1.1. Having narrated the course of events with the strictest care up to the bounds of the present epoch, I had already determined to withdraw my foot from the more familiar tracks, partly to avoid the dangers which are often connected with the truth, and partly to escape unreasonable critics of the work which I am composing, who cry out as if wronged, if one has failed to mention what an emperor said at table, or left out the reason why the common soldiers were led before the standards for punishment, or because in an ample account of regions he ought not to have been silent about some insignificant forts; also because the names of all who came together to pay their respects to the city-praetor were not given, and many similar matters, which are not in accordance with the principles of history; for it is wont to detail the high lights of events, not to ferret out the trifling details of unimportant matters. For whoever wishes to know these may hope to be able to count the small indivisible bodies which fly through space, and to which we give the name of atoms.
1.1. Dictis impensiore cura rerum ordinibus ad usque memoriae confinia propioris, convenerat iam referre a notioribus pedem, ut et pericula declinentur veritati saepe contigua, et examinatores contexendi operis deinde non perferamus intempestivos, strepentes ut laesos, si praeteritum sit, quod locutus est imperator in cena, vel omissum quam ob causam gregarii milites coerciti sunt apud signa, et quod non decuerat in descriptione multiplici regionum super exiguis silere castellis, quodque cunctorum nomina, qui ad urbani praetoris officium convenere, non sunt expressa, et similia plurima, praeceptis historiae dissonantia, discurrere per negotiorum celsitudines assuetae, non humilium minutias indagare causarum, quas si scitari voluerit quispiam, individua illa corpuscula volitantia per inane, ἀτόμους, ut nos appellamus, numerari posse sperabit.
1.2. This is what some of the writers of old feared, who during their lifetime set down their knowledge of various historical events with eloquent pen, but did not publish them while they lived: as also Cicero, a witness worthy of respect, declares in a letter to Cornelius Nepos. Accordingly, disregarding the ignorance of the vulgar, let us hasten to continue our narrative.
1.2. Haec quidam veterum formidantes, cognitiones actuum variorum, stilis stills uberibus explicatas, non edidere superstites, ut in quadam ad Cornelium Nepotem epistula Tullius quoque testis reverendus affirmat. Proinde inscitia vulgari contempta ad residua narranda pergamus.
1.3. So this ferocity of changeable circumstances came to a lamentable end after the death of three emperors at short intervals; and the body of the deceased prince was embalmed and sent to Constantinople, to be laid to rest among the remains of the Augusti. But the army marched on towards Nicaea, which is the metropolis of the Bithynian cities; and the principal civil and military leaders, busied with important cares for the general welfare, and some of them puffed up with vain hopes, were looking about for a ruler who had long been proved and possessed dignity.
1.3. Hac volubilium casuum diritate, exitu luctuoso finita, obituque intervallato trium brevi tempore principum, corpore curato defuncti, missoque Constantinopolim, ut inter Augustorum reliquias conderetur, progresso Nicaeam versus exercitu, quae in Bithynia mater est urbium, potestatum civilium, militiaeque rectores, magnitudine curarum adstricti communium, interque eos quidam spe vana sufflati, moderatorem quaeritabant diu exploratum et gravem.
1.4. And rumour, in the obscure whispers of a few, touched on the name of Aequitius, who was at that time tribune of the first division of the targeteers, but he did not find favour in the judgement of the more important authorities, because he was rude and somewhat boorish. Then fickle favour was transferred to Januarius, a relative of Jovian, who had charge of the commissary department in Illyricum.
1.4. Et rumore tenus obscuris paucorum susurris, nomen praestringebatur Aequitii, scholae primae Scutariorum, etiam tum tribuni, qui cum potiorum auctoritate displicuisset ut asper et subagrestis, translata est suffragatio levis in Ianuarium Ioviani adfinem curantem summitatem necessitatum castrensium per Illyricum.
1.5. He also was rejected because he was living far away, and under the inspiration of the powers of heaven Valentinian was chosen without a dissenting voice, as being fully up to the requirements and suitable; he was commander of the second division of the targeteers, and had been left behind at Ancyra, to follow later according to orders. And as it was agreed without contradiction that this was to the advantage of the state, envoys were sent to urge him to hasten his coming; but for ten days no one held the helm of the empire, which the soothsayer Marcus, on inspection of the entrails at Rome, had declared to have happened at that time.
