4.4. Moreover, this kind of self-restraint was made still greater through his moderation in eating and sleeping, which he strictly observed at home and abroad. For in time of peace the frugality of his living and his table excited the wonder of those who could judge aright, as if he intended soon to resume the philosopher’s cloak. And on his various campaigns, he was often seen partaking of common and scanty food, sometimes standing up like a common soldier.
4.4. Hoc autem temperantiae genus crescebat in maius, iuvante parsimonia ciborum et somni, quibus domi forisque tenacius utebatur. Namque in pace victus eius mensarumque tenuitas erat recte noscentibus admiranda, velut ad pallium mox reversuri, per varios autem procinctus, stans interdum more militiae, cibum brevem vilemque sumere visebatur.
4.5. As soon as he had refreshed his body, which was inured to toil, by a brief rest in sleep, he awoke and in person attended to the changing of the guards and pickets, and after these serious duties took refuge in the pursuit of learning.
4.5. Ubi vero exigua dormiendi quiete, recreasset corpus laboribus induratum, expergefactus, explorabat per semet ipsum vigiliarum vices et stationum, post haec seria ad artes confugiens doctrinarum.
4.6. And if the nightly lamps amid which he worked could have given oral testimony, they would certainly have borne witness that there was a great difference between him and some other princes, since they knew that he did not indulge in pleasure, even to the extent which nature demanded.
4.6. Et si nocturna lumina, inter quae lucubrabat, potuissent voce ulla testari, profecto ostenderant, inter hunc et quosdam principes multum interesse, quem quidem norant voluptatibus ne ad necessitatem quidem indulsisse naturae.
4.7. Then there were very many proofs of his wisdom, of which it will suffice to mention a few. He was thoroughly skilled in the arts of war and peace, greatly inclined to courtesy, and claiming for himself only so much deference as he thought preserved him from contempt and insolence. He was older in virtue than in years. He gave great attention to the administration of justice, and was sometimes an unbending judge; also a very strict censor in regulating conduct, with a calm contempt for riches, scorning everything mortal; in short, he often used to declare that it was shameful for a wise man, since he possessed a soul, to seek honour from bodily gifts.
4.7. Dein prudentiae eius indicia fuere vel plurima, e quibus explicari sufficiet pauca. Armatae rei scientissimus et togatae, civilitati admodum studens, tantum sibi arrogans quantum a contemptu et insolentia distare existimabat: virtute senior quam aetate: studiosus cognitionum omnium et indeclinabilis aliquotiens iudex: censor in moribus regendis acerrimus, placidus opum contemptor, mortalia cuncta despiciens, postremo id praedicabat, turpe esse sapienti, cum habeat animum, captare laudes ex corpore.
4.8. By what high qualities he was distinguished in his administration of justice is clear from many indications: first, because taking into account circumstances and persons, he was awe-inspiring but free from cruelty. Secondly, because he checked vice by making examples of a few, and also because he more frequently threatened men with the sword than actually used it.
4.8. Quibus autem iustitiae inclaruit bonis, multa significant, primo quod erat pro rerum et hominum distinctione, sine crudelitate terribilis, deinde quod paucorum discrimine vitia cohibebat, tum autem quod minabatur ferro potius quam utebatur.
4.9. Finally, to be brief, it is well known that he was so merciful towards some open enemies who plotted against him, that he corrected the severity of their punishment by his inborn mildness.
4.9. Postremo ut multa praeteream, constat eum in apertos aliquos inimicos insidiatores suos ita consurrexisse mitissime, ut poenarum asperitatem genuina lenitudine castigaret.
4.10. His fortitude is shown by the great number of his battles and by his conduct of wars, as well as by his endurance of excessive cold and heat. And although bodily duty is demanded from a soldier, but mental duty from a general, yet he once boldly met a savage enemy in battle and struck him down, and when our men gave ground, he several times alone checked their flight by opposing his breast to them. When destroying the king- doms of the raging Germans and on the burning sands of Persia he added to the confidence of his soldiers by fighting among the foremost.
4.10. Fortitudinem certaminum crebritas ususque bellorum ostendit, et patientia frigorum immanium et fervoris. Cumque corporis munus a milite, ab imperatore vero animi poscitur, ipse trucem hostem ictu confecit, audacter congressus, ac nostros cedentes obiecto pectore suo, aliquotiens cohibuit solus: regnaque furentium Germanorum exscindens, et in pulvere vaporato Persidis, augebat fiduciam militis, dimicans inter primos.
4.11. There are many notable evidences of his knowledge of military affairs: the sieges of cities and fortresses, undertaken amid the extremest dangers, the varied forms in which he arranged his lines of battle, the choice of safe and healthful places for camps, the wisely planned posting of frontier guards and field pickets.
