5.11. Upon hearing the news, Valentinian, after raising the said Aequitius to the rank of a commander-in- chief, decided to go back to Illyricum, lest the rebel after rushing through Thrace and being already formidable should invade Pannonia with a hostile army. For he was greatly alarmed by a recent example, recalling that Julian a short time before, making light of an emperor who had been victor in all civil wars, contrary to all hope and expectation had passed with incredible speed from city to city.
5.11. His cognitis Valentinianus eodem Aequitio aucto magisterii dignitate, repedare ad Illyricum destinabat, ne persultatis Thraciis perduellis iam formidatus, invaderet hostili excursu Pannonias. Documento enim recenti impendio terrebatur, reputans paulo antea Iulianum, contempto imperatore, bellorum civilium ubique victore, nec speratum ante nec exspectatum, ab urbe in urbem incredibili velocitate transisse.
5.12. But his eager longing to return was modified by the advice of his confidential friends, who advised, nay begged him, not to give up Gaul to the savages who threatened destruction, and not under that pretext to abandon provinces which needed strong support. These were supported by deputations from famous cities, who begged that he should not leave unprotected in such hard and doubtful times cities which by his presence he could save from the greatest dangers, since the glory of his name would strike fear into the Germans.
5.12. Verum ardens ad redeundum, eius impetus molliebatur consiliis proximorum, suadentium et orantium, ne interneciva minantibus barbaris exponeret Gallias, neve hac causatione provincias desereret, egentes adminiculis magnis, eisque legationes urbium accessere nobilium, precantes ne in rebus duris et dubiis, inpropugnatas eas relinqueret, quas praesens eripere poterit discriminibus maximis, metu ambitiosi nominis sui Germanis incusso.
5.13. At last, after giving careful thought to what was expedient, he followed the view of the majority, often repeating that Procopius was only his own and his brother’s enemy, but the Alamanni were enemies of the whole Roman world; and so he resolved for the present nowhere to leave the boundaries of Gaul.
5.13. Tandem denique utilitate rei perpensius excogitata, in multorum sententias flexus, replicabat aliquotiens, hostem suum fratrisque solius esse Procopium, Alamannos vero totius orbis Romani; statuitque nusquam interim extra confinia moveri Gallorum.
5.14. And having returned as far as Rheims, and feeling anxious about Africa, for fear that it might suddenly be invaded, he decided that Neoterius, afterwards consul but at that time a secretary, should go to protect that province, and also Masaucio, an officer of the household troops, bearing in mind that, having had long training there under his father, the former Count Cretio, he knew all the suspected places; and he joined with them Gaudentius, an officer of the targeteers, a loyal man who long had been known to him.
5.14. Et ad usque Remos progressus, sollicitusque super Africa, ne repente perrumperetur, Neoterium, postea consulem, tunc notarium, ad eandem tuendam ire disposuit, et Masaucionem domesticum protectorem, ea consideratione, quod ibi sub patre Cretione quondam comite educatus, suspecta noverat loca, hisque scutarium adiunxit Gaudentium, olim sibi cognitum et fidelem.
5.15. Because, then, at one and the same time lamentable storms arose on both sides, we shall set down the single events in their proper place, first giving an account of a part of what took place in the Orient, then of the wars with the savages: since most of the events both in the west and in the east took place in the same months; for I fear that by hastening to return from one place to another by leaps and bounds we might confuse everything and involve the course of events in the deepest darkness.
5.15. Quia igitur uno eodemque tempore, utrubique turbines exarsere maestissimi, competenti loco singula digeremus, nunc partem in Oriente gestorum, deinde bella barbarica narraturi, quoniam pleraque et in occidentali et in eoo orbe eisdem mensibus sunt actitata, ne dum ex loco subinde saltuatim redire festinamus in locum, omnia confundentes, squaliditate maxima rerum ordines implicemus.
6.1. Procopius was born in Cilicia of a distinguished family and correspondingly educated, and for the reason that he was related to Julian, who was afterwards emperor, he was conspicuous from his first entry into a public position; and as he was somewhat strict in his life and character, although retiring and silent, he served for a long time with distinction as state-secretary and tribune, and already had prospects of attaining the highest positions. But when after the death of Constantius he became through the change in the situation a relative of the emperor, he aimed higher and entered the order of counts; and it was evident that, if ever he had the opportunity, he would be a disturber of the public peace.