1.5. Quo itidem spreto, quia procul agebat, ut aptus ad id quod quaerebatur atque conveniens, Valentinianus, nulla discordante sententia, numinis adspiratione caelestis electus est, agens scholam Scutariorum secundam, relictusque apud Ancyram, postea secuturus, ut ordinatum est. Et quia nullo renitente hoc e re publica videbatur, missi sunt qui eum venire ocius admonerent, diebusque decem nullus imperii tenuit gubernacula, quod tunc evenisse, extis Romae inspectis, haruspex edixerat Marcus.
1.6. Meanwhile, however, to prevent any interference with the decision that had been made, and to keep the fickle temper of the soldiers, who are always ready for a change, from turning towards someone who was on the spot, Aequitius made earnest efforts, and with him Leo; the latter was still holding the office of military paymaster under Dagalaifus, commander of the cavalry, and later played a deadly part as chief-marshal of the court. Both endeavoured, so far as their efforts could prevail, being Pannonians and adherents of the emperor elect, to maintain the decision which the whole army had made.
1.6. Inter haec tamen, nequid novaretur contrarium placitis, neve armatorum mobilitas, saepe versabilis, ad praesentium quendam inclinaret arbitrium, attente providebat Aequitius, et cum eo Leo, adhuc sub Dagalaifo magistro equitum rationes numerorum militarium tractans, exitialis postea magister officiorum, exercitus universi iudicium, quantum facere nitique poterant, ut Pannonii fautoresque principis designate firmantes.
1.7. When the emperor arrived in answer to the summons, informed either by presentiments about the task he must fulfil (as was given to be understood) or by repeated dreams, he did not let himself be seen next day, nor would he appear in public, avoiding the bisextile day of the month of February, which dawned at that time and (as he had heard) had sometimes been unlucky for the Roman state. Of this day I will give a clear explanation.
1.7. Qui cum venisset accitus, implendique negotii praescius praesagiis, ut opinari dabatur, vel somniorum assiduitate, nec videri die secundo nec prodire in medium voluit, bissextum vitans Februarii mensis, tunc tune illucescens, quod aliquotiens rei Romanae fuisse norat infaustum. Cuius notitiam certam designabo.
1.8. The extent of the revolving year is completed, according to the calculations of men of old who were versed in the movements of the universe and the stars, of whom the most eminent are Meton, Euctemon, Hipparchus, and Archimedes, when the sun, in accordance with the eternal law of the heavenly bodies, has traversed the signs of the heaven which in Greek are called ζωδιακός, the zodiac, and after the course of 365 days and nights returns to the same turning-point; that is (for instance) when it has started from the second degree of the Ram and after completing its course has returned to the same place.
1.8. Spatium anni vertentis id esse, periti mundani motus et siderum definiunt veteres, inter quos Meton et Euctemon et Hipparchus et Archimedes excellunt, cum sol perenni rerum sublimium lege, polo percurso signifero, quem ζῳδιακόν sermo Graecus appellat, trecentis et sexaginta quinque diebus emensis et noctibus, ad eundem redierit cardinem, ut (verbo tenus) si a secunda particula elatus Arietis, ad eam dimensione redierit terminata.
1.9. But the true length of a year ends, in the said 365 days and six hours besides, at high noon, and the first day of the next year will extend from the end of the sixth hour to evening. The third year begins with the first watch and ends with the sixth hour of the night. The fourth goes on from midnight until broad daylight.
1.9. Sed anni intervallum verissimum, memoratis diebus et horis sex usque ad meridiem concluditur plenam, annique sequentis erit post horam sextam initium, porrectum ad vesperam. Tertius a prima vigilia sumens exordium, ad horam noctis extenditur sextam. Quartus a medio noctis ad usque claram trahitur lucem.
1.10. Therefore, in order that this computation because of the variations in the beginning of the year (since one year commences after the sixth hour of the day and another after the sixth hour of the night) may not confuse all science by a disorderly diversity, and an autumnal month may not sometimes be found to be in the spring, it was decided to combine those series of six hours, which in four years amounted to twenty-four, into one day and an added night.
1.10. Ne igitur haec computatio variantibus annorum principiis, ut quodam post horam sextam diei, alio post sextam excurse nocturnam, scientiam omnem squalida diversitate confundat, et autumnalis mensis inveniatur quandoque vernalis, placuit senas illas horas quae quadriennio viginti colliguntur atque quattuor, in unius diei noctisque adiectae transire mensuram.
