7.13. When this shameful treaty was concluded, lest anything contrary to the agreements should be done during the truce, distinguished men were given on both sides as hostages: from our side Nemota, Victor, and Bellovaedius, tribunes of famous corps, and from the opposite party Bineses, one of the distinguished magnates, and three satraps besides of no obscure name.
7.13. Quo ignobili decreto firmato, nequid committeretur per indutias contrarium pactis, obsidatus specie viri celebres altrinsecus dantur Nemota et Victor ex parte nostrorum, et Bellovaedius, insignium numerorum tribuni, ex parte vero diversa, Bineses e numero nobilium optimatum, tresque alii satrapae non obscuri.
7.14. And so a peace of thirty years was made and consecrated by the sanctity of oaths; but we returned by other routes, and since the places near the river were avoided as rough and uneven, we suffered from lack of water and food.
7.14. Foederata itaque pace annorum triginta, eaque iuris iurandi religionibus consecrata, reversi itineribus aliis, quoniam loca contigua flumini ut confragosa vitabantur et aspera, potus inopia premebamur et cibi.
8.1. But the peace which was granted under pretence of humanity caused the destruction of many, who, tormented by hunger up to their last breath, and so going ahead unnoticed by the army, were either, being unskilled in swimming, swallowed up in the depths of the river, or if they mastered the power of the stream and reached the opposite bank, were seized by the Saracens or Persians (who, as I said shortly before, had been routed by the Germans), and were either cut down like so many cattle, or led off farther inland to be sold.
8.1. Et pax specie humanitatis indulta, in perniciem est versa multorum, qui fame ad usque spiritum lacerati postremum, ideoque latenter progressi, aut imperitia nandi gurgite fluminis sorbebantur, aut si undarum vi superata venirent ad ripas, rapti a Saracenis vel Persis, quos (ut diximus paulo ante), exturbavere Germani, caedebantur ut pecora, vel longius amendati sunt venundandi.
8.2. But as soon as the trumpets’ blast openly gave the signal for crossing the river, it was remarkable with what great eagerness and haste they rushed into all kinds of danger. Each man strove to outstrip all others and hastened to save himself from so many terrors; some used the hastily constructed rafts, holding to their horses as they swam here and there, others seated themselves on bladders, still others under the pressure of necessity found various other helps and rushed in an oblique direction into the waves of the onrushing waters.
8.2. Ubi vero transeundi amnis aperte signum dedere, bucinae concrepantes, immane quo quantoque ardore, temere rapiendo momenta periculorum, semet quisque reliquis omnibus anteponens, vitare multa et terribilia festinabat, et pars ratibus temere textis, iumenta retinentes hinc inde natantia, alii supersidentes utribus, quidam diversa in necessitatis abrupto versantes, undarum occursantium fluctus obliquis meatibus penetrabant.
8.3. The emperor himself with a few others crossed in the small boats, which, as I have said, survived the burning of the fleet, and ordered the same craft to go back and forth, until we were all transported. At last all of us (except those who were drowned) reached the opposite bank, saved from danger by the favour of the supreme deity after many difficulties.
8.3. Imperator ipse brevibus lembis, quos post exustam classem docuimus remansisse, cum paucis transvectus, eadem navigia ultro citroque discurrere statuit, dum omnes conveheremur. Tandemque universi (praeter mersos) ad ulteriores venimus margines, favore superi numinis, discrimine per difficiles casus extracti.
8.4. While the fear of impending disasters oppressed us, we learned from the report of our scouting cavalry, that the Persians, too far off to be seen, were making a bridge, in order that when all hostilities should cease after the conclusion of the treaty of peace, and our men were marching carelessly, they might attack the sick and the animals which had long been exhausted; but when they found that they were discovered, they gave up their wicked design.
8.4. Dum nos impendentium aerumnarum opprimit timor, compertum est procursatorum indicio, Persas pontem iungere procul e nostro conspectu, ut post firmatam pacem et foedera, sopitis belli turbinibus, incuriosius gradientes aegros et animalia peterent, diu defatigata, verum cum se proditos advertissent, a conatu nefario destiterunt.
8.5. Relieved now from this anxiety and hastening on by forced marches, we approached Hatra, an old city lying in the midst of a desert and long since abandoned. The warlike emperors Trajan and Severus tried at various times to destroy it, but almost perished with their armies; I have related these acts also in telling of their careers.