6.1. Insigni genere Procopius in Cilicia natus et educatus, ea consideratione qua propinquitate Iulianum, postea principem, contingebat, a primo gradu eluxit, et ut vita moribusque castigatior, licet occultus erat et taciturnus, notarius diu perspicaciter militans, et tribunus, iamque summatibus proximus, post Constanti obitum in rerum conversion, velut imperatoris cognatus, altius anhelabat, adiunctus consortio comitum: et apparebat eum, si umquam potuisset, fore quietis publicae turbatorem.
6.2. When Julian invaded Persia, he left Procopius in Mesopotamia, in association with Sebastianus, who was given the same rank, with a strong force of soldiers, and ordered him (as rumour darkly whispered, for no one vouched for the truth of the report) to act in accordance with the conditions that arose, and if he learned that the Roman power in Persia was weakened, to take measures quickly to have himself named emperor.
6.2. Hunc Iulianus Persidem ingrediens, consociato pari potestatis iure Sebastiano, in Mesopotamia cum manu militum reliquerat valida, mandaratque (ut susurravit obscurior fama, nemo enim dicti auctor exstitit verus), pro cognitorum ageret textu, et si subsidia rei Romanae languisse sensisset, imperatorem ipse se provideret ocius nuncupari.
6.3. Procopius followed these directions with moderation and prudence, but when he learned that Julian had been mortally wounded and died, and that Jovian had been raised to the rule of the empire, and that the false report was circulated that Julian had with the last breath of his failing life declared that it was his wish that Procopius should be entrusted with the helm of the state, he feared that on that account he might be put to death without a trial. Accordingly, he withdrew from public sight; and he was in special fear after the death of Jovianus, the chief of all the secretaries, because he had learned that after Julian’s death Jovianus had been named by a few soldiers as worthy of imperial power, and that from that time on he had been suspected of rebellious designs and had suffered a cruel death.
6.3. Qui iniuncta civiliter agens et caute, Iuliani letaliter vulnerati funus et ad regenda communia comperit Iovianum evectum, falsoque rumore disperso, inter abeuntis anhelitus animae eundem Iulianum verbo mandasse, placere sibi Procopio clavos summae rei gerendae committi, veritus ne hac ex causa indemnatus occideretur, e medio se conspectu discrevit, maxime post Ioviani territus necem, notariorum omnium primi, quem Iuliano perempto veluti dignum imperio paucis militibus nominatum, novaque exinde coeptare suspectum, cruciabiliter didicerat interfectum.
6.4. And because Procopius had learned that he was being tracked with extreme care, in order to avoid the weight of greater hatred he retreated to still more remote and secret places. Then hearing that Jovianus was diligently hunting for his hiding-places, and being already thoroughly wearied of living the life of a wild beast—for being cast down from a lofty station to a lower condition and confined to desert places, he actually suffered from hunger and was deprived of intercourse with mankind—under the compulsion of extreme necessity he came by round-about ways to the vicinity of Chalcedon.
6.4. Et quia se quaeri industria didicerat magna, vitans gravioris invidiae pondus, ad abdita longiusque remota, discessit. Cumque a Ioviano exploratius indagari latibula sua sentiret, et ferinae vitae iam fuisset pertaesum,—quippe a celsiore statu deiectus ad inferiora, etiam edendi penuria, in locis squalentibus, stringebatur, hominumque egebat colloquiis—postremae necessitatis impulsu, deviis itineribus ad Chalcedonos agrum pervenit.
6.5. There, since it seemed to him a safe refuge, he hid himself with the most loyal of his friends, a certain Strategius, a soldier of the court guards who rose to be a senator, often going as secretly as possible to Constantinople, as was afterwards known from the testimony of that same Strategius when frequent investigations were held of the accomplices in the cabal.
6.5. Ubi quoniam ei illud firmius visum est receptaculum, apud fidissimum amicorum delitescebat, Strategium quendam, ex palatino milite senatorem, Constantinopolim quantum fieri poterat clanculo saepe intermeans, ut indicio eiusdem Strategi Strategii patuit, postquam saepius in factionis conscios est inquisitum.
6.6. And so, after the fashion of some clever spy, being unrecognizable because of his unkempt appearance and his leanness, he gathered the gossip, which was then becoming frequent, of many who, since men are always discontented with present conditions, were finding fault with Valens, as being inflamed with a desire of seizing the property of others.