4.11. Castrensium negotiorum scientiam, plura declarant et nota: civitatum oppugnationes et castellorum, inter ipsos discriminum vertices, acies figura multiformi compositae, salubriter et caute castra metata, praetenturae stationesque agrariae, tutis rationibus ordinatae.
4.12. His authority was so well established that, being feared as well as deeply loved as one who shared in the dangers and hardships of his men, he both in the heat of fierce battles condemned cowards to punishment, and, while he was still only a Caesar, he controlled his men even without pay, when they were fighting with savage tribes, as I have long ago said. And when they were armed and mutinous, he did not fear to address them and threaten to return to private life, if they continued to be insubordinate.
4.12. Auctoritas adeo valuit, ut dilectus artissime, dum timetur, ac si periculorum socius et laborum, et inter concertationes acerrimas, animadverti iuberet in desides, et Caesar adhuc sine stipendio regeret militem, feris oppositum gentibus, ut dudum est dictum; allocutusque tumentes armatos, discessurum ad vitam minaretur privatam, ni tumultuare desisterent.
4.13. Finally, one thing it will be enough to know in token of many, namely, that merely by a speech he induced his Gallic troops, accustomed to snow and to the Rhine, to traverse long stretches of country and follow him through torrid Assyria to the very frontiers of the Medes.
4.13. Denique id pro multis nosse sufficiet: exhortatum eum simplici contione militem Gallicanum, pruinis assuetum et Rheno, peragratis spatiis regionum extentis, per tepentem Assyriam ad usque confinia traxisse Medorum.
4.14. His success was so conspicuous that for a long time he seemed to ride on the shoulders of Fortune herself, his faithful guide as he in victorious career surmounted enormous difficulties. And after he left the western region, so long as he was on earth all nations preserved perfect quiet, as if a kind of earthly wand of Mercury were pacifying them.
4.14. Felicitas ita eminuit, ut ipsis quodammodo cervicibus Fortunae aliquamdiu bonae gubernatricis evectus, victoriosis cursibus difficultates superstaret immensas. Et postquam ex occidua plaga digressus est, quoad fuit in terris, quievere nationes omnes immobiles, ac si quodam caduceo leniente mundano.
4.15. There are many undoubted tokens of his generosity. Among these are his very light imposition of tribute, his remission of the crown-money, the cancellation of many debts made great by long standing, the impartial treatment of disputes between the privy purse and private persons, the restoration of the revenues from taxes to various states along with their lands, except such as previous high officials had alienated by a kind of legal sale; furthermore, that he was never eager to increase his wealth, which he thought was better secured in the hands of its possessors; and he often remarked that Alexander the Great, when asked where his treasures were, gave the kindly answer, “in the hands of my friends.”
4.15. Liberalitatis eius testimonia plurima sunt et verissima, inter quae indicta sunt tributorum admodum levia, coronarium indultum, remissa debita multa, diuturnitate congesta, aequata fisci iurgia cum privatis, vectigalia civitatibus restituta cum fundis, absque his quos velut iure vendidere praeteritae potestates, quodque numquam augendae pecuniae cupidus fuit, quam cautius apud dominos servari existimabat, id aliquotiens praedicans, Alexandrum Magnum, ubi haberet thesauros interrogatum, “apud amicos” benivole respondisse.
4.16. Having set down his good qualities, so many as I could know, let me now come to an account of his faults, although they can be summed up briefly. In disposition ho was somewhat inconsistent, but he controlled this by the excellent habit of submitting, when he went wrong, to correction.
4.16. Digestis bonis quae scire potuimus, nunc ad explicanda eius vitia veniamus, licet dicta sint carptim. Levioris ingenii, verum hoc institute rectissimo temperabat, emendari se cum deviaret a fruge bona permittens.
4.17. He was somewhat talkative, and very seldom silent; also too much given to the consideration of omens and portents, so that in this respect he seemed to equal the emperor Hadrian. Superstitious rather than truly religious, he sacrificed innumerable victims without regard to cost, so that one might believe that if he had returned from the Parthians, there would soon have been a scarcity of cattle; like the Caesar Marcus, of whom (as we learn) the following Greek distich was written:We the white steers do Marcus Caesar greet.Win once again, and death we all must meet.
4.17. Linguae fusioris, et admodum raro silentis, praesagiorum sciscitationi nimium deditus, ut aequiperare videretur in hac parte principem Hadrianum, superstitiosus magis quam sacrorum legitimus observator, innumeras sine parsimonia pecudes mactans, ut aestimaretur (si revertisset de Parthis), boves iam defuturos, Marci illius similis Caesaris, in quem id accipimus dictum:οἱ βόες οἱ λευκοὶ Μάρκῳ τῷ Καίσαρι χαίρειν.ἄν πάλι νικήσῃς, ἄμμες ἀπωλόμεθα.
