8.2. To besiege this city Valens sent, besides others skilled in that kind of fighting, Vadomarius, a former general and king of the Alamanni, and went on himself to Nicomedia. Leaving that place, he carried on the siege of Chalcedon with great vigour, from the walls of which city insults were hurled at him and he was derisively addressed as Sabaiarius. Now sabaia is a drink of the poorer people in Illyricum, a liquor made from barley or some other grain.
8.2. Ad quam obsidendam, cum huius modi pugnarum peritis, Vadomario misso, ex duce et rege Alamannorum, Valens Nicomediam pergit. Exindeque profectus, oppugnationi Chalcedonis magnis viribus insistebat, cuius e muris probra in eum iaciebantur, et irrisive compellebatur ut Sabaiarius. Est autem sabaia ex ordeo vel frumento, in liquorem conversis, paupertinus in Illyrico potus.
8.3. Finally, worn out by scarcity of supplies and the very obstinate resistance of the defenders, he was already pre- paring to depart, when those who had meanwhile been blockaded at Nicaea suddenly opened the gates and rushed out, and after slaying a great part of the besiegers, headed by their bold leader, Rumitalca, hastened eagerly on with the purpose of surrounding Valens from the rear; for he had not left the suburb of Chalcedon. And they would have been successful, if the emperor had not from an earlier rumour learned of the danger that threatened him, and by a hasty retreat by way of the Sunonian lake and the many windings of the river Gallus outwitted the enemy, who were close upon his heels in vain pursuit. And by this mischance Bithynia also fell into the power of Procopius.
8.3. Fessus denique inopia commeatuum, et obstinatione nimia defensorum, discedere iam parabat, cum inter haec clausi apud Nicaeam, patefactis subito portis, egressi, munitorum magna parte prostrata, ductore fidentissimo Rumitalca, properabant ardenter circumventuri Valentem a tergo, nondum a Chalcedonos suburbano digressum, et patrassent conata, ni rumore quodam praeverso, imminens exitium ille perdoctus, instantem vestigiis hostem per Sunonensem lacum et fluminis Galli sinuosos amfractus propere discedendo, frustra sequentem lusisset. Et hoc casu Bithynia quoque in Procopii dicionem redacta est.
8.4. When Valens had returned thence by rapid marches to Ancyra and learned that Lupicinus with a force not to be despised was drawing near from the Orient, his hopes for better success were aroused, and he sent his best general Arintheus to attack the enemy.
8.4. Unde cum Ancyram Valens citis itineribus revertisset, comperissetque Lupicinum ab Oriente cum catervis adventare, non contemnendis, spe prosperorum erectior, Arintheum lectissimum ducem occursurum hostibus misit.
8.5. When Arintheus reached Dadastana, the station where, as we have said, Jovian died, he suddenly saw Hyperechius and his forces opposed to him; he had before been merely in charge of the commander’s supplies (that is, a servant of his belly and gullet), but Procopius had entrusted him as a friend with the command of a band of auxiliaries. And scorning to overcome in battle so despicable a man, relying on his authority and his imposing stature, Arintheus ordered the enemy themselves to put their leader in irons; and thus this shadow of a commander was taken prisoner by the hands of his own men.
8.5. Qui ubi Dadastanam tetigit, in qua statione perisse diximus Iovianum, Hyperechium, sibi oppositum, repente vidit cum copiis, antehac cellae castrensis apparitorem, id est ventris ministrum et gutturis, cui ut amico Procopius auxilia ductanda commisit. Et dedignatus hominem superare certamine despicabilem, auctoritatis et celsi fiducia corporis, ipsis hostibus iussit, suum vincire rectorem: atque ita turmarum antesignanus umbratilis comprensus suorum est manibus.
8.6. While affairs were proceeding in this way, a certain Venustus, an attendant on the state-treasury under Valens, who had been sent long before to Nicomedia, in order to distribute into the soldiers’ hands the money that had been raised for the pay of those stationed in various parts of the Orient, hearing of this unfortunate occurrence, and seeing that the time was unfavourable for his task, quickly made his way to Cyzicus with the money he had received.
8.6. Quae dum hoc modo procedunt, Venustus quidam, largitionum apparitor sub Valente, multo ante Nicomediam missus, ut aurum susceptum stipendii nomine, militibus per Orientem diffusis, viritim tribueret, hac tristitia cognita, alienum pervidens tempus, Cyzicum cum his quae susceperat, se citius contulit.