1.11. And after deep consideration, by the agreement of manylearned men it was arranged that the completion of the year’s course has a single definite end, and is neither changeable nor uncertain; so that the reckoning of the sun’s course no longer appears beclouded by any error, and the months retain their appointed seasons.
1.11. Hocque alte considerate, eruditis concinentibus multis, effectum est, ut ad unum distinctumque exitum, circumversio cursus annui revoluta, nec vaga sit nec incerta, nulloque errore deinceps obumbrata, ratio caelestis appareat et menses tempora retineant praestituta.
1.12. The Romans were long ignorant of all this, since their realm was not yet widely extended, and for many centuries they were involved in obscure difficulties; and they wandered in still deeper darkness of error when they gave over the power of intercalation to the priests, who lawlessly served the advantage of tax-collectors or of parties in litigation by arbitrarily subtracting or adding days.
1.12. Haec nondum extentis fusius regnis, diu ignoravere Romani, perque saecula multa, obscuris difficultatibus implicati, tunc magis errorum profunda caligine fluctuabant, cum in sacerdotes potestatem transtulissent interkalandi, qui licenter gratificantes publicanorum vel litigantium commodis, ad arbitrium suum subtrahebant tempora vel augebant.
1.13. From this beginning many other errors arose, which I think it superfluous to mention here. These were done away with by Octavianus Augustus who, following the Greeks, corrected the confusion and brought order into this inconsistency by adopting after great deliberation the arrangement of twelve months and six hours, during which the sun in its eternal course through the twelve signs completes a whole year.
1.13. Hocque ex coepto emerserunt alia plurima, quae fallebant, quorum meminisse nunc supervacuum puto. Quibus abolitis, Octavianus Augustus Graecos secutus, hanc inconstantiam correcta turbatione composuit, spatiis duodecim mensium et sex horarum magna deliberatione collectis, per quae duodecim siderum domicilia sol discurrens motibus sempiternis anni totius intervalla concludit.
1.14. This reason for the “bisextile year” Rome, which will live even through the centuries, with the aid of the divine power approved and firmly established. Now let us go on to the rest of our narrative.
1.14. Quam rationem bissexti probatam, etiam victura cum saeculis Roma, adiumento numinis divini fundavit. Proinde pergamus ad reliqua.
2.1. When the day unfavourable (as some think) for beginning great enterprises had passed, just as evening was coming on, at the motion of the prefect Salutius it was promptly and unanimously decided that, under penalty of death, no one who held high authority, or had been suspected of aiming at a higher station, should appear in public on the following morning.
2.1. Elapso die parum apto ad inchoandas rerum magnitudines (ut quidam existimant), propinquante iam vespera, monitu praefecti Sallustii Salutii, sub exitii denuntiatione statutum est prompta consensione cunctorum, ne potioris quisquam auctoritatis, vel suspectus altiora conari, procederet postridie mane.
2.2. And when to the chagrin of many, tormented by their vain hopes, the night ended and day at last appeared, the whole army was assembled. Then Valentinian appeared on the plain, was allowed to mount a tribunal raised on high and after the custom of elections was chosen by the favourable votes of all present as a man of serious purpose, to be the ruler of the empire.
2.2. Cumque multorum taedio quos votorum inanitas cruciabat, tandem finita nocte lux advenisset, in unum quaesito milite omni, progressus Valentinianus in campum, permissusque tribunal ascendere celsius structum, comitiorum specie, voluntate praesentium secundissima, ut vir serius rector pronuntiatur imperii imperil.
2.3. Then, wearing the imperial robes and a coronet, with all the praises which the charm of novelty could call forth he was hailed as Augustus, and was already getting ready to make the speech he had prepared. But as he bared his arm, in order to speak more conveniently, a threatening murmur arose, as the centuries and maniples made a loud noise and all the common maniples clashed their shields and all the common soldiers persistently urged that a second emperor should at once be named.
2.3. Mox principali habitu circumdatus et corona, Augustusque nuncupatus, cum laudibus amplis, quas novitatis potuit excitare dulcedo, praemeditata dicere iam parabat. Eoque (ut expeditius loqueretur), brachium exsertante, obmurmuratio gravis exoritur, concrepantibus centuriis et manipulis cohortiumque omnium plebe urgentium destinate, confestim imperatorem alterum declarari.