4.18. He delighted in the applause of the mob, and desired beyond measure praise for the slightest matters, and the desire for popularity often led him to converse with unworthy men.
4.18. Vulgi plausibus laetus, laudum etiam ex minimis rebus intemperans appetitor, popularitatis cupiditate, cum indignis loqui saepe affectans.
4.19. But yet, in spite of this, his own saying might be regarded as sound, namely, that the ancient goddess of Justice, whom Aratus raised to heaven because of her impatience with men’s sins, returned to earth again during his rule, were it not that sometimes he acted arbitrarily, and now and then seemed unlike himself.
4.19. Verum tamen cum haec ita essent, aestimari poterat (ut ipse aiebat), vetus illa Iustitia lustitia, quam offensam vitiis hominum, Aratus extollit in caelum, eo imperante redisse rursus ad terras, ni quaedam ad arbitrium agens, interdum ostenderet se dissimilem sui.
4.20. For the laws which he enacted were not oppressive, but stated exactly what was to be done or left undone, with a few exceptions, For example, it was a harsh law that forbade Christian rhetoricians and grammarians to teach, unless they consented to worship the pagan deities.
4.20. Namque et iura condidit non molesta, absolute quaedam iubentia fieri vel arcentia, praeter pauca. Inter quae erat illud inclemens, quod docere vetuit magistros rhetoricos et grammaticos Christianos, ni transissent ad numinum cultum.
4.21. And also it was almost unbearable that in the municipal towns he unjustly allowed persons to be made members of the councils, who, either as foreigners, or because of personal privileges or birth, were wholly Exempt from such assemblies.
4.21. Illud quoque itidem parum ferendum, quod municipalium ordinum coetibus, patiebatur iniuste quosdam annecti vel peregrinos, vel ab his consortiis privilegiis aut origine longe discretos.
4.22. The figure and proportion of his body were as follows. He was of medium stature. His hair lay smooth as if it had been combed, his beard was shaggy and trimmed so as to end in a point, his eyes were fine and full of fire, an indication of the acuteness of his mind. His eyebrows were handsome, his nose very straight, his mouth somewhat large with a pendulous lower lip. His neck was thick and somewhat bent, his shoulders large and broad. Moreover, right from top to toe he was a man of straight well-proportioned bodily frame and as a result was strong and a good runner.
4.22. Figura tali situque membrorum. Mediocris erat staturae, capillis tamquam pexis et mollibus, hirsuta barba in acutum desinente vestitus, venustate oculorum micantium flagrans, qui mentis eius argutias indicabant, superciliis decoris, et naso rectissimo, ore paulo maiore, labro inferiore demisso, opima et incurva cervice, umeris vastis et latis, ab ipso capite usque unguium summitates, liniamentorum recta compage, unde viribus valebat et cursu.
4.23. And since his detractors alleged that he had stirred up the storms of war anew, to the ruin of his country, they should know clearly through the teachings of truth, that it was not Julian, but Constantine, who kindled the Parthian fires, when he confided too greedily in the lies of Metrodorus, as I explained fully some time ago.
4.23. Et quoniam eum obtrectatores novos bellorum tumultus, ad perniciem rei communis, insimulant concitasse, sciant docente veritate perspicue, non Iulianum, sed Constantinum ardores Parthicos succendisse, cum Metrodori mendaciis avidius acquiescit, ut dudum rettulimus plene.
4.24. This it was that caused the annihilation of our armies, the capture so often of whole companies of soldiers, the destruction of cities, the seizure or overthrow of fortresses, the exhaustion of our provinces by heavy expenses, and the threats of the Persians which were soon brought into effect, as they claimed everything as far as Bithynia and the shores of the Propontis.
4.24. Unde caesi ad internecionem exercitus nostri, capti militares aliquotiens numeri, urbes excisae, rapta munimenta vel diruta, provinciae gravibus impensis exhaustae, et ad effectum tendentibus minis, cuncta petebantur a Persis, ad usque Bithynos et litora Propontidis.
4.25. But in Gaul, where barbarian arrogance grew apace, as the Germans swarmed through our territories, and the Alps were on the point of being forced with the resulting devastation of Italy, after the inhabitants had suffered many unspeakable woes, nothing was left save tears and fears, since the recollection of the past was bitter and the anticipation of what threatened was sadder still: all this that young man, sent to the western region, a Caesar in name only, wholly corrected with almost incredible speed, driving kings before him like common slaves.