8.5. Hac etiam suspicione iam liberi, properantesque itineribus magnis, prope Hatram venimus, vetus oppidum in media solitudine positum, olimque desertum, quod eruendum adorti temporibus variis Traianus et Severus principes bellicosi, cum exercitibus paene deleti sunt, ut in eorum actibus has quoque digessimus partes.
8.6. Here we learned that on a plain extending for seventy miles through dry regions only water that was salt and ill-smelling could be found, and nothing to eat except southernwood, wormwood, dragonwort and other plants of the most wretched sort. Therefore the vessels which we carried with us were filled with fresh water, and by killing camels and other pack animals we provided ourselves with food, unwholesome though it was.
8.6. Unde cognito per porrectam planitiem ad usque lapidem septuagensimum, in regionibus aridis nec aquam inveniri posse praeter salsam et faetidam, nec ad victum aliquid nisi abrotonum et absinthium et dracontium, aliaque herbarum genera ut tristissima, vasa quae portabantur, aquis impleta sunt dulcibus, et mactatis camelis, iumentisque aliis, alimenta quaesita sunt, licet noxia.
8.7. And after completing a march of six days and finding not even grass as the solace of their extreme necessity, Cassianus, the duke commanding the army in Mesopotamia, and the tribune Mauricius (who had been sent long before for the purpose) came to a Persian stronghold called Ur and brought food from the supplies which the army left with Procopius and Sebastianus had saved by frugal living.
8.7. Et via sex dierum emensa, cum ne gramina quidem invenirentur, solacia necessitatis extremae, dux Mesopotamiae Cassianus, et tribunus Mauricius (pridem ob hoc missus) ad Ur nomine Persicum venere castellum, cibos ferentes, ex his quos relictus cum Procopio et Sebastiano, exercitus parcius victitans, conservarat.
8.8. From here another Procopius, a state-secretary, and the military tribune Memoridus were sent to the lands of Illyricum and Gaul, to announce the death of Julian, and the elevation of Jovian (after Julian’s decease) to Augustan rank.
8.8. Hinc Procopius alter, notarius, et Memoridus, militaris tribunus, ad tractus Illyricos mittuntur et Galliarum, nuntiaturi Iuliani mortem et Iovianum post eius obitum ad culmen augustum evectum.
8.9. To them the emperor had also given instructions to hand his father-in-law Lucillianus, who after his dismissal from the army had retired to a life of leisure and was then living at Sirmium, the commission as commander of the cavalry and infantry which he had delivered to them, and urge him to hasten to Milan, in order to attend to any difficulties there, or if (as was now rather to be feared) any new dangers should arise, to resist them.
8.9. Quibus id mandaverat princeps, ut Lucillianum, socerum suum post depositum militiae munus, digressum ad otium, morantemque eo tempore apud Sirmium, oblatis magisterii equitum et peditum codicillis, quos eisdem tradiderat, properare Mediolanum urgerent, res firmaturum ancipites, et (quod magis metuebatur), si casus novi quidam exsurgerent, opponendum.
8.10. To these instructions the emperor had added a secret letter, in which he also directed Lucillianus to take with him some men selected for their tried vigour and loyalty, with the view of making use of their support as the condition of affairs might suggest.
8.10. Quibus imperator secretiores addiderat litteras, Lucillianum itidem monens, ut quosdam lectos exploratae industriae fideique, duceret secum, adminiculis eorum usurus, pro incidentium captu negotiorum.
8.11. And he took the prudent step of appointing Malarichus, who also was even then living in Italy in a private capacity, as successor to Jovinus, commander of the cavalry in Gaul, sending him the insignia of that rank. Thereby he aimed at a double advantage: first, in getting rid of a general of distinguished service and therefore an object of suspicion; and, second, the hope that a man of slight expectations, when raised to a high rank, might show great zeal in supporting the position of his benefactor, which was still uncertain.
8.11. Prudentique consilio Malarichum, ex familiaribus negotiis agentem etiam tum in Italia, missis insignibus, Iovino iussit succedere, armorum magistro per Gallias, gemina utilitate praespeculata, ut et dux meriti celsioris, ideoque suspectus, abiret e medio, et homo inferioris spei ad sublimiora provectus, auctoris sui nutantem adhuc statum studio fundaret ingenti.
8.12. Also the men who were commissioned to carry out these plans were ordered to set the course of events in a favourable light, and wherever they went, to agree with each other in spreading the report that the Parthian campaign had been brought to a successful end. They were to hasten their journey by adding night to day, to put into the hands of the governors and the military commanders of the provinces the messages of the new emperor, to secretly sound the sentiments of all of them, and to return speedily with their replies, in order that as soon as it was learned how matters stood in the distant provinces, timely and careful plans might be made for safeguarding the imperial power.
