicae defensores—causae communi uno paene omnium spiritu vindicandae, quam acturus tamquam apud aequos iudices succinctius edocebo.”
8.6. “After the death of those rebellious tyrants whom mad fury drove to attempt the designs which they projected, the savages, as if sacrificing to their wicked Manes with Roman blood, have forced our peaceful frontier and are over-running Gaul, encouraged by the belief that dire straits beset us throughout our far-flung empire.”
8.6. “Post interitum rebellium tyrannorum, quos ad haec temptanda quae moverunt, rabies egit et furor, velut impiis eorum manibus Romano sanguine parentantes, persultant barbari Gallias, rupta limitum pace; hac animati fiducia, quod nos per disiunctissimas terras arduae necessitates adstringunt.”
8.7. “If this evil therefore, which is already creeping on beyond set bounds, is met by the accord of our and your wills while time permits, the necks of these proud tribes will not swell so high, and the frontiers of our empire will remain inviolate. It remains for you to confirm with happy issue the hope of the future which I cherish.”
8.7. “Huic igitur malo ultra apposita iam proserpenti, si dum patitur tempus, occurrerit nostri vestrique consulti suffragium, et colla superbarum gentium detumescent, et imperii fines erunt intacti. Restat ut venturorum spem quam gero secundo roboretis effectu.”
8.8. “This Julian, my cousin as you know, rightly honoured for the modesty through which he is as dear to us as through ties of blood, a young man of ability which is already conspicuous, I desire to admit to the rank of Caesar, and that this project, if it seems advantageous, may be confirmed also by your assent.”
8.8. “Iulianum hunc fratrem meum patruelem (ut nostis,) verecundia qua nobis ita ut necessitudine carus est, recte spectatum, iamque elucentis industriae iuvenem, in Caesaris adhibere potestatem exopto, coeptis (si videntur utilia) etiam vestra consensione firmandis.”
8.9. As he was attempting to say more to this effect, the assembly interrupted and gently prevented him, declaring as if with foreknowledge of the future that this was the will of the supreme divinity rather than of any human mind.
8.9. Dicere super his plura conantem, interpellans contio lenius prohibebat, arbitrium summi numinis id esse non mentis humanae velut praescia venturi proclamans.
8.10. And the emperor, standing motionless until they became silent, went on with the rest of his speech with greater assurance: “Since, then,” said he, “your joyful acclaim shows that I have your approval also, let this young man of quiet strength, whose temperate behaviour is rather to be imitated than proclaimed, rise to receive this honour conferred upon him by God’s favour. His excellent disposition, trained in all good arts, I seem to have fully described by the very fact that I have chosen him. Therefore with the immediate favour of the God of Heaven I will invest him with the imperial robes.”
8.10. Stansque imperator immobilis dum silerent, residua fidentius explicavit: “Quia igitur vestrum quoque favorem adesse fremitus indicat laetus, adulescens vigoris tranquilli, cuius temperati mores imitandi sunt potius quam praedicandi, ad honorem prosperante deo delatum exsurgat; cuius praeclaram indolem bonis artibus institutam, hoc ipso plene videor exposuisse quod elegi. Ergo eum, praesente nutu dei caelestis, amictu principali velabo.”
8.11. This he said and then, after having clothed Julian in the ancestral purple and proclaimed him Caesar to the joy of the army, he thus addressed him, somewhat melancholy in aspect as he was, and with careworn countenance:
8.11. Dixit moxque indutum avita purpura Iulianum, et Caesarem cum exercitus gaudio declaratum, his alloquitur contractiore vultu submaestum:
8.12. “My brother, dearest to me of all men, you have received in your prime the glorious flower of your origin; with increase of my own glory, I admit, since I seem to myself more truly great in bestowing almost equal power on a noble prince who is my kinsman, than through that power itself.”
8.12. “Recepisti primaevus originis tuae splendidum florem, amantissime mihi omnium frater; aucta gloria mea, confiteor, qui iustius in deferenda suppari potestate nobilitati mihi propinquae, quam ipsa potestate videor esse sublimis.”