4.25. At in Galliis barbarico tumore gliscente, diffusis per nostra Germanis, iamque Alpibus ad vastandam Italiam perrumpendis nihil (multa et nefanda perpessis hominibus), praeter lacrimas supererat et terrores, ubi et praeteritorum recordatio erat acerba, et expectatio tristior impendentium. Quae omnia iuvenis iste, ad occiduam plagam specie Caesaris missus, regesque pro mancipiis agitans ignobilibus, cuncta paene mira dictu celeritate correxit.
4.26. And in order to restore the Orient with similar energy, he attacked the Persians, and he would have won from them a triumph and a surname, if the decrees of heaven had been in accord with his plans and his splendid deeds.
4.26. Itaque ut Orientem pari studio recrearet, adortus est Persas, triumphum exinde relaturus, et cognomentum, si consiliis eius et factis illustribus decreta caelestia congruissent.
4.27. And although we know that some men thoughtlessly laugh at experience to such an extent that they sometimes renew wars when defeated, and go to sea again after shipwreck, and return to meet difficulties to which they have often yielded, there are some who blame a prince who had been everywhere victorious for trying to equal his past exploits.
4.27. Et cum sciamus adeo experimenta quosdam ridere improvidos, ut bella interdum victi, et naufragi repetant maria, et ad difficultates redeant quibus succubuere saepissime, sunt qui reprehendant paria repetisse principem ubique victorem.
5.1. After this there was no time for laments or tears. For after caring for Julian’s body as well as the means at hand and the circumstances allowed, in order that he might be laid to rest in the place which he had previously chosen, at dawn of the following day, which was the twenty-seventh of June, with the enemy swarming about us on every side, the generals of the army assembled, and having called in the commanders of the legions and of the squadrons of cavalry, they consulted about choosing an emperor.
5.1. Nec fuit post haec lamentis aut fletibus locus. Corpore enim curato pro copia rerum et temporis, ut ubi ipse olim statuerat, conderetur, principio lucis secutae, quae erat quintum Kalendas Iulias, hostibus ex omni latere circumfusis, collecti duces exercitus, advocatisque legionum principiis et turmarum, super creando principe consultabant.
5.2. They were divided into turbulent factions, for Arintheus and Victor, with the other survivors of the palace officials of Constantius, looked around for a suitable man from their party; on the other hand, Nevitta and Dagalaifus, as well as the chiefs of the Gauls, sought such a man among their fellow-soldiers.
5.2. Discissique studiis turbulentis, Arintheus et Victor, et e palatio Constanti residui, de parte sua quendam habilem scrutabantur; contra Nevitta et Dagalaifus proceresque Gallorum virum talem ex commilitio suo quaeritabant.
5.3. After some discussion, all by general agreement united on Salutius, and when he pleaded illness and old age, one of the soldiers of higher rank, perceiving Salutius’ determined opposition, said: “What would you do if the emperor (as often happens) had in his absence committed to you the conduct of this war? Would you not put aside everything else and save the soldiers from the threatening dangers? Do that now, and if we are permitted to see Mesopotamia, the united votes of both armies will decide upon a lawful emperor.”
5.3. Quae dum ambiguntur, nulla variante sententia, itum est voluntate omnium in Salutium, eoque causante morbos et senectutem, honoratior aliquis miles, advertens destinatius reluctantem, “Et quid ageretis,” ait “si id bellum vobis curandum, commisisset absens (ut saepe factum est) imperator? Nonne posthabitis ceteris, militem instantibus aerumnis eriperetis? Id nunc agite et si Mesopotamiam videre licuerit, utriusque exercitus consociata suffragia legitimum principem declarabunt.”
5.4. During this delay, which was slight considering the importance of the matter, before the various opinions had been weighed, a few hot-headed soldiers (as often happens in an extreme crisis) chose an emperor in the person of Jovianus, commander of the household troops, who had claims for some slight consideration because of the services of his father. For he was the son of Varronianus, a well- known count, who not long since, after ending his military career, had retired to a quieter life.
5.4. Inter has exiguas ad tantam rem moras, nondum pensatis sententiis, tumultuantibus paucis (ut in rebus extremis saepe est factum), Iovianus eligitur imperator, domesticorum ordinis primus, paternis meritis mediocriter commendabilis. Erat enim Varroniani, notissimi comitis, filius, haut dudum post depositum militiae munus ad tranquilliora vitae digressi.
5.5. Now Jovian, as soon as he had been clothed in the imperial robes and suddenly brought out from his tent, already hastening through the ranks of the soldiers, who were getting ready to march.
5.5. Et confestim indumentis circumdatus principalibus, subitoque productus e tabernaculo, per agmina iam discurrebat, proficisci parantia.