6.6. Ritu itaque sollertissimi cuiusdam speculatoris, ignotus ob squalorem vultus et maciem, rumusculos colligebat tunc tune crebrescentes, ut sunt acerba semper instantia, incusantium multorum Valentem, quasi cupiditate aliena rapiendi succensum.
6.7. To the emperor’s cruelty deadly incentive was given by his father-in- law Petronius, who from the command of the Martensian legion had by a sudden jump been promoted to the rank of patrician. He was a man ugly in spirit and in appearance, who, burning with an immoderate longing to strip everyone without distinction, condemned guilty and innocent alike, after exquisite tortures, to fourfold indemnities, looking up debts going back to the time of the emperor Aurelian, and grieving excessively if he was obliged to let any one escape unscathed.
6.7. Cuius diritati adiectum erat incentivum exitiale, socer Petronius, ex praeposito Martensium militum, promotus repentino saltu patricius, animo deformis et habitu, qui ad nudandos sine discretione cunctos immaniter flagrans, nocentes pariter et insontes, post exquisita tormenta quadrupli nexibus vinciebat, debita iam inde a temporibus principis Aureliani perscrutans, et impendio maerens, si quemquam absolvisset indemnem.
6.8. Along with his intolerable character he had this additional incentive to his devastations, that while he was enriching himself through the woes of others, he was inexorable, cruel, savage and fearlessly hardhearted, never capable of giving or receiving reason, more hated than Cleander, who, as we read, when prefect under the emperor Commodus, in his haughty madness had ruined the fortunes of many men; more oppressive than Plautianus, also a prefect under Severus, who with superhuman arrogance would have caused general confusion, if he had not perished by the avenging sword.
6.8. Cuius morum intolerantiae, haec quoque pernicies accedebat, quod cum ditaretur luctibus alienis, erat inexorabilis et crudelis, et intrepido corde durissimus, nec reddendae nec accipiendae rationis umquam capax, invisior Cleandro, quem agentem sub imperatore Commodo praefecturam, sublata vecordia, diversas legimus vexasse fortunas, et onerosior Plautiano, qui praefectus itidem sub Severo, ultra mortalem tumens cuncta confuderat, ni gladio perisset ultore.
6.9. These lamentable occurrences, which under Valens, aided and abetted by Petronius, closed the houses of the poor and the palaces of the rich in great numbers, added to the fear of a still more dreadful future, sank deeply into the minds of the provincials and of the soldiers, who groaned under similar oppression, and with universal sighs everyone prayed (although darkly and in silence) for a change in the present condition of affairs with the help of the supreme deity.
6.9. Haec lacrimosa, quae incitante Petronio, sub Valente clausere multas paupertinas et nobiles domos, impendentiumque spes atrocior provincialium, et militum paria gementium, sensibus imis haerebant, et votis, licet obscuris et tacitis permutatio status praesentis ope numinis summi concordi gemitu poscebatur.
6.10. All this Procopius observed from his hiding- place, and thinking that when a more favourable turn of fortune should occur, the crown of supreme power could be gained with little trouble, he lay in wait like a beast of prey, ready to leap forth at once on seeing anything which he could seize.
6.10. Quae Procopius latenter accipiens, arbitratusque ubi felicius acciderit fatum, negotio levi ad apicem summae potestatis assumi, subsidebat ut praedatrix bestia viso, quod capi potuerit, protinus eruptura.
6.11. And while he was burning with impatience to hasten his designs, fate offered him this most timely opportunity. For Valens at the end of winter hastened to Syria and had already crossed the frontier of Bithynia, when he learned from the reports of his generals that the Gothic tribes, at that time unassailed and therefore very savage, were conspiring together and making preparations to invade the Thracian provinces. On learning this, in order that he himself might reach his destination without hindrance, Valens ordered a sufficient reinforcement of cavalry and infantry to be sent to the places where inroads of the savages were feared.
6.11. Cui in haec quae maturabat ardenti, fors hanc materiam dedit impendio tempestivam. Consumpta hieme festinans ad Syriam Valens, iamque fines Bithynorum ingressus docetur relationibus ducum, gentem Gothorum, ea tempestate intactam, ideoque saevissimam, conspirantem in unum, ad pervadenda parari collimitia Thraciarum: hocque cognito, ut impraepedite ipse pergeret quo tendebat, sufficiens equitum adiumentum et peditum, mitti iussit ad loca, in quibus barbarici timebantur excursus.