8.12. Iussum est autem ad implenda haec perrecturis, extollere seriem gestorum in melius, et rumores quaqua irent, verbis diffundere concinentibus, procinctum Parthicum exitu prospero terminatum, additisque festinando itineri noctibus, provinciarum militiaeque rectoribus insinuare novi principis scripta, omniumque sententiis occultius sciscitatis, remeare velociter cum responsis, ut comperto quid in longinquis agatur, principatus corroborandi matura consilia quaerantur et cauta.
8.13. Meanwhile rumour, the swiftest messenger of sad events, outstripping these messengers, flew through provinces and nations, and most of all struck the people of Nisibis with bitter grief; when they learned that their city had been surrendered to Sapor, whose anger and hostility they feared, recalling as they did what constant losses he had suffered in his frequent attempts to take their city.
8.13. Hos tabellarios fama praegrediens, index tristiorum casuum velocissima, per provincias volitabat et gentes, maximeque omnium Nisibenos acerbo dolore perculsit, cum urbem Sapori deditam comperissent, cuius iram metuebant et simultates, recolentes quae assidue pertulerit funera, eam saepius oppugnare conatus.
8.14. For it was clear that the entire Orient might have passed into the control of Persia, had not this city with its advantageous situation and mighty walls resisted him. Nevertheless, however much the unhappy people were tormented with great fear of the future, yet they could sustain themselves with one slight hope, namely, that the emperor would, of his own accord or prevailed upon by their entreaties, keep the city in its present condition, as the strongest bulwark of the Orient.
8.14. Constabat enim orbem eoum in dicionem potuisse transire Persidis, ni illi haec civitas habili situ, et moenium magnitudine, restitisset. Miseri tamen, licet maiore venturi pavore constringerentur, spe tamen sustentari potuerunt exigua, hac scilicet velut suopte motu vel exoratus eorum precibus, imperator eodem statu retinebit urbem, Orientis firmissimum claustrum.
8.15. While varied rumours were spreading the news of the course of events everywhere, in the army, since the few provisions which (as I have said) we had brought with us were used up, we should have been forced to resort to human bodies, had not the flesh of the slain pack-animals held out for a time; but the result was, that many arms and packs were thrown away; for we were so wasted by fearful hunger, that if anywhere a modius of flour was found (which seldom happened) it was sold for ten gold-pieces, and that was considered a cheap price.
8.15. Dum gestorum seriem ubique rumores diffunditant varii, in exercitu absumptis commeatibus paucis, quos advectos praediximus, in corpora sua necessitas erat humana vertenda, ni iumentorum caro caesorum aliquatenus perdurasset, unde effectum est ut et armorum pleraque proicerentur et sarcinarum. Adeo enim atroci tabuimus fame, ut si usquam modius unus farinae fuisset repertus, quod raro contigerat, aureis decem mutaretur ut minus.
8.16. Setting out from there, we came to Thilsaphata, where Sebastianus and Procopius, with the tribunes and officers of the soldiers which had been entrusted to them for the defence of Mesopotamia, came out to meet us as formal usage required. And after having been courteously received, they joined our march.
8.16. Profecti exinde Thilsaphata venimus, ubi Sebastianus atque Procopius, cum tribunis principiisque militum, sibi ad tuendam Mesopotamiam commissorum, ut poscebat sollemnitas, occurrerunt. Et sequebantur benigne suscepti.
8.17. After this we went on more speedily, and looking eagerly at Nisibis, the emperor made a permanent camp outside of the city; but in spite of the earnest request of many of the populace to enter and take up his residence in the palace as was usual with the emperors, he obstinately refused, from shame that during his own stay within its walls the impregnable city should be handed over to the enemy.
8.17. Post quae itinere festinato, Nisibi cupide visa, extra urbem stativa castra posuit princeps, rogatusque enixe precante multiplici plebe, ut ingressus palatio more succederet principum, pertinaciter reluctatus est, erubescens agente se intra muros, urbem inexpugnabilem iratis hostibus tradi.
8.18. There, as the darkness of evening was then approaching, Jovianus, chief among all the secretaries, who (as I have already said ) at the siege of the city of Maiozamalcha had with others been first to come out through the mine, was taken from the dining-table, led to a secluded spot, thrown headlong into a dry well, and crushed by a great number of stones that were thrown upon him. The reason for this undoubtedly was that, after Julian’s death, he too was named by a few as worthy of the throne, and that after the election of Jovian he had not acted with moderation, but was overheard whispering this and that about some business, and from time to time had even invited military officers to his table.