5.6. And since the army extended for four miles, those in the van, on hearing some men shouting “Jovianus Augustus,” repeated the same sounds much more loudly; for struck by the near relationship of the name, since it differed in only one letter, they thought that Julian had recovered and was being brought out amid the usual great acclaim. But when Jovianus a taller and bent men was seen advancing, they suspected what had happened, and all burst into tears and lamentation.
5.6. Et quoniam acies ad usque lapidem quartum porrigebatur, antesignani clamare quosdam Iovianum audientes Augustum, eadem multo maius sonabant: gentilitate enim prope perciti nominis, quod una littera discernebat, Iulianum recreatum arbitrati sunt deduci magnis favoribus ut solebat. Verum cum incurvus ille visus et longior adventaret, suspicati quod acciderat, in lacrimas effusi sunt omnes, et luctum.
5.7. But if any onlooker of strict justice with undue haste blames such a step taken in a moment of extreme danger, he will, with even more justice, reproach sailors, if after the loss of a skilled pilot, amid the raging winds and seas, they committed the guidance of the helm of their ship to any companion in their peril, whoever he might be.
5.7. Quod si gravis quidam aequitatis spectator, in ultimo rerum spiritu factum criminatur improvide, nauticos idem iustius incusabit, si amisso perito navigandi magistro, saevientibus flabris et mari, clavos regendae navis cuilibet periculi socio commiserunt.
5.8. When this had been done as described, as if by the blind decree of fortune, the standard-bearer of the Joviani, formerly commanded by Varronianus, who was at odds with the new emperor even when he was still a private citizen, just as he had been a persistent critic of his father, fearing danger from an enemy who had now risen above the ordinary rank, deserted to the Persians. And as soon as he had the opportunity of telling what he knew to Sapor, who was already drawing near, he informed the king that the man whom he feared was dead, and that an excited throng of camp-followers had chosen a mere shadow of imperial power in the person of Jovian, up to that time one of the bodyguard, and a slothful, weak man. On hearing this news, for which he had always longed with anxious prayers, the king, elated by the unexpected good fortune, added a corps of the royal cavalry to the army opposed to us and hastened on, ordering an attack upon the rear of our army.
5.8. His ita caeco quodam iudicio fortunae peractis, Iovianorum signifer quos Varronianus rexerat dudum, cum novo dissidens principe, etiam tum privato, ut patris eius obtrectator molestus, periculum ex inimico metuens iam communia supergresso, discessit ad Persas, ac data dicendi copia quae sciret, docet Saporem iam propinquantem, exstincto quem verebatur, turbine concitato calonum, ad umbram imperii Iovianum adhuc protectorem adscitum, inertem quendam et mollem. Hoc ille audito, quod semper trepidis votis optaverat et inopina prosperitate elatus, multitudine ex regio equitatu adiuncta his, qui dimicavere nobiscum, celeri disposuit gradu, agminis nostri invadi terga postremi.
6.1. While these arrangements were being made on both sides, in Jovian’s behalf victims were killed, and when the entrails were inspected it was announced that he would ruin everything, if he remained within the rampart of his camp (as he thought of doing), but would be victor if he marched out.
6.1. Quae dum ultro citroque ordinantur, hostiis pro Ioviano caesis, extisque inspectis, pronuntiatum est eum omnia perditurum, si intra vallum remansisset (ut cogitabat), superiorem vero fore profectum.
6.2. But when we accordingly were just beginning to leave, the Persians attacked us, with the elephants in front. By the unapproachable and frightful stench of these brutes horses and men were at first thrown into confusion, but the Joviani and Herculiani, after killing a few of the beasts, bravely resisted the mail clad horsemen.
6.2. Proinde egredi iam coeptantes, adoriuntur nos elephantis praeviis Persae, ad quorum fremitum faetorem inaccessum terribilemque, equis inter initia turbatis et viris, Ioviani et Herculiani, occisis beluis paucis, cataphractis equitibus acriter resistebant.
6.3. Then the legions of the Jovii and the Victores came to the aid of their struggling companions and slew two elephants, along with a considerable number of the enemy. On our left wing some valiant warriors fell, Julianus, Macrobius and Maximus, tribunes of the legions which then held first place in our army.
6.3. Dein legiones Ioviorum atque Victorum, laborantibus suis ferentes auxilium, elephantos duo straverunt cum hostium plebe non parva, et in laevo proelio viri periere fortissimi, Iulianus et Macrobius et Maximus, legionum tribuni, quae tunc tune primas exercitus obtinebant.
6.4. Having buried these men as well as the pressing conditions allowed, when towards nightfall we were coming at rapid pace to a fortress called Sumere, we recognized the corpse of Anatolius lying in the road, and it was hastily committed to the earth. Here, too, we recovered sixty soldiers with some court officials, who (as I have related above) bad taken refuge in a deserted stronghold.