8.7. There he chanced to meet Serenianus, at that time commander of the household troops, who had been sent to protect the treasures there; and since the city had an impregnable circuit of walls, and was known because of its old monuments, he tried to hold it, relying on the hastily formed garrison. Procopius had appointed a strong force to storm that city, in order to join Hellespontus to his side now he held Bithynia.
8.7. Ubi forte Serenianus repertus, domesticorum tunc tune comes, missus ad thesauros tuendos, urbem inexsuperabili moenium ambitu, monumentis quoque veteribus cognitam, fretus tumulturio praesidio, custodibat: ad quam expugnandam, Procopius, ut possessa Bithynia, sibi etiam Hellespontum iungeret, validam destinaverat manum.
8.8. However, the success of the work was delayed because often whole masses of the besiegers were slain by arrows, slingshots, and other missiles, and through the skill of the garrison the entrance to the port had been barred by a very strong iron chain, which was fastened to the land on both sides, so that even the armoured ships of the enemy could not force their way in.
8.8. Morabantur autem effectum sagittis et glandibus, ceterisque iaculis, obsidentium saepe globi confixi, et propugnatorum sollertia, claustrum per catenam ferream valde robustam ori portus insertum, quae ne rostratae irruerent naves hostiles, erat altrinsecus colligata.
8.9. This chain, after various efforts of the soldiers and their leaders, who were exhausted by the hot fighting, was broken through by a tribune called Aliso, a distinguished and skilful warrior, in the following manner. He fastened together three boats and built upon them a protective covering after this fashion: in front stood armed men on the thwarts with their shields held close together over their heads, those behind them stooped down somewhat lower, and those in the third rank gradually lower still, so that, since the hindermost rested on their hams, the whole gave the appearance of an arched building. This kind of device, used in battles against walls, has this form in order that the volleys of missiles and rocks, gliding down the sloping side, may flow off like showers of rain.
8.9. Hanc post varios militum labores et ducum, fatigatorum acerrimis proeliis, Aliso quidam tribunus abscidit, exsertus bellator et prudens, hoc modo. Coniunctis tribus navigiis, testudinem hac specie superstruxit: densetis cohaerentes supra capita scutis, primi transtris instabant armati, alii post hos semet curvantes humilius, tertiis gradatim inclinatis summisse, ita ut novissimi suffraginibus insidentes, formam aedificii fornicati monstrarent. Quod machinae genus contra murales pugnas ideo figuratur hac specie, ut missilium ictus atque saxorum, per decursus cadentium labiles, instar imbrium evanescant.
8.10. Thus Aliso, defended for the time being from the volleys of missiles, being a man of great bodily strength, placed a block underneath and struck the chain heavy blows with an axe, breaking it in such a way that it fell apart and opened a broad entrance; and by this result the city was exposed unprotected to the enemy’s attack. Because of this, when the ring-leader of the whole rebellion was later killed, and the members of his party were cruelly treated, this same tribune, being allowed to keep his life and his position in the army in view of his brilliant exploit, was slain long afterwards in Isauria at the hands of a predatory band.
8.10. Itaque coniectu telorum Aliso paulisper defensus, ingenti corporis robore, supposito stipite, eandem catenam fortius bipenni concidens, ita confregit, ut disiecta patefaceret aditum latum, hocque exitu civitas hostili impetu patuit improtecta. Qua causa exstincto postea proterviae totius auctore, cum in factionis participes saeviretur, hic idem tribunus, contemplatione facinoris clari, vitam cum militia retinens, diu post in Isauria oppetit, v astatoria manu confossus.
8.11. When Cyzicus had been opened to him by this martial stroke, Procopius quickly hastened to the city; he pardoned all who had opposed him, except Serenianus alone, who was by his order put in irons and taken to Nicaea to be closely guarded.
8.11. Hoc Marte Cyzico reserata, Procopius ad eam earn propere festinavit, veniaque universis qui repugnavere donatis, Serenianum solum iniectis vinculis, iussit duci duel Nicaeam servandum artissime.
8.12. And immediately afterwards Ormisdas, a mature young man, son of the royal prince of the same name, was given the rank of proconsul, and therewith according to ancient usage the control of civil and military affairs. This man acted with great mildness, in accordance with his disposition, and when he was on the point of being seized by a sudden onset of the soldiers whom Valens had sent through by-paths of Phrygia, he made his escape with such vigorous courage, that he embarked on board a ship which he had got ready in case of danger, and carried off his wife safely amid volleys of arrows when she followed him and was all but taken prisoner; she was a rich and distinguished matron, whose high reputation and commendable firmness later saved her husband amid extreme dangers.