2.4. But although some thought that a few had been bribed to do this, in favour of those who had been passed over, yet such a suspicion seemed to have no ground, for the reason that the shouts which were heard were not purchased, but came unanimously as an expression of the wish of the whole throng, since from a recent example they dreaded the frailty of lofty fortunes. Then the whispers of the uproarious army seemed likely to be succeeded by a violent outbreak, and men began to fear the recklessness of the soldiers, who sometimes break out in deeds of violence.
2.4. Quod licet non nulli existimarunt, paucis corruptis, ad gratiam fieri despectorum, ex eo tamen id frustra creditum videbatur, quod non emercati, sed consoni totius multitudinis paria volentis clamores audiebantur, documento recenti fragilitatem pertimescentis sublimium fortunarum. Dein ex susurris immaniter strepentis exercitus, cieri tumultus violentior apparebat, et confidentia militis, erumpentis interdum ad perniciosa facinora, timebatur.
2.5. Since Valentinian more than all others feared lest this should happen, quickly raising his hand, with the authority of an emperor who was full of confidence, he had the courage to upbraid some of them as rebellious and intractable. Then, without further interruption, he delivered the speech which he had prepared:— “I rejoice, brave defenders of our provinces, and I maintain and always shall maintain that it is your services that have bestowed on me, rather than another, the rule of the Roman world, which I neither hoped for nor desired.”
2.5. Quod Valentinianus magis prae cunctis ne fieret extimescens, elata propere dextera, vi principis fiducia pleni, ausus increpare quosdam, ut seditiosos et pertinaces, cogitata nullis interpellantibus absolvebat:- “Exulto—provinciarum fortissimi defensores,—et prae me fero semperque laturus sum, nec speranti nec appetenti moderamina orbis Romani, mihi ut potissimo omnium, vestras detulisse virtutes.”
2.7. “The task, then, which was placed in your hands before the ruler of the empire was chosen you carried out expediently and gloriously, by raising to the pinnacle of honours one whom from his earliest youth until the present prime of life you know by experience to have lived with distinction and uprightness. Therefore, I beg of you, listen with friendly ears while I tell you in simple words what I think is best for the common welfare.”
2.7. “Quod erat igitur in manu positum vestra, nondum electo imperii formatore, utiliter et gloriose complestis, adscito in honorum verticem eo, quem ab ineunte adulescentia ad hanc usque aetatis maturitatem splendide integreque vixisse experiundo cognoscitis. Proinde pacatis auribus accipite (quaeso) simplicioribus verbis dicentem, quod conducere arbitror in commune.”
2.8. “That to meet all chances necessity demands the choice of a colleague with equal powers, at the demands of much varied reasoning I neither doubt nor dispute, since I myself also, as a man, fear masses of cares and varied changes of circumstances. But with all our strength we must strive for harmony, through which even the weakest states grow strong; and this will easily be attained, if your calmness combined with fairness willingly allows me what belongs to my position.”
2.8. “Adhiberi oportere in omnes casus socia potestate collegam, contemplatione poscente multiplici, nec ambigo nec repugno, curarum acervos et mutationes varias accidentium, ipse quoque ut homo formidans, sed studendum est concordiae viribus totis, per quam res quoque minimae convalescunt, quod impetrabitur facile, si patientia vestra, cum aequitate consentiens, id mihi quod mearum est partium, concesserit libens.”
2.9. “For Fortune (I hope) which aids good purposes, so far as I can accomplish this and effect it, will give me after careful search a man of sober character. For as the philosophers teach us, not only in royal power, where the greatest and most numerous dangers are found, but also in the relations of private and everyday life, a stranger ought to be admitted to friendship by a prudent man only after he has first tested him; not tested after he has been admitted to friendship.”
2.9. “Dabit enim, ut spero, Fortuna consiliorum adiutrix bonorum, quantum efficere et consequi possum, diligenter scrutanti moribus temperatum. Ut enim sapientes definiunt, non modo in imperio, ubi pericula maxima sunt et creberrima, verum etiam in privatis cottidianisque rationibus, alienum ad amicitiam, cum iudicaverit quisquam prudens, adiungere sibi debebit, non cum adiunxerit, iudicare.”