8.18. Ibi tunc tune vespera tenebrante, raptus a cena Iovianus, primus inter notarios omnes, quem in obsidione civitatis Maiozamalchae per cuniculum docuimus evasisse cum aliis, ductusque ad devium locum, et praeceps actus in puteum siccum, obrutus est saxorum multitudine superiacta, hanc profecto ob causam, quod Iuliano perempto, ipse quoque nominatus a paucis, ut imperio dignus, nec post creatum Iovianum egit modeste, sed susurrans super negotio quaedam audiebatur, invitabatque ad convivia subinde militares.
9.1. On the following day Bineses, one of the Persians, who (as I have said) was eminent beyond all others, hastening to fulfil the orders of his king, urgently demanded what had been promised. Therefore, with the permission of the Roman emperor, he entered the city and raised the flag of his nation on the top of the citadel, announcing to the citizens their sorrowful departure from their native place.
9.1. Postridie Bineses, unus ex Persis quem inter alios excellere diximus, mandata regis complere festinans, promissa flagitabat instanter, et principe permittente Romano, civitatem ingressus, gentis suae signum ab arce extulit summa, migrationem e patria civibus nuntians luctuosam.
9.2. And when all were commanded to leave their homes at once, with tears and outstretched hands they begged that they might not be compelled to depart, declaring that they alone, without aid from the empire in provisions and men, were able to defend their hearths, trusting that Justice herself would, as they had often found, aid them in fighting for their ancestral dwelling-place. But suppliantly as the council and people entreated, all was spoken vainly to the winds, since the emperor (as he pretended, while moved by other fears) did not wish to incur the guilt of perjury.
9.2. Et vertere solum extemplo omnes praecepti, manusque tendentes flentesque, orabant ne imponeretur sibi necessitas abscedendi, ad defendendos penates se solos sufficere suficere sine alimentis publicis affirmantes et milite, satis confisi adfuturam Iustitiam pro genitali sede dimicaturis, ut experti sunt saepe. Et haec quidem suppliciter ordo et populus precabatur, sed ventis loquebantur in cassum, imperatore (ut fingebat, alia metuens), periurii piacula declinante.
9.3. Thereupon Sabinus, distinguished among his fellow-citizens for his wealth and high birth, declared in impassioned language that Constantius once, when the flames of a cruel war were raging, had been defeated by the Persians and finally had been driven in flight with a few followers to the unprotected post of Hibita, where he was obliged to live on a bit of bread which he begged from an old peasant woman; yet up to his last day he had lost nothing, whereas Jovian at the beginning of his principate, had abandoned the defences of provinces whose bulwarks had remained unshaken from the earliest times.
9.3. Tum Sabinus fortuna et genere inter municipes clarus, ore volubili replicabat, Constantium immani crudescente bellorum materia, superatum a Persis interdum, deductumque postremo per fugam cum paucis ad Hibitam stationem intutam, panis frusto vixisse precario, ab anu quadam agresti porrecto, nihil tamen ad diem perdidisse supremum, et Iovianum inter exordia principatus, provinciarum muro cessisse, cuius obices iam inde a vetustate innoxiae permanserunt.
9.4. But when nothing came of this, since the emperor the more stoutly maintained the sanctity of his oath; and when for a time he had refused the crown that was offered him but was finally forced to accept it, one Silvanus, a pleader at the bar, was bold enough to say: “Thus may you be crowned, O emperor, by the rest of the cities,” Exasperated by these words, the emperor gave orders that all must leave the walls within three days, they the while expressing horror at such a condition of affairs.
9.4. Cumque nihil promoveretur, iuris iurandi religionem principe destinatius praetendente, cum oblatam ei coronam aliquamdiu recusans, coactus denique suscepisset, Silvanus quidam causarum defensor, confidentius exclamavit: “Ita” inquit, “imperator, a civitatibus residuis coroneris.” Quo verbo exasperatus, intra triduum omnes iussit excedere moenibus, detestantes rerum praesentium statum.
9.5. Accordingly, men were appointed to drive them out, and threatened with death all who hesitated to leave. Lamentation and grief filled the city, and in all its parts no sound save universal wailing was to be heard; the matrons tore their hair, since they were to be sent into exile from the homes in which they were born and reared; mothers who had lost their children, and widows bereft of their husbands, mourned that they were driven far from the ashes of their loved ones; and the weeping throng embraced the doors or the thresholds of their homes.