8.12. Statimque Ormizdae Ormisdae mature iuveni, Ormizdae Ormisdae regalis illius filio, potestatem proconsulis detulit, et civilia more veterum et bella recturo. Qui agens pro moribus lenius, a militibus quos per devia Phrygiae Pbrygiae, miserat Valens, subito corripiendus incursu, tanto vigore evasit, ut escensa navi quam ad casus pararat ancipites, sequentem ac paene captam uxorem, sagittarum nube diffusa defensam, averteret secum: matronam opulentam et nobilem, cuius verecundia et destinatio gloriosa, abruptis postea discriminibus, maritum exemit.
8.13. By this victory Procopius was elated, beyond what is lawful for mortals, and forgetting that any happy man, if Fortune’s wheel turns, may before evening become most wretched, he ordered the house of Arbitio, full of priceless furniture, to be completely stripped. Hitherto he had spared it as if it were his own, believing that the man was on his side; but he had been incensed because he had summoned Arbitio several times to come to him and Arbitio had put him off, pleading the infirmities of age and illness.
8.13. Ea victoria ultra homines sese Procopius efferens, et ignorans quod quivis beatus, versa rota Fortunae, ante vesperum potest esse miserrimus, Arbitionis domum, cui antea tamquam eadem sibi sentientis parcebat, ut propriae, iussit exinaniri, mobilis census inaestimabilis plenam, ideo indignatus, quod venire ad eum accitus, aliquotiens distulit, causatus incommoda senectutis, et morbos.
8.14. And although for this reason the usurper feared serious consequences, nevertheless, since he could now boldly invade the oriental provinces without opposition, in fact even with the free consent of all—as those provinces were eager to see any change, from their dislike of the strict rule under which they were then held—for the purpose of winning over some cities of Asia and surrounding himself with men skilled in raising money (as likely to be helpful to him in the numerous great battles which he expected) he slothfully delayed and became blunt, just as a sharp sword might.
8.14. Et licet hac ex causa praesumptor momentum pertimesceret grave, tamen, cum obsistente nullo se in orientales provincias effundere libenti cunctorum assensione, iam licentius posset, avidas novitatem quandam visere, taedio asperioris imperii, quo tune tenebantur: erga alliciendas quasdam civitates Asiae legendosque eruendi peritos auri (ut sibi profuturos proeliis, quae magna exspectabat et crebra), segnius commoratus, in modum acuti mucronis obtunsus est.
8.15. Exactly so formerly Pescennius Niger, when often summoned by the Roman people to aid them in their expectation of extreme need, while he was delaying a long time in Syria, was defeated by Severus at the Issic Gulf (which is in Cilicia, where Alexander routed Darius), and driven from the field lost his life in a suburb of Antioch at the hands of a common soldier.
8.15. Ut quondam Pescennius Niger, ad subveniendum spei rerum extremae, a Romano populo saepe accitus, dum diu cunctatur in Syria, a Severo superatus in sinu Issico (qui est in Cilicia, ubi Dareum Alexander fudit) fugatusque in suburbano quodam Antiochiae, gregarii manu militis interiit.
9.1. This is what happened in the mid-winter of the consulship of Valentinian and Valens. But when the highest magistracy passed to Gratianus, who was as yet a private citizen, and to Dagalaifus, after the beginning of spring Valens called forth his troops and joining with him Lupicinus and a strong force of auxiliaries, he hastened to Pessinus, formerly a town of Phrygia, now of Galatia.
9.1. Haec adulta hieme Valentiniano et Valente consulibus agebantur. translato Translate vero in Gratianum, adhuc privatum, et Dagalaifum amplissimo magistratu, aperto iam vere, suscitatis viribus Valens, iuncto sibi Lupicino cum robustis auxiliis, Pessinunta signa propere tulit, Phrygiae quondam, nunc Galatiae oppidum.