2.10. “This I promise you with the hope of a happier future. Do you, while the winter rest allows, retain your firmness and loyalty of conduct and refresh your strength of spirit and body: then be sure that you will receive without delay what is your due because of your imperial nomination of myself.”
2.10. “Haec cum spe laetiorum polliceor, vos firmitatem factorum retinentes et fidem, dum hiberna patitur quies, animorum reparate vigorem atque membrorum, ob nuncupationem augustam, debita protinus accepturi.”
2.11. Having finished his address, to which his unexpected assumption of authority had given greater weight, the emperor gained the favour of the soldier received five aurei. The custom was finally abolished by Justinian. whole assembly; and even those who shortly before were with excited cries making another demand followed his advice and escorted him to the imperial quarters, surrounded by eagles and standards, with a splendid retinue of various ranks, and already an object of fear.
2.11. Finita oratione, quam auctoritas erexerat inopina, flexit imperator in suam sententiam universos, consiliique eius viam secuti, qui paulo ante flagrantissimis vocibus aliud postulabant, circumsaeptum aquilis aquiiis et vexillis, agminibusque diversorum ordinum ambitiose stipatum, iamque terribilem, duxerunt in regiam.
3.1. While the changing lots of the fates were unfolding these events in the Orient, Apronianus, prefect of the eternal city, a just and strict official, among urgent cares with which that office is often burdened, made it his first main effort that the sorcerers, who at that time were becoming few in number, should be arrested, and that those who, after having been put to the question, were clearly convicted of having harmed anybody, after naming their accomplices, should be punished with death; and that thus through the danger to a few, the remainder, if any were still in concealment, might be driven away through dread of a similar fate.
3.1. Dum haec in Oriente volubiles fatorum explicant sortes, Apronianus regens urbem aeternam, iudex integer et severus, inter curarum praecipua, quibus haec praefectura saepe sollicitatur, id primum opera curabat enixa, ut veneficos (qui tunc tune rarescebant rariscebant ) captos postque agitatas quaestiones nocuisse quibusdam apertissime confutatos, indicatis consciis morte multaret, atque ita paucorum discrimine reliquos (siqui laterent), formidine parium exturbaret.
3.2. In this work he is said to have shown special activity for the following reason, namely, that after his appointment by authority of Julian, when he was still living in Syria, he had lost one eye on the way, and suspecting that he had been attacked by wicked arts, with justifiable but extraordinary resentment he tracked out these and other crimes with great energy. In this he seemed cruel to some because more than once during the races in the ampitheatre, while throngs of people were crowding in, he in- vestigated the greatest crimes.
3.2. Haec egisse ideo efficaciter fertur, quod Iuliani promotus arbitrio, agentis etiam tum per Syrias, in itinere unum amiserat oculum, suspicatusque artibus se nefariis appetitum, iusto quidem sed inusitato dolore, haec et alia magna quaeritabat industria. Unde quibusdam atrox visus est, in amphitheatrali curriculo undatim coeunte aliquotiens plebe, causas dispiciens criminum maximorum.
3.3. Finally, after many punishments of the kind, a charioteer called Hilarinus was convicted on his own confession of having entrusted his son, who had barely reached the age of puberty, to a mixer of poisons to be instructed in certain secret practices forbidden by law, in order to use his help at home without other witnesses; and he was condemned to death. But since the executioner was lax in guarding him, the man suddenly escaped and took refuge in a chapel of the Christian sect; however, he was at once dragged from there and beheaded.
3.3. Denique post huius modi vindicata complura, Hilarinum aurigam convictum atque confessum, vixdum pubescentem filium suum venefico tradidisse, docendum secretiora quaedam legibus interdicta, ut nullo conscio adminiculis iuvaretur internis, capitali animadversione damnavit. Qui laxius retinente carnifice, subito lapsus, confugit ad ritus Christiani sacrarium, abstractusque exinde ilico, abscisa cervice consumptus est.
3.4. But efforts were still made to check these and similar offences, and none, or at any rate very few, who were engaged in such abominations defied the public diligence. But later, long-continued impunity nourished these monstrous offences, and lawlessness went so far that a certain senator followed the example of Hilarinus, and was convicted of having apprenticed a slave of his almost by a written contract to a teacher of evil practices to be initiated into criminal secrets; but he bought escape from the death penalty, as current gossip asserted, for a large sum of money.