6.12. And so, since the emperor was removed to a distance, Procopius, worn out by long-continued troubles, and thinking that even a cruel death would be more merciful than the evils by which he was tormented, hazarded at one cast all perils whatsoever; and without fear now of suffering the worst, led by a desperate resolve he essayed the bold deed of hastening to tempt the legions of Divitenses and the Younger Tungricani, who had been ordered with other troops to hasten to the urgent service in Thrace, and as usual were to remain for two days in Constantinople. This he did by hastening to appeal to certain acquaintances that he had among those same troops; but because it would be dangerous and difficult to speak with all, he confided in only a few.
6.12. Dimoto itaque longius principe, Procopius aerumnis diuturnis attritus, et vel atrocem mortem clementiorem ratus malis quibus afflictabatur, aleam periculorum omnium iecit abrupte, et extrema iam perpeti nequaquam timens, praeeunte perdita ratione, facinus adoritur audacissimum; Divitenses, Tungricanosque Iuniores, ad procinctum urgentem per Thracias inter alios celerare dispositos, et Constantinopoli moraturos sollemniter biduum, per quosdam ex eisdem numeris notos sollicitare properans (quia cum omnibus loqui, periculosum erat et arduum), fidem paucorum elegit.
6.13. These men, enticed by the hope of great rewards, promised under the sanctity of an oath that they would do everything that he wished, guaranteeing also the favour of their comrades, with whom they held an important place in giving advice, since they were the highest paid and the most deserving.
6.13. Qui pellecti spe praemiorum ingentium, sub consecratione iuris iurandi, promisere se quae vellet cuncta facturos, favorem quoque polliciti conturmalium, inter quos ipsi potiorem locum obtinebant in suadendo, stipendiis excellentes et meritis.
6.14. So, as had been agreed, as soon as the sun’s rays illumined the day, the aforesaid Procopius, full of conflicting emotions, went to the Anastasian Baths, named for the sister of Constantine, where he knew that the legions had their quarters. There he learned from the confidants of his secrets that their whole number in a meeting by night had united in his support. Then, after a pledge of safety was willingly given him, he was received by the throng of venal soldiers and treated indeed with honour, although he seemed in a way to be held as a prisoner; for just as once before, after the death of Pertinax, the praetorians took up Julianus, when he was a bidder for the imperial power, so now also these troops, with an eye to every possible gain, defended Procopius, as he plotted to enter upon his ill-starred rule.
6.14. Utque condictum est, ubi excanduit radiis dies, idem Procopius, diductus in cogitationes varias, Anastasianas balneas petit, a sorore Constantini cognominatas, ubi locata noverat signa, doctusque per arcanorum conscios omnes in eius studium consensisse, societate coita nocturna, fide salutis data libenter, admissus constipatione vendibilium militum, cum honore quidem, sed in modum tenebatur obsessi, qui ut praetoriani quondam, post Pertinacis necem licitantem imperii praemia, Iulianum susceperant, ipsi quoque Procopium, infausti dominatus exordia molientem, attenti ad omne compendium defenderunt.
6.15. So there he stood rather wasted (you would think that he had come up from the lower world), and because a purple robe could nowhere be found, he was dressed in a gold-embroidered tunic, like an attendant at court, but from foot to waist he looked like a page in the service of the palace; he wore purple shoes on his feet, and bore a lance, and a small piece of purple cloth in his left hand; just as sometimes on the stage you might think that a splendidly decorated figure was suddenly made to appear as the curtain was raised, or through some mimic deception.
6.15. Stetit itaque subtabidus—excitum putares ab inferis,—nusquam reperto paludamento, tunica auro distincta, ut regius minister, indutus, a calce in pubem, in paedagogiani pueri speciem, purpureis opertus tegminibus pedum, hastatusque purpureum itidem pannulum laeva manu gestabat, ut in theatrali scaena simulacrum quoddam insigne per aulaeum vel mimicam cavillationem subito putares emersum.
6.16. Raised in a laughable manner to this dishonour of all honours, he ad- dressed his supporters with servile flattery, and promised them ample riches and dignities as the first-fruits of his principate. Then he appeared in public, surrounded by a number of armed men, and now advancing with more confidence and with upraised standards, attended with a fearful din of shields mournfully clashing together, which the soldiers from fear of his being pelted from housetops with stones or pieces of tile held closely joined together over the very crests of their helmets.