9.2. Having safely garrisoned this place in order to suffer no surprise in those parts, he marched along the foot of the lofty mountain called Olympus, and over rocky paths, towards Lycia, planning to attack Gomoarius, while he loitered there half asleep, But he was met with general and obstinate resistance, for this reason in particular—that his enemy (as has been mentioned) both on the march and when they were almost in battle array, carried about with him in a litter the little daughter of Constantius, and her mother Faustina; and thereby had inflamed the passions of the soldiers to fight more bravely in defence of the imperial stock, with which he claimed that he himself was connected. Just so once the Macedonians, when on the point of engaging with the Illyrians, placed their king, who was still an infant, in his cradle behind the battle line, and from fear that he might be taken prisoner, beat down their adversaries with greater valour.
9.2. Quo praesidiis tutius communito, nequid inopinum per eos emergeret tractus, praeter radices Olympi montis excelsi, tramitesque fragosos, ire tendebat ad Lyciam, oscitantem ibi Gomoarium aggressurus. Cui pertinaci conspiratione multorum, hac maxima consideration resistebatur, quod hostis eius (ut ante relatum est), Constanti filiam parvulam, cum matre Faustina, et in agminibus et cum prope in acie starent, lectica circumferens secum, ut pro imperiali germine cui se quoque iunctum addebat, pugnarent audentius, iras militum accenderat. Sicut aliquando dimicaturi Macedones cum Illyriis, regem adhuc infantem in cunis locavere post aciem, cuius metu ne traheretur captivus, adversos fortius oppresserunt.
9.4. Against this crafty device the emperor aided his wavering cause by a clever expedient; for he urged the ex-consul Arbitio, who had long been in retirement, to come to him, in order that respect due to one of Constantine’s generals might calm the savage spirits of the rebels; and so it turned out.
9.4. Contra has calliditatis argutias, sagaci opitulatione nutanti negotio, consuluit imperator: et Arbitionem ex consule, agentem iam dudum in otio, ad se venire hortatus est, ut Constantiniani ducis verecundia truces animi lenirentur, neque secus evenit.
9.5. For Arbitio, who was older than the rest and of higher rank, showing to many who were inclined to rebellion his venerable gray hair, called Procopius a public brigand, while he pleaded with the soldiers who had followed the usurper’s delusion as with his children and comrades in his former labours; and he begged them rather to obey him, as a parent who was known for his successful campaigns, than a profligate wretch who was already on the point of being deserted and was approaching his fall.
9.5. Nam cum omnibus provectior natu, et dignitate sublimior, canitiem reverendam ostenderet, multis ad perfidiam inclinatis, publicum grassatorem Procopium, milites vero secutos eius errorem, filios et laborum participes pristinorum, appellans, orabat, ut se ac si parentem magis sequerentur, felicissimis ductibus cognitum, quam profligate morem gererent nebuloni, destituendo iam et casuro.
9.6. Gomoarius, on learning of this, might have eluded the enemy and returned safely whence he had come; but since the emperor’s camp was conveniently near, he went over to it under pretext of being a prisoner, pretending that he had been surrounded by a throng of the enemy who had suddenly appeared.
9.6. Quibus cognitis Gomoarius, cum elusis hostibus unde venerat, redire posset innoxius, ad castra imperatoris, opportunitate intervalli proximi nactus captivi colore transivit, velut accursu multitudinis visae subito circumsaeptus.
9.7. Fired with eagerness at this, Valens marched on to Phrygia, and the two sides had already joined battle near Nacolia, when Agilo at the critical point in the contest turned traitor by suddenly going over to the enemy; then many others followed him who were already brandishing their pikes and swords, and deserted to the emperor with their standards and with their shields reversed, which is the most evident sign of defection.
9.7. Qua succensus alacritate, Valens castra promovit ad Phrygiam et prope Nacoliam collatis manibus partium, dum in ancipiti articulo proelium versaretur, Agilo rem excursu prodidit repentino, eumque secuti complures, iam pila quatientes et gladios, ad imperatorem transeunt cum vexillis, scuta perversa gestantes, quod defectionis signum est apertissimum.
9.8. By this sight, unexpected by all, Procopius was bereft of every aid to safety; so he took to flight and sought a hiding-place in the surrounding woods and mountains, followed by Florentius and the tribune Barchalba, who from the time of Constantius had gained fame in the fiercest wars, and had been led to treason by necessity, not by inclination.
9.8. Hoc praeter spem omnium viso Procopius, salutis intercluso suffragio, versus in pedes, circumiectorum nemorum secreta petebat et montium, Florentio sequente et Barchalba tribuno, quem per saevissima bella iam inde a Constanti temporibus notum, necessitas in crimen traxerat, non voluntas.
9.9. The greater part of the night had passed. The moon, brightly shining from its evening