3.4. Verum haec similiaque tum etiam ut coercenda, mox cavebantur, et nulli vel admodum pauci, in his versati flagitiis, vigori publico insultarunt, sed tempore secuto longaeva impunitas nutrivit immania, usque eo grassante licentia, ut imitatus Hilarinum quidam senator, servumque suum modo non per syngrapham arcanis piacularibus inducendum, commisisse doctori malarum artium confutatus, supplicium redimeret, opima mercede, ut crebrior fama vulgarat.
3.5. And this very man, after being freed in the manner alleged, although he ought to be ashamed of his life and his offence, has made no effort to get rid of the stain on his character, but as if among many wicked men he alone was free from any fault, mounts a caparisoned horse and rides over the pavements, and even now is followed by great bands of slaves, by a new kind of distinction aiming to draw special attention to himself. Just as we hear of Duillius of old, that after that glorious sea-fight, he assumed the privilege, when he returned home after a dinner, of having a flute-player play soft music before him.
3.5. Isque ipse, hoc genere quo iactatum est, absolutus, cum vitae pudere deberet et culpae, non abolendae incubuit maculae, sed tamquam inter multos probrosos, solus vacuus ab omni delicto, equo phalerato insidens, discurrensque per silices, multa post se nunc usque trahit agmina servulorum, per novum quoddam insigne, curiosius spectari affectans, ut Duillium accepimus veterem, post gloriosa illa navalis rei certamina, id sibi sumpsisse ut tibicine lenius praecinente rediret ad sua post cenam.
3.6. However, under this Apronianus there was such a constant abundance of all necessary articles of food, that there never arose even the slightest murmur about a scarcity of victuals—a thing which constantly happens in Rome.
3.6. Sub hoc tamen Aproniano, ita iugiter copia necessariorum exuberavit, ut nulla saltim levia murmura super inopia victui congruentium, orerentur, quod assidue Romae contingit.
4.1. Now Valentinian was chosen emperor in Bithynia (as we have said before). He gave the signal for the march for the next day but one, and assembling the chief civil and military officials, as if ready to follow safe and sound advice rather than his own inclination, inquired who ought to be chosen as partner in the rule. When all the rest were silent, Dagalaifus, at that time commander of the cavalry, boldly answered: “If you love your relatives, most excellent emperor, you have a brother; if it is the state that you love, seek out another man to clothe with the purple.”
4.1. At in Bithynia Valentinianus princeps (ut praediximus) declaratus, dato in perendinum diem signo proficiscendi, convocatis primoribus, quasi tuta consilia, quam sibi placentia, secuturus, percunctabatur, quemnam ad imperii consortium oporteret assumi, silentibusque cunctis, Dagalaifus tunc tune equestris militiae rector, respondit fidentius: “Si tuos amas” inquit, “imperator optime, habes babes fratrem; si rem publicam, quaere quem vestias.”
4.2. The emperor, angered by this, but keeping silence and concealing his thoughts, forcing the pace, entered Nicomedia on the first of March, and appointed his brother Valens chief of his stable with the rank of tribune.
4.2. Quo dicto asperatus ille sed tacitus, et occultans quae cogitabat, Nicomediam itineribus citis ingressus, Kalendis Martiis Valentem fratrem stabulo suo cum tribunatus dignitate praefecit.
4.3. Then, on his arrival in Constantinople, after much counsel with himself, considering that he was already unequal to the amount of pressing business and believing that there was no room for delay, on the twenty-eighth of March he brought the aforesaid Valens into one of the suburbs and with the consent of all (for no one ventured to oppose) proclaimed him Augustus. Then he adorned him with the imperial insignia and put a diadem on his head, and brought him back in his own carriage, thus having indeed a lawful partner in his power, but, as the further course of our narrative will show, one who was as compliant as a subordinate.
4.3. Indeque cum venisset Constantinopolim, multa secum ipse diu volvens, et magnitudine urgentium negotiorum iam se superari considerans, nihil morandum ratus, quintum Kalendas Aprilis, productum eundem Valentem in suburbanum, universorum sententiis concinentibus—nec enim audebat quisquam refragari,—Augustum pronuntiavit, decoreque imperatorii cultus ornatum, et tempora diademate redimitum, in eodem vehiculo secum reduxit, participem quidem legitimum potestatis, sed in modum apparitoris morigerum, ut progrediens aperiet textus.