9.5. Appositis itaque compulsoribus, mortem siqui distulerit egredi minitantibus, moenia permixta sunt lamentis et luctu, et per omnia civitatis membra una vox cunctorum erat gementium, cum laceraret crines matrona, exsul fuganda laribus in quibus nata erat et educata, orbataque mater liberis vel coniuge viduata, procul ab eorum manibus pelleretur, et turba flebilis postes penatium amplexa vel limina, lacrimabat.
9.6. Then the various roads were filled with people going wherever each could find refuge. In their haste many secretly carried off such of their own property as they thought they could take with them, disregarding the rest of their possessions, which, though many and valuable, they were obliged to leave behind for lack of pack-animals.
9.6. Exin variae complentur viae, qua quisque poterat dilabentium. Properando enim multi furabantur opes proprias quas vehi posse credebant, contempta reliqua supellectili, pretiosa et multa. Hanc enim reliquerunt penuria iumentorum.
9.7. You are here justly censured, O Fortune of the Roman world! that, when storms shattered our country, you did snatch the helm from the hands of an experienced steersman and entrust it to an untried youth, who, since he was known during his previous life for no brilliant deeds in that field, cannot be justly either blamed or praised.
9.7. Tu hoc loco (Fortuna orbis Romani) merito incusaris, quae, difflantibus procellis rem publicam, excussa regimenta perito rei gerendae ductori, consummando iuveni porrexisti, quem nullis ante actae vitae insignibus in huius modi negotiis cognitum, nec vituperari est aequum, nec laudari.
9.8. But what grieved the very heart of every patriotic citizen was this, that fearful of a rival to his power and bearing in mind that it was in Gaul and Illyricum that many men had taken the first steps to loftier power, in his haste to outstrip the report of his coming, under pretext of avoiding perjury he committed an act unworthy of an emperor, betraying Nisibis, which ever since the time of King Mithridates’ reign had resisted with all its might the occupation of the Orient by the Persians.
9.8. Illud tamen ad medullas usque bonorum pervenit, quod dum extimescit aemulum potestatis, dumque in animo per Gallias et Illyricum versat, quosdam saepe sublimiora coeptasse, famam adventus sui praevenire festinans, indignum imperio facinus amictu periurii fugiendi, commisit, Nisibi prodita, quae iam inde a Mithridatici regni temporibus, ne Oriens a Persis occuparetur, viribus restitit maximis.
9.9. For never (I think) since the founding of our city can it be found by a reader of history that any part of our territory has been yielded to an enemy by an emperor or a consul; but that not even the recovery of anything that had been lost was ever enough for the honour of a triumph, but only the increase of our dominions.
9.9. Numquam enim ab urbis ortu inveniri potest annalibus replicatis (ut arbitror), terrarum pars ulla nostrarum ab imperatore vel consule hosti concessa, sed ne ob recepta quidem quae direpta sunt, verum ob amplificata regna triumphales glorias fuisse delatas.
9.10. Hence it was that triumphs were refused to Publius Scipio for the recovery of Spain; to Fulvius, when Capua was overcome after long contests, and to Opimius, when, after shifting fortunes of war, the people of Fregellae, at that time our deadly enemies, were forced to surrender.
9.10. Unde Publio Scipioni ob recuperatas Hispanias, Fulvio Capua post diuturna certamina superata, et Opimio post diversos exitus proeliorum, Fregellanis tunc tune internecivis hostibus ad deditionem compulsis, triumphi sunt denegati.
9.11. In fact, the ancient records teach us that treaties made in extreme necessity with shameful conditions, even when both parties had taken oath in set terms, were at once annulled by a renewal of war. For example, when in days of old our legions were sent under the yoke at the Caudine Forks in Samnium; when Albinus in Numidia devised a shameful peace; and when Mancinus, the author of a disgracefully hasty treaty, was surrendered to the people of Numantia.
9.11. Id etiam memoriae nos veteres docent in extremis casibus icta cum dedecore foedera, postquam partes verbis iuravere conceptis, repetitione bellorum ilico dissoluta, ut temporibus priscis apud Furcas Caudinas sub iugum legionibus missis in Samnio, et per Albinum in Numidia sceleste pace excogitata, et auctore turpiter pactionis festinatae Mancino dedito Numantinis.