6.4. Hisque sepultis, ut rerum angustiae permiserunt, prope confinia noctis, cum ad castellum Sumere nomine, citis passibus tenderemus, iacens Anatolii corpus est agnitum quod tumultuaria opera terrae mandatum est. Hic et milites sexaginta cum palatinis recepimus, quos in munimentum vacuum confugisse rettulimus.
6.5. On the next day we pitched our camp in the best place we could find, a broad plain in a valley; it was surrounded as if by a natural wall, and had only one exit, which was a wide one, and all about it we set stakes with sharp ends like the points of swords.
6.5. Secuto deinde die, pro captu locorum, reperta est in valle lata planities, in qua castra ponuntur, velut murali ambitu circumclausa, praeter unum exitum eundemque patentem, undique in modum mucronum praeacutis sudibus fixis.
6.6. On seeing this, the enemy from the wooded heights assailed us with weapons of all kinds and with insulting language, as traitors and murderers of an excellent prince. For they also had heard from the mouths of deserters, in consequence of an unfounded rumour, that Julian had been killed by a Roman weapon.
6.6. Hocque viso, e saltibus nos hostes diversitate telorum et verbis turpibus incessebant, ut perfidos, et lectissimi principis peremptores: audierant enim ipsi quoque referentibus transfugis, rumore iactato incerto, Iulianum telo cecidisse Romano.
6.7. Finally, some troops of horsemen meanwhile ventured to break through the praetorian gate and to come near the very tent of the emperor, but with the loss of many killed and wounded they were vigorously driven back.
6.7. Ausi denique inter haec equitum cunei, porta perrupta praetoria, prope ipsum tabernaculum principis advenire, occisis multis suorum et vulneratis, vi repulsi sunt magna.
6.8. Then we set out on the following night and took possession of the place called Charcha; here we were safe because there were mounds along the banks, constructed by men’s hands to prevent the Saracens from continually making raids on Assyria, and no one harassed our lines, as had been done before this.
6.8. Egressi exinde proxima nocte, Charcham occupavimus locum, ideo tuti, quod riparum aggeribus humana manu instructis, ne Saraceni deinceps Assyriam persultarent, nostrorum agmina nullus ut ante vexabat.
6.9. And from here, having completed a march of thirty stadia, on the first of July we reached a city called Dura. Our horses were tired, and their riders, who marched on foot and fell to the rear, were surrounded by a throng of Saracens, and would at once have perished, had not some squadrons of our light-armed cavalry brought help to them in their distress.
6.9. Cumque hinc Kalendis Iuliis stadiis triginta confectis, civitatem nomine Duram adventaremus, fatigatis iumentis, vectores eorum novissimi pedibus incedentes, a Saracena multitudine circumsaepti, protinus interissent, ni expeditiores turmae nostrorum opem laborantibus attulissent.
6.10. We found these Saracens hostile for the reason that they had been prevented by Julian’s order from receiving pay and numerous gifts, as in times past, and when they complained to him, had received the simple reply that a warlike and watchful emperor had steel and not gold.
6.10. Hos autem Saracenos ideo patiebamur infestos, quod salaria muneraque plurima a Iuliano, ad similitudinem praeteriti temporis, accipere vetiti, questique apud eum, solum audierant, imperatorem bellicosum et vigilantem ferrum habere, non aurum.
6.11. In this place the persistence of the Persians delayed us for four days. For when we began to march, they followed us, and by frequent onsets forced us to turn back; if we halted to do battle with them, they little by little retired and harassed us by continual delays. But now (since to those who are in fear of the worst even false reports are commonly welcome) the rumour was circulated that the frontiers of our possessions were not far distant; whereupon the army, with mutinous bluster, demanded that they be allowed to cross the Tigris.
6.11. In hoc loco Persarum obstinatione tritum est quadriduum. Nam progredientes nos sequebantur, crebris lacessitionibus retrahentes; cum staremus ut pugnaturi, gradum sensim referentes moris diuturnis excruciabant. Iamque (ut solent extrema metuentibus etiam ficta placere), fama circumlata fines haud procul limitum esse nostrorum, exercitus vociferans immodeste, dari sibi copiam transeundi Tigridis flagitabat.
6.12. The emperor, as well as the generals, opposed them, and pointing to the river, which was in flood, since the dog-star had already risen, begged them not to trust themselves to the dangerous currents, declaring that very many could not swim, and adding that scattered bands of the enemy had beset the banks of the swollen stream in various places.
6.12. Quibus oppositus cum rectoribus imperator, tumentemque iam canis exortu sideris amnem ostendens, ne se periculosis committerent gurgitibus exorabat, nandi imperitos asserens esse complures, simulque adiciens, hostiles manus hinc inde margines superfusi fluminis occupasse.