4.4. No sooner were these arrangements perfected without disturbance than both emperors were seized with violent and lingering fevers; but as soon as their hope of life was assured, being more successful m investigating various matters than in settling them, they commissioned Ursatius, the chief-marshal of the court, a rough Dalmatian, and Viventius of Siscia, who was then quaestor, to make a strict investigation of what they suspected to be the cause of these diseases. Persistent rumour had it, that their purpose was, by asserting that they had been harmed by secret sorcery, to rouse hatred of the memory of the emperor Julian and his friends. But this charge was easily shown to have nothing in it, since no evidence of such plots was found, even in a single word.
4.4. Quibus ita nullo interturbante perfectis, constricti rapidis febribus, imperatores ambo diu spe vivendi firmata, ut erant in inquirendis rebus graviores quam in componendis, suspectas morborum causas investigandas acerrime, Ursatio officiorum magistro, Delmatae crudo, et Viventio Sisciano, quaestori tunc commiserunt, ut loquebatur pertinax rumor, invidiam cientes Iuliani memoriae principis, amicisque eius, tamquam clandestinis praestigiis laesi. Sed hoc evanuit facile, ne verbo quidem tenus insidiarum indicio ullo reperto.
4.5. At this time, as if trumpets were sounding the war-note throughout the whole Roman world, the most savage peoples roused themselves and poured across the nearest frontiers. At the same time the Alamanni were devastating Gaul and Raetia, the Sarmatae and Quadi Pannonia, while the Picts, Saxons, Scots, and Attacotti were harassing the Britons with con- stant disasters. The Austoriani and other Moorish tribes raided Africa more fiercely than ever and predatory bands of Goths were plundering Thrace and Pannonia.
4.5. Hoc tempore velut per universum orbem Romanum, bellicum canentibus bucinis, excitae gentes saevissimae, limites sibi proximos persultabant. Gallias Raetiasque simul Alamanni populabantur; Sarmatae Pannonias et Quadi; Picti Saxonesque et Scotti, et Attacotti Britannos aerumnis vexavere continuis; Austoriani Mauricaeque aliae gentes, Africam solito acrius incursabant; Thracias et Pannonias diripiebant praedatorii globi Gothorum.
4.6. The king of the Persians was laying hands on Armenia, hastening with mighty efforts to bring that country again under his sway, under the false pretext that after the death of Jovian, with whom he had concluded a treaty of peace, nothing ought to prevent his recovery of what he claimed had formerly belonged to his forefathers.
4.6. Persarum rex manus Armeniis iniectabat, eos in suam dicionem ex integro vocare vi nimia properans, sed iniuste causando, quod post Ioviani excessum, cum quo foedera firmarat et pacem, nihil obstare debebit, quo minus ea recuperaret, quae antea ad maiores suos pertinuisse monstrabat.
5.1. So, then, the emperors spent the winter quietly in perfect harmony, the one eminent through the choice that had fallen upon him, the other joined with him in the office, but only in appearance. After hastening through Thrace, they came to Naessus, where in a suburb called Mediana, distant three miles from the city, they shared the generals between them in view of their coming separation.
5.1. Acta igitur tranquillius hieme, concordissimi principes, unus nuncupatione praelatus, alter honori specie tenus adiunctus, percursis Thraciis Naessum advenerunt, ubi in suburbano, quod appellatum Mediana, a civitate tertio lapide disparatur, quasi mox separandi, partiti sunt comites.
5.2. To Valentinian, in accordance with whose wish the matter was settled, fell Jovinus, who had previously been promoted by Julian to be commander of the cavalry in Gaul, and Dagalaifus, whom Jovian had raised to the same rank. But it was arranged that Victor, who had also been promoted by the decision of the aforesaid emperor, should follow Valens to the Orient, and with him Arintheus was associated. For Lupicinus, who also had formerly been made commander of the cavalry by Jovian, was already in charge of the eastern provinces.
5.2. Et Valentiniano quidem, cuius arbitrio res gerebatur, Iovinus evenit dudum promotus a Iuliano, per Gallias magister armorum, et Dagalaifus, quem militiae rectorem provexerat Iovianus: in Orientem vero secuturus Valentem, ordinatus est Victor, ipse quoque iudicio principis ante dicti provectus, cui iunctus est Arintheus. Lupicinus enim pridem a Ioviano pari modo promotus, magister equitum partes tuebatur eoas.