6.16. Ad hoc igitur dehonestamentum honorum omnium ludibriose sublatus, et ancillari adulatione, beneficii allocutus auctores, opesque pollicitus amplas et dignitates, ob principatus primitias, processit in publicum multitudine stipatus armorum, signisque sublatis erectius ire pergebat, circumclausus horrendo fragore scutorum, lugubre concrepantium, quae metuentes ne a celsioribus tectis, saxis vel tegularum fragmentis conflictaretur, densius ipsis galearum cristis aptabant.
6.17. And as he advanced more boldly, the people neither opposed nor favoured him; nevertheless, they were aroused by the sudden charm of novelty which is inborn in most of the commons, and they were still more strongly moved because they one and all (as we have already said) hated Petronius, who was enriching himself by violence, and was reviving transactions that were long since buried, and debts of the misty past brought up again against all classes.
6.17. Huic intimidius incedenti, nec resistebat populus nec favebat; accendebatur tamen insita plerisque vulgarium, novitatis repentina iucunditate, ea re potius incitante, quod Petronium (ut praediximus) divitias violenter augentem, omnes eadem mente detestabantur, qui sepulta iam dudum negotia, et redivivas nebulas debitorum, in diversos ordines excitabat.
6.18. Accordingly, when the said Procopius had mounted the tribunal, and all were filled with amazement, fearing the gloomy silence, and believing (as indeed he had expected) that he had merely come to a steeper road to death, since a trembling which pervaded all his limbs hindered his speaking, he stood for a long time without a word. Finally, he beganwith broken and dying utterance to say a little, justifying his action by his relationship with the imperial family; then at first by the low whispers of a few, who had been hired for the purpose, later by the tumultuous acclamations of the people, he was hailed as emperor in disorderly fashion, and hastily went on to the Senate House. There finding none of the distinguished senators, but only a few persons of low rank, with rapid steps he hastened to the palace and entered it with ill-omened step.
6.18. Cum itaque tribunal idem escendisset Procopius, et cunctis stupore defixis, timeret silentium triste, procliviorem viam ad mortem (ut sperabat), existimans advenisse, per artus tremore diffuse, implicatior ad loquendum, diu tacitus stetit; pauca tamen interrupta et moribunda voce dicere iam exorsus, quibus stirpis propinquitatem imperatoriae praetendebat, leni paucorum susurro, pretio illectorum, deinde tumultuariis succlamationibus plebis, imperator appellatus incondite, petit curiam raptim. Ubi nullo clarissimorum sed ignobilium paucitate inventa, palatium pessimo pede, festinatis passibus introiit.
6.19. Certainly some may wonder that so laughable a reign, rashly and blindly begun, broke out into such lamentable disasters to the state, if perchance they are unacquainted with previous instances, and think that this happened for the first time.
6.19. Mirantur quidam profecto irrisione digna principia incaute coepta et temere, ad ingemiscendas erupisse rei publicae clades, ignari forsitan exemplorum, accidisse primitus arbitrantes.
6.20. It was thus that Andriscus of Adramytium, a man born to the lowest condition, raised himself to the title of a Pseudophilippus and added to the Macedonian wars a third, full of danger. It was thus, when the emperor Macrinus was living at Antioch, that Heliogabalus Antoninus burst forth from Emesa. Thus, by the unexpected uprising of Maximinus, Alexander was murdered with his mother Mamaea. Thus in Africa the elder Gordian was hurried to the throne, but when he found himself entangled in the terror of coming dangers, ended his life with the noose.
6.20. Sic Adramytenus Andriscus, de genere quidam infimae sortis, ad usque Pseudophilippi nomen evectus, bellis Macedonicis tertium addidit grave. Sic Antiochiae Macrino imperatore agente, ab Emesa Heliogabalus exsiluit Antoninus. Ita inopino impetu Maximini, Alexander cum Mamaea matre confossus est. Ita in Africa superior Gordianus in imperium raptus, adventantium periculorum angoribus implicatus vitam laqueo spiritu intercluso profundit.
7.1. Thus the dealers in cheap dainties, the palace attendants, or those who had once been such, and former soldiers who had now retired to a more peaceful mode of life, a part unwillingly, others voluntarily, were induced to participate in the uncertainties of this unusual enterprise. But some, thinking that anything was safer than the present condition, secretly left the city and went at rapid pace to the emperor’s camp.