9.12. So then, after the inhabitants had been withdrawn, and the city had been handed over, the tribune Constantius was sent to deliver the strongholds, with the surrounding country, to the Persian grandees. Then Procopius was sent with the remains of Julian, in order to inter him, as he had directed when still alive, in the suburb of Tarsus.
9.12. Proinde extractis civibus et urbe tradita missoque tribuno Constantio, qui munimenta praesidiaria cum regionibus, Persicis optimatibus assignaret, cum Iuliani supremis Procopius mittitur, ea ut superstes ille mandarat, humaturus in suburbano Tarsensi.
9.13. Procopius set out to fulfil his mission, but immediately after burying the body he disappeared and in spite of the most careful search could not be found anywhere, until long afterwards he suddenly appeared at Constantinople, clad in the purple.
9.13. Qui ad exsequendum profectus, confestim corpore sepulto discessit, nec inveniri usquam potuit, studio quaesitus ingenti, nisi quod multo postea apud Constantinopolim visus est subito, purpuratus.
10.1. After this business had been thus attended to, we came by long marches to Antioch; where for successive days, as though the divinity were angered, many fearful portents were seen, which those skilled in such signs declared would have sad results.
10.1. His hoc modo peractis, discursisque itineribus, Antiochiam venimus, ubi per continuos dies, velut offenso numine multa visebantur et dira, quorum eventus fore luctificos, gnari rerum prodigialium praecinebant.
10.2. For the statue of the Caesar Maximianus, which stood in the vestibule of the royal palace, suddenly dropped the brazen ball, in the form of the globe of heaven, which it was holding, the beams of the council hall gave forth an awful creaking, and in broad daylight comets were seen, about which the views of those versed in natural history are at variance.
10.2. Nam et Maximiani statua Caesaris, quae locata est in vestibulo regiae, amisit repente sphaeram aeream formatam in speciem poli, quam gestabat, et cum horrendo stridore sonuerunt in consistorio trabes, et visa sunt interdiu sidera cometarum, super quorum natura ratiocinantes physici variant.
10.3. For some think that they are so called because they are numerous stars united in one body, and send out writhing fires resembling hair. Others believe that they take fire from the dryer exhalations of the earth, which gradually rise higher. Others again think that the rays streaming from the sun are prevented by the interposition of a heavier cloud from going downward, and when the brightness is suffused through the thick substance, it presents to men’s eyes a kind of star-spangled light. Yet others have formed the opinion that this phenomenon occurs when an unusually high cloud is lit up by the nearness of the eternal fires, or at any rate, that comets are stars like the rest, the appointed times of whose rising and setting are not understood by human minds. Many other theories about comets are to be found in the writings of those who are skilled in knowledge of the universe; but from discussing these I am prevented by my haste to continue my narrative.
10.3. Quidam enim eos hoc nomine ideo existimant appellari, quod tortos ignes spargunt ut crines, in unum stellis multiplicibus congregatis. Alii eos arbitrantur ex halitu sicciore terrarum ignescere, paulatim in sublimiora surgentes. Quidam currentes radios solis, densiore nube obiecta, degredi ad inferiora prohibitos, splendore infuso, corpori crasso, lucem velut stellis distinctam mortali conspectu, monstrare. Sedit quorundam opinioni, hanc speciem tunc tune apparere, cum erecta solito celsius nubes, aeternorum ignium vicinitate colluceat, vel certe stellas esse quasdam, ceteris similes, quarum ortus obitusque, quibus sint temporibus praestituti, humanis mentibus ignorari. Plura alia de cometis apud peritos mundanae rationis sunt lecta, quae digerere nunc vetat aliorsum oratio properans.
10.4. The emperor lingered for a time at Antioch, bowed down by the weight of divers cares, but pursued by an extraordinary desire for getting out of the place. Accordingly, he left there on a day in the dead of winter, sparing neither horse nor man, although many signs (as has been said) forbade, and entered Tarsus, the famous city of Cilicia, of whose origin I have already spoken.
10.4. Moratum paulisper Antiochiae principem, curarumque ponderibus diversis afflictum, exeundi mira cupiditas agitabat: proinde nec iumento parcens nec militi, flagrante hieme die profectus, signis (ut dictum est), vetantibus plurimis, Tarsum urbem Cilicum nobilem introiit, cuius originem docuimus supra.