6.13. But when these warnings, though several times repeated, had no effect, and the loud shouts of the excited soldiers threatened violence, Jovian reluctantly consented that the Gauls, mingled with the northern Germans, should enter the river first of all, to the end that if these were swept away by the force of the stream, the obstinacy of the rest might be broken down; or if they accomplished their purpose without harm, the rest might try to cross with greater confidence.
6.13. Sed cum haec saepe congeminando, refragaretur in cassum, milesque conclamans magno contentionis fragore, minaretur extrema, id impetratur aegerrime, ut mixti cum arctois Germanis, Galli amnem primi omnium penetrarent, ut his magnitudine fluentorum abreptis residuorum pertinacia frangeretur, aut si id perfecissent innocui, transitus fidentior temptaretur.
6.14. For this attempt the most skilful men were chosen, who from early childhood were taught in their native lands to cross the greatest of all rivers. and as soon as the quiet of night gave an opportunity for concealment, as if starting all together in a race, they gained the opposite bank more quickly than could have been expected, and after trampling under foot and killing a great number of the Persians, who had been posted to guard the places, but from a feeling of security were buried in quiet sleep, they raised their hands and waved their mantles, to show that their bold attempt had succeeded.
6.14. Electique sunt ad id negotium habiles, qui maxima prae ceteris flumina transmeare in regionibus genuinis a prima pueritia sunt instituti, et cum latendi copiam nocturna quies daret, tamquam e transenna simul emissi, spe citius ripas occupavere contrarias, Persarumque conculcatis pluribus et truncatis, quos loca servare dispositos, securitas placido vinxerat somno, efficacis audaciae signum, elatis manibus contortisque sagulis, ostendebant.
6.15. When this was seen from afar, the soldiers, now eager to cross, were delayed only by the promise of the pontoon builders to make bridges of bladders from the hides of slain animals.
6.15. Hoc longe conspecto, ardens ad transitum miles ea mora tantummodo tenebatur quod utribus e caesorum animalium coriis, coagmentare pontes architecti promittebant.
7.1. While these vain attempts were being made, King Sapor, both when far away and when he had come near, learned from the true accounts of scouts and deserters of the brave deeds of our men and the shameful defeats of his army, accompanied by a greater loss of elephants than he had ever known in his reign; also that the Roman army, inured to constant hardship after the loss of their glorious leader, were looking out (as they said), not for their safety, but for revenge, and would end the difficulties of their situation by either a decisive victory or a glorious death.
7.1. Quae dum vanis conatibus agitantur, rex Sapor et procul absens et cum prope venisset, exploratorum perfugarumque veris vocibus docebatur, fortia facta nostrorum, foedas suorum strages, et elephantos, quot numquam se regnante meminerat, interfectos, exercitumque Romanum continuis laboribus induratum post casum gloriosi rectoris non saluti suae (ut memorabat) consulere, sed vindictae, difficultatemque rerum instantium aut victoria summa aut morte memorabili finiturum.
7.2. This news filled his mind with fear for many reasons: for he knew by experience that the troops scattered in great numbers through the provinces could easily be assembled by one little ticket, and he was aware that his own subjects, after the loss of so many men were in a state of extreme panic, and, besides, that in Mesopotamia a Roman army had been left which was not much smaller.
7.2. Ob quae reputabat multa et formidanda, diffusum abunde militem per provincias, levi tessera colligi posse expertus, et sciens populum suum, post amissam maximam plebem, ultimis terroribus deformatum, simul comperiens, in Mesopotamia relictum haut baud multo minorem exercitum.
7.3. More than all, it dulled his anxious mind that five hundred men together in one swim had crossed unharmed the swollen river, had slain his guards, and had roused their comrades who had remained behind to similar boldness.
7.3. Quae super omnia hebetarunt eius anxiam mentem, uno parique natatu quingenti viri transgressi tumidum flumen incolumes, custodibusque confossis, reliquos consortes suos ad similem fiduciam concitasse.
7.4. Meanwhile our men, since the raging waters prevented bridges from being made, and everything edible had been used up, passed two days in wretchedness, deprived of everything useful; excited by hunger and wrath, they were in a state of frenzy and eager to lose their lives by the sword rather then by starvation, the most shameful kind of death.
7.4. Haec inter cum neque pontes compaginari, paterentur undae torrentes, et absumptis omnibus quae poterant mandi, sine utilibus ullis, acto miserabiliter biduo, furebat inedia iraque percitus miles, ferro properans quam fame, ignavissimo genere mortis, absumi.
7.5. However, the eternal power of God in heaven was on our side, and the Persians, beyond our hopes, took the first step and sent as envoys for securing peace the Surena and another magnate, being themselves also low in their minds, which the fact that the Roman side was superior in almost every battle shook more and more every day.