7.1. Igitur cuppediarum vilium mercatores, et qui intra regiam apparebant, aut apparere desierant, quique coetu militarium nexi, ad pacatiora iam vitae discesserant, in insoliti casus ambigua, partim inviti, alii volentes, adsciscebantur, non nulli omnia tutiora praesentibus rati, e civitate occulte dilapsi, imperatoris castra petivere, itineribus festinatis.
7.2. All these were outstripped by the swift course of Sophronias, at that time a secretary and later city-prefect in Constantinople. He met Valens just as he was on the point of leaving Caesarea in Cappadocia, in order to go to his residence at Antioch, since the oppressive heat in Cilicia was already somewhat diminished, and after telling him what had happened, induced him, discouraged by this event and amazed, as was natural at such a crisis, to go to Galatia, in order to take hold of affairs while they were still unsettled.
7.2. Hos omnes Sophronias vivacissimo cursu praegressus ( tunc tune notarius) praefectus postea Constantinopoleos, Valentem a Caesarea Cappadocum iam profecturum, ut vaporatis aestibus Ciliciae iam lenitis, ad Antiochiae percurreret sedes, textu narrato gestorum, spe dubia (ut in talibus) percitum et stupentem, avertit Galatiam, res adhuc trepidas arrepturum.
7.3. While Valens was hastening on by forced marches, Procopius with strictest attention was busy day and night, and brought forward certain emissaries, who with crafty assurance pretended that they had come, some from the Orient, others from Gaul, and falsely announced that Valentinian was dead and that everything was open to the new and beloved emperor.
7.3. Qui dum itineribus properat magnis, attentissima cura Procopius in dies agitabatur et noctes, subditivos quosdam ostentans, qui astutia confidenti, partim ab Oriente, alii e Gallis se venisse et Valentinianum obisse fingentes, cuncta patere novo et favorabili principi, memorabant.
7.4. And because attempts at revolution, even though audaciously begun, are sometimes wont to be strengthened by quick action, accordingly, that nothing might be neglected which could arouse fear, Nebridius, recently promoted to be praetorian prefect in place of Salutius by the party of Petronius, and Caesarius, prefect of the city of Constantinople, were thrown into chains. Phronimius was ordered to take charge of the city with the usual powers, and Euphrasius was made chief-marshal of the court; both were Gauls, distinguished for their training in the noble arts. The direction of military affairs was entrusted to Gomoarius and Agilo, who were recalled to service —being an unwise appointment, as the result of their treachery revealed.
7.4. Et quia res novae petulanter arreptae, celeritate muniri solent interdum, nequid formidandum omitteretur, confestim Nebridius, in locum Saluti praefectus praetorio, factione Petronii recens promotus, et Caesarius Constantinopolitanae urbis praefectus, in vincula compinguntur, et iubetur civitatem curare solita potestate Phronemius Phronimius, esseque magister officiorum Euphrasius, ambo Galli institutis bonarum artium spectatissimi, et administratio negotiorum castrensium, Gomoario et Agiloni revocatis in sacramentum, committitur inconsulte, ut docuit rerum exitus proditarum.
7.5. Therefore because it was feared that Count Julius, who commanded the military forces in Thrace, if he should hear of the attempt, would march from the neighbouring posts to crush the rebels, an effective plan was devised. For a letter was extorted by violence from Nebridius, who was still in prison, in which it was pretended that by Valens’ order Julius was to discuss serious measures relating to the disturbances among the barbarians; and so he was summonedto Constantinople and there held in strict confinement. Through this clever trick the warlike nations of Thrace were now won over without bloodshed, and this powerful support was gained by the rebellious venture.
7.5. Quia igitur Iulius comes, per Thracias copiis militaribus praesidens, oppressurus rebelles, si comperisset conata, ex propinquis stationibus timebatur, commentum excogitatum est validum, et quasi iussu Valentis, seria super barbaricis motibus tractaturus, Nebridii litteris adhuc clausi violenter expressis, accitus Constantinopolim, strictius tenebatur. Hacque callida fraude bellatrices Thraciae gentes sine cruore adquisitae acquisitae, adminicula ausis tumultuariis maxima compararunt.
7.6. After this had been effected with such happy success, Araxius by soliciting the favour of the court became praetorian prefect, under pretext that he was supported by his son-in-law Agilo; and many others were employed in various services at court or in administrative posts in the provinces, some against their will, others because they offered themselves and paid for the positions.