10.5. Though in excessive haste to leave that place, he determined to adorn the tomb of Julian, situated just outside the walls on the road which leads to the passes of Mount Taurus. But his remains and ashes, if anyone then showed sound judgement, ought not to be looked on by the Cydnus, although it is a beautiful and clear stream, but to perpetuate the glory of his noble deeds they should be laved by the Tiber, which cuts through the eternal city and flows by the memorials of the deified emperors of old.
10.5. Exindeque egredi nimium properans, exornari sepulchrum statuit Iuliani, in pomerio situm itineris, quod ad Tauri montis angustias ducit, cuius suprema et cineres, siqui tune iuste consuleret, non Cydnus videre deberet, quamvis gratissimus amnis et liquidus, sed ad perpetuandam gloriam recte factorum praeterlambere Tiberis, intersecans urbem aeternam divorumque veterum monumenta praestringens.
10.6. After this the emperor left Tarsus, and making long marches arrived at Tyana, a town of Cappadocia, where on their return the secretary Procopius and the tribune Memoridus met him. They gave him an account of their missions, beginning (as order demanded) with the entry of Lucillianus with the tribunes Seniauchus and Valentinianus, whom he had taken with him, into Mediolanum; but on learning that Malarichus refused to accept the position he had gone at full speed to Rheims.
10.6. Deinde Tarso profectus, extentis itineribus venit oppidum Cappadociae Tyana, ubi ei reversi Procopius notarius et Memoridus tribunus occurrunt, gestorumque aperiunt textum, hinc (ut ordo poscebat) exorsi, quod Lucillianus Mediolanum ingressus, cum Seniaucho et Valentiniano tribunis, quos duxerat secum, cognito quod Malarichus recusavit suscipere magisterium, effuso cursu petierat Remos.
10.7. Then, as if that nation were in profound peace, he ran off the track (as the saying is), and quite out of season, since everything was not yet secure, devoted his attention to examining the accounts of a former actuary. This man, being conscious of deceit and wrong-doing, fled for refuge to the army and falsely asserted that Julian was still alive and that a man of no distinction had raised a rebellion; in consequence of his falsehoods a veritable storm broke out among the soldiery, and Lucillianus and Seniauchus were killed. For Valentinianus, who was shortly afterwards emperor, in terror and not knowing where to turn, was safely gotten out of the way by Primitivus, his guest-friend.
10.7. Et tamquam in alto gentis silentio, extra calcem (ut dicitur) procurrebat, et intempestive, parum etiam tum firmatis omnibus, ex actuario ratiociniis scrutandis incubuit, qui fraudum conscius et noxarum, ad militaria signa confugit, finxitque Iuliano superstite in res novas quendam medium surrexisse, cuius fallaciis turbo militaris acerrime concitus, Lucillianum et Seniauchum occidit. Valentinianum enim paulo postea principem, trepidum, et quo confugeret ambigentem, Primitivus hospes tutius amendarat.
10.8. This sad news was followed by another message, this time a happy one, namely, that soldiers sent by Jovian, heads of the divisions, as camp parlance termed them, were on the way, reporting that the Gallic army embraced with favour the rule of Jovian.
10.8. His ita tristibus laetum aliud addebatur, missos a Iovino milites adventare, quos capita scholarum ordo castrensis appellat, nuntiantes aequo animo Ioviani imperium amplecti exercitum Gallicanum.
10.9. On receipt of this news Valentinian, who had returned with the others, was entrusted with the command of the second division of the targeteers, and Vitalianus, formerly a soldier in the division of the Eruli, was made a member of the household troops; long afterwards he was raised to the rank of Count, but suffered a defeat in Illyricum. Arintheus was hastily sent to Gaul, bearing letters to Jovinus, urging him to act firmly in holding his position; he was also bidden to punish the originator of the disturbance and to send the ringleaders in the rebellion in fetters to the court.
10.9. Quibus compertis, Valentiniano qui cum eisdem redierat, regenda Scutariorum secunda committitur schola, et Vitalianus domesticorum consortio iungitur, Erulorum e numero miles, qui multo postea auctus comitis dignitate, male rem per Illyricum gessit, confestimque mittitur in Gallias Arintheus, ferens litteras ad Iovinum, ut constanter ageret suum obtinens locum, eique mandatum est ut animadverteretur in concitorem tumultus, auctoresque seditionis ad comitatum vincti transmitterentur.
10.10. After these arrangements had been made as seemed expedient, the officers of the Gallic troops had audience with the emperor at Aspuna, a small town of Galatia; when they entered the council chamber, the news which they brought was heard with pleasure, and after receiving rewards, they were ordered to return to their posts.