7.5. Erat tamen pro nobis numen dei caelestis aeternum, et Persae praeter sperata priores, super fundanda pace oratores Surenam et optimatem alium mittunt, animos ipsi quoque despondentes, quos omnibus paene proeliis pars Romana superior gravius quassabat in dies.
7.6. Nevertheless, they offered conditions which were difficult and involved, for they pretended that from feelings of humanity the most merciful of kings would allow the remnants of the army to return, if the emperor and his most distinguished generals would comply with his demands.
7.6. Condiciones autem ferebant difficiles et perplexas, fingentes humanorum respectu, reliquias exercitus redire sinere clementissimum regem, si quae iubet impleverit cum primatibus Caesar.
7.7. In reply to this Arintheus was sent to him with the prefect Salutius, but, while a deliberate discussion was going on as to what ought to be determined, four days passed by, full of torments from hunger and worse than any death.
7.7. Contra hos cum Salutio praefecto mittitur Arintheus, et dum deliberatur examinatius, quid finiri deberet, dies quattuor sunt evoluti. inedia cruciabiles, et omni supplicio tristiores.
7.8. If the emperor, before letting these envoys go, had used this space of time to withdraw gradually from the enemy’s territories, he could surely have reached the protection of Corduena, a rich region belonging to us, and distant only a hundred miles from the spot where all this took place.
7.8. Quo temporis spatio, antequam hi mitterentur, si exabusus princeps paulatim terris hostilibus excessisset, profecto venisset ad praesidia Corduenae, uberis regionis et nostrae, ex eo loco in quo haec agebantur, centesimo lapide disparatae.
7.9. Now the king obstinately demanded the lands which (as he said) were his and had been taken from him long ago by Maximianus; but, in fact, as the negotiations showed, he required as our ransom five provinces on the far side of the Tigris: Arzanena, Moxoëna, and Zabdicena, as well as Rehimena and Corduena with fifteen fortresses, besides Nisibis, Singara and Castra Maurorum, a very important stronghold.
7.9. Petebat autem rex obstinatius, ut ipse aiebat, sua dudum a Maximiano erepta, ut docebat autem negotium, pro redemptione nostra quinque regiones Transtigritanas: Arzanenam et Moxoenam et Zabdicenam, itidemque Rehimenam et Corduenam cum castellis quindecim, et Nisibin et Singaram et Castra Maurorum, munimentum perquam oportunum.
7.10. And whereas it would have been better to fight ten battles than give up any one of these, the band of flatterers pressed upon the timid emperor, harping upon the dreaded name of Procopius, and declaring that if he returned on learning of the death of Julian, he would with the fresh troops under his command easily and without opposition make himself emperor.
7.10. Et cum pugnari deciens expediret, ne horum quicquam dederetur, adulatorum globus instabat timido principi, Procopii metuendum subserens nomen, eumque affirmans, si redit cognito Iuliani interitu, cum intacto milite quem regebat, novas res nullo renitente facile moliturum.
7.11. Jovian, inflamed by these dangerous hints too continually repeated, without delay surrendered all that was asked, except that with difficulty he succeeded in bringing it about that Nisibis and Singara should pass into control of the Persians without their inhabitants, and that the Romans in the fortresses that were to be taken from us should be allowed to return to our protection.
7.11. Hac perniciosa verborum ille assiduitate nimia succensus, sine cunctatione tradidit omnia, quae petebantur, difficile hoc adeptus, ut Nisibis et Singara sine incolis transirent in iura Persarum, a munimentis vero alienandis, reverti ad nostra praesidia Romani permitterentur.
7.12. To these conditions there was added another which was destructive and impious, namely, that after the completion of these agreements, Arsaces, our steadfast and faithful friend should never, if he asked it, be given help against the Persians. This was contrived with a double purpose, that a man who at the emperor’s order had devastated Chiliocomum might be punished, and that the opportunity might be left of presently invading Armenia without opposition. The result was that later this same Arsaces was taken alive, and that the Parthians amid various dissensions and disturbances seized a great tract of Armenia bordering on Media, along with Artaxata.
7.12. Quibus exitiale aliud accessit et impium, ne post haec ita composita, Arsaci poscenti, contra Persas ferretur auxilium, amico nobis semper et fido. Quod ratione gemina cogitatum est, ut puniretur homo qui Chiliocomum mandatu vastaverat principis, et remaneret occasio, per quam subinde licenter invaderetur Armenia. Unde postea contigit, ut vivus caperetur idem Arsaces, et Armeniae maximum latus, Medis conterminans, et Artaxata, inter dissensiones et turbamenta raperent Parthi.