7.6. Post quae ita eventu laetiore completa, Araxius exambita regia praetorio praefectus accessit, velut Agilone genero suffragante, aliique plures ad aulae varios actus et administrandas provincias sunt admissi, quidam inviti, alii ultro semet offerentes cum praemiis.
7.7. And as commonly happens in times of civil strife, some rose from the dregs of the people, led by desperation or by blind ambitions, while on the other hand some men of distinguished origin fell from their high estate even to death and exile.
7.7. Utique in certaminibus intestinis usu venire contingit, emergebant ex vulgari faece non nulli, desperatione consiliisque ductantibus caecis, contraque quidam orti splendide a culminibus summis ad usque mortes et exsilia corruebant.
7.8. When through these and like conditions the party seemed firmly established, it remained to muster a sufficient force of soldiers, and a thing which in public disturbances has often times hampered bold enterprises even when their origin was justified, was managed with ease.
7.8. Ubi per haec et similia factio firmiter videbatur esse composita, restabat ut abundans cogeretur militum manus, et impetratum est facile, id quod in publicis turbamentis, aliquotiens ausa ingentia, vel iustis exorsa primordiis impedivit.
7.9. For some divisions of cavalry and infantry which had been raised for the campaign in Thrace passed that way; they were received courteously and generously, and when they were all united in one body, there was already the appearance of an army. Eager for the riches that were promised, they swore allegiance to Procopius with dire penalties for disloyalty, promising to stand by him and protect him with their lives.
7.9. Transeuntes ad expeditionem per Thracias, concitatae equitum peditumque turmae, blandeque acceptae et liberaliter, cum essent omnes in unum quaesitae iamque exercitus species apparebat, promissis uberrimis inhiantes, sub exsecrationibus diris in verba iuravere Procopii, hanc polliciti pertinaciam, quod eum suis animis defensabunt.
7.10. There was found, besides, a very favourable means of winning them over, namely, that Procopius took in his arms the little daughter of Constantius, whose memory they honoured, and carried her about, claiming kinship with the former emperor. And he gained another timely advantage in that Faustina, the girl’s mother, happened to be present when he had received some insignia forming a part of the imperial adornment.
7.10. Inventa est enim occasio ad illiciendos eos perquam opportuna, quod Constanti filiam parvulam, cuius recordatio colebatur, sinu ipse circumferens necessitudinem praetendebat eiusdem. Adeptusque est aliud tempori congruum, quod Faustina matre puellae, casu praesente, quaedam acceperat habitus insignia principalis.
7.11. Also he added another stroke which was to be hastened with swift energy; for certain men chosen for their foolhardy daring were sent to take possession of Illyricum; these set out relying on no other aid than their impudence, using for their purpose goldpieces bearing the image of the new emperor and trying other devices for enticement; but Aequitius, the military commander in those regions, seized them and put them to death in various ways.
7.11. Adiungit his aliud veloci diligentia maturandum, et electi quidam stoliditate praecipites, ad capessendum Illyricum missi sunt, nullo praeter petulantiam adiumento confisi, aureos scilicet nummos, effigiatos in vultum novi principis, aliaque ad illecebras aptantes, quos correptos Aequitius, per eas regiones militum rector, exstinxit genere diverso poenarum.
7.12. Then, through fear of similar attempts, Aequitius blockaded the three narrow passes leading to the northern provinces, one through Dacia Ripensis, a second, the best known, through Succi, the third through Macedonia, and called Acontisma. And in consequence of these prudent measures, the usurper of illegitimate power was disappointed in his vain hope of seizing Illyricum and lost a great source of material for the war.
7.12. Pariaque deinde metuens, obstruxit tres aditus angustissimos, per quos provinciae temptantur arctoae, unum per Daciam ripensem, alterum per Succos notissimum, tertium per Macedonas, quem appellant Acontisma. Hacque cautela vana persuasione rapiendi Illyrici destitutus usurpator indebitae potestatis magna perdidit instrumenta bellorum.
7.13. While these things were thus going on, Valens, shocked by the terrible news and already returning through Galatia, on hearing what had happened at Constantinople advanced with distrust and fear. His sudden terror made him unfit for all ways of precaution, and his spirit had sunk so low that he even thought of casting aside his imperial robes as a heavy burden; and he would actually have done so, had he not been kept by the remonstrances of his intimates from the shameful intention and given courage by the advice of better men; accordingly, he ordered two legions, named the Jovii and the Victores, to go on ahead and attack the rebels in their camp.