10.10. Post quae (ut videbatur expedire) disposita, apud Aspuna Galatiae municipium breve, Gallicani militis visa principia, ingressique consistorium, post audita gratanter quae pertulerant munerati, redire iubentur ad signa.
10.11. When the emperor had entered Ancyra, after the necessary arrangements for his procession had been made, so far as the conditions allowed, he assumed the consulship, taking as his colleague in the office his son Varronianus, who was still a small child; and his crying and obstinate resistance to being carried, as usual, on the curule chair, were an omen of what presently occurred.
10.11. Et cum introisset Ancyram Aneyram imperator, paratis ad pompam pro tempore necessariis, consulatum iniit adhibito in societatem trabeae Varroniano, filio suo, admodum parvulo, cuius vagitus, pertinaciter reluctantis ne in curuli sella veheretur ex more, id quod mox accidit portendebat.
10.12. From here also the destined day for ending his life drove Jovian swiftly on. For when he had come to Dadastana, which forms the boundary between Bithynia and Galatia, he was found dead that night. As to his taking-off, many doubtful points have come up.
10.12. Hinc quoque Iovianum, celeri gradu, praescriptus vitae finiendae dies exegit. Cum enim venisset Dadastanam, qui locus Bithyniam distinguit et Galatas, exanimatus inventus est nocte. Super cuius obitu dubietates emersere complures.
10.13. For it is said that he was unable to endure the unwholesome odour of a recently plastered bedroom, or that his head was swollen from the burning of a great amount of charcoal and so he died, or at any rate that he had a fit of acute indigestion from an immoderate amount of food of different kinds. At all events he died in the thirty-third year of his age. The end of his life was like that of Scipio Aemilianus, but so far as I know no investigation was made of the death of either.
10.13. Fertur enim recenti calce cubiculi illiti ferre odorem noxium nequivisse, vel extuberato capite perisse succensione prunarum immensa, aut certe ex colluvione ciborum, avida cruditate distentus. Decessit autem anno tricensimo aetatis et tertio. Cumque huic et Aemiliano Scipioni vitae exitus similis evenisset, super neutrius morte quaestionem comperimus agitatam.
10.14. He walked with a dignified bearing; his expression was very cheerful. His eyes were gray. He was so unusually tall that for some time no imperial robe could be found that was long enough for him. He took as his model Constantius, often spending the afternoon in some serious occupation, but accustomed to jest in public with his intimates.
10.14. Incedebat autem motu corporis gravi, vultu laetissimo, oculis caesiis, vasta proceritate et ardua, adeo ut diu nullum indumentum regium ad mensuram eius cius aptum inveniretur. Et aemulari malebat Constantium, agens seria quaedam aliquotiens post meridiem, iocarique palam cum proximis assuetus.
10.15. So too he was devoted to the Christian doctrine and sometimes paid it honour. He was only moderately educated, of a kindly nature, and (as appears from the few promotions that he made) inclined to select state officials with care. But he was an immoderate eater, given to wine and women, faults which perhaps he would have corrected out of regard for the imperial dignity.
10.15. Christianae legis itidem studiosus et non numquam honorificus, mediocriter eruditus, magisque benivolus, et perpensius, ut apparebat ex paucis, quos promoverat iudices, electurus; edax tamen et vino Venerique indulgens, quae vitia imperiali verecundia forsitan correxisset.
10.16. It was said that his father, Varronianus, learned what would happen long beforehand from the suggestion of a dream, and trusted the information to two of his confidential friends, adding the remark that the consular robe would be conferred also on himself. But although one prophecy was fulfilled, he could not attain the other prediction. For after learning of the elevation of his son, he was overtaken by death before seeing him again.
10.16. Dicebatur autem Varronianus pater eius monitu cuiusdam somnii dudum praescisse quod evenit, idque duobus amicis commisisse fidissimis, illo adiecto, quod ipsi quoque deferetur trabea consularis. Sed impetrato uno adipisci non potuit aliud. Audita enim filii celsiore fortuna, antequam eum videret, fatali praeventus est morte.
10.17. And since it was foretold to the old man in a dream that the highest magistracy awaited one of that name, his grandson Varronianus, then still a child, was (as I have before related) made consul together with his father Jovianus.
10.17. Et quia huic nomini amplissimum magistratum portendi per quietem praedictum est seni, Varronianus nepos eius infans etiam tum, cum Ioviano patre declaratus est (ut supra rettulimus) consul.