5.3. At the same time Aequitius, who was not yet a commander-in-chief, but only a count, was put in charge of the army in Illyricum, and Serenianus, who some time before had been retired from service, being a Pannonian girded on his sword and was joined with Valens in command of a part of the bodyguard. After matters had been thus arranged, the troops also were divided between the two emperors.
5.3. Tunc et Aequitius Illyriciano praeponitur exercitui, nondum magister, sed comes, et Serenianus, olim sacramento digressus, recinctus est, ut Pannonius, sociatusque Valenti, domesticorum praefuit scholae. Quibus ita digestis et militares partiti sunt numeri.
5.4. And when after this the two brothers had entered Sirmium, after sharing the places of residence according to the wishes of the superior, Valentinian went off to Mediolanum, Valens to Constantinople.
5.4. Et post haec cum ambo fratres Sirmium introissent, diviso palatio, ut potiori placuerat, Valentinianus Mediolanum, Constantinopolim Valens discessit.
5.5. The Orient was governed by Salutius with the rank of prefect, Italy with Africa and Illyricum by Mamertinus, and the Gallic provinces by Germanianus.
5.5. Et Orientem quidem regebat potestate praefecti Sallustius Salutius, Italiam vero, cum Africa et Illyrico, Mamertinus, et Gallicas provincias Germanianus.
5.6. Living therefore in the cities named, the emperors for the first time assumed the consular robes; and this whole year brought heavy losses to the Roman state.
5.6. Agentes igitur in memoratis urbibus principes, sumpsere primitus trabeas consulares, omnisque hic annus dispendiis gravibus rem Romanam afflixit.
5.7. For the Alamanni broke through the frontiers of Germany, being unusually hostile for the following reason: when their envoys had been sent to the headquarters, in order as usual to receive the regular appointed gifts, smaller and cheaper ones were given them, which they received with indignation and threw away as unworthy of them. And being roughly treated by Ursatius, who was then court-marshal, a hot-tempered and cruel man, they returned home, and exaggerating what had happened, aroused the savage peoples, on the ground that they had been grievously insulted.
5.7. Alamanni enim perrupere Germaniae limites, hac ex causa solito infestius moti. Cum legatis eorum, missis ad comitatum, certa et praestituta ex more munera praeberi deberent, minora et vilia sunt attributa, quae illi suscepta, furenter agentes ut indignissima proiecere. Tractatique asperius ab Ursatio, tunc tune magistro officiorum, iracundo quodam et saevo, regressi factumque exaggerentes, ut contumeliose despectas gentes immanissimas concitarunt.
5.8. And about that time, or not much later, in the Orient Procopius had started a revolution. This and the Alamannic revolt were reported to Valentinian on one and the same day about the first of November as he was on his way to Paris.
5.8. Et circa id tempus, aut non multo posterius, in Oriente Procopius in res surrexerat novas, quae prope Kalendas Novembris, venturo Valentiniano Parisios uno eodemque nuntiata sunt die.
5.9. Then Valentinian ordered Dagalaifus to go in haste to meet the Alamanni, who after devastating places near the frontier had withdrawn to a distance without the loss of a man. But as to checking the attempt of Procopius before it became ripe, he was distracted by doubt and anxiety, being especially troubled because he did not know whether Valens was alive or whether his death had led Procopius to aspire to the throne.
5.9. Et Alamannis quidem occursurum Dagalaifum pergere mature praecepit, qui vastitatis propinquioribus locis, longius discesserant incruenti. Super appetitu vero Procopi, antequam adulesceret, reprimendo, curis diducebatur ambiguis, ea potissimum ratione sollicitus, quod ignorabat utrum Valente superstite, an exstincto, memoratus imperium affectarat.
5.10. For Aequitius knew of the matter only from the report of the tribune Antonius, who commanded the soldiers in central Dacia and gave a vague account of the affair from that which he himself had heard; and Aequitius himself had not yet heard anything trustworthy, and so merely reported the circumstance to the emperor in simple words.
5.10. Aequitius enim relatione Antoni tribuni accepta, agentis in Dacia mediterranea militem, qui nihil praeter negotium ipsum auditum obscure significabat, ipse quoque nondum liquida fide comperta, simplicibus verbis principem gestorum conscium fecit.