7.13. Dum haec ita aguntur, atrocitate nuntii Valens perculsus iamque revertens per Gallograeciam, auditis apud Constantinopolim gestis, diffidenter incedebat et trepide, ac repentino pavore vias providendi turbante, eo usque desponderat animum, ut augustos amictus abicere tamquam gravem sarcinam cogitaret, fecissetque profecto, ni vetantibus proximis, detractus a deformi proposito, firmatusque meliorum sententiis, agmina duo praeire iussisset, quibus nomina sunt Iovii atque Victores, castra perduellium irrupturos.
7.14. When these were already approaching, Procopius himself, having returned from Nicaea, to which place he had gone shortly before, with the Divitenses and a promiscuous rabble of deserters which he had got together in a brief space of time, hastened to Mygdus, a place laved by the river Sangarius.
7.14. His iam propinquantibus, ipse Procopius a Nicaea regressus, quo nuper advenerat, cum Divitensibus desertorumque plebe promiscua, quam dierum brevi spatio congregarat, Mydgum Mygdum acceleravit, qui locus Sangario alluitur flumine.
7.15. There the legions were already advancing upon each other, ready for battle, when Procopius rushed alone between them, while they were exchanging volleys, as if he wished to challenge the enemy. And by a stroke of good fortune as if he recognised in the enemy’s lines a certain Vitalianus—whether he actually knew him is a matter of doubt—he saluted him courteously in Latin, and called him forward in a friendly fashion. Then he held out his hand to him and kissed him, to the amazement of all on both sides, and cried out:
7.15. Ubi cum legiones iam pugnaturae congrederentur, inter reciprocantes missilia quasi procursatione hostem lacessens, solus prorupit in medium. Et secundioris ductu fortunae, ex contraria acie velut agnitum quendam Vitalianum, quem si norat ambigitur, Latine salute data blande produxit, eumque porrecta dextera saviatus omnibus hinc inde attonitis.
7.16. “So this is the old loyalty of Roman armies and their oaths bound by firm religious rites! Is this your pleasure, my brave men? All this mass of Roman swords uplifted for strangers! That a base Pannonian should shake and trample upon the world, to gain a throne which he never so much as dared to pray for, we groan over your wounds and ours! No, no—follow rather the house of your own royal line, one who has taken up arms with the greatest justice, not in order to seize what is another’s, but to restore himself to the possession of his ancestral majesty.”
7.16. “En” inquit “cana Romanorum exercituum fides et religionibus firmis iuramenta constricta! Placet, fortissimi viri, pro ignotis tot suorum consurrexisse mucrones, utque Pannonius degener, labefactans cuncta et proterens, imperio quod ne votis quidem concipere ausus est umquam, potiatur, ingemiscere nos vestris nostrisque vulneribus! Quin potius sequimini culminis summi prosapiam, non ut rapiat aliena, sed in integrum maiestatis avitae restituatur, arma iustissima commoventem.”
7.17. Through these calm words, all the men who had come to fight hotly against him were pacified, and willingly went over to his side with the eagles and the tips of their standards lowered; and in place of terrible shouts that the barbarians call barritus he was hailed as emperor; all crowded about him in the customary manner, and in harmony escorted him back to the camp, swearing, in the soldiers’ manner, by Jupiter that Procopius would be invincible.
7.17. Hac sermonis placiditate molliti omnes, qui acriter venerant pugnaturi, signorum apicibus aquilisque summissis descivere libentes ad eum, et pro terrifico fremitu, quem barbari dicunt barritum, nuncupatum imperatorem, stipatumque de more, consentientes in unum, reduxerunt ad castra, testati more militiae Iovem, invictum Procopium fore.
8.1. To this success of the rebels was added another still happier event. For a tribune called Rumitalca, who had been won over to the party of Procopius and given the charge of the palace, upon a carefully devised plan crossed the sea with his soldiers and came to the place formerly called Drepanum, now Helenopolis, and then with unexpected speed seized Nicaea.
8.1. Huic perduellium prosperitati alia laetior accessit. Rumitalca enim tribunus, in societatem Procopianorum adscitus, et suscepta cura palatii, digesto mature consilio, permeatoque cum militibus mari, ad Drepanum ante, nunc Helenopolim venit, exindeque Nicaeam spe celerius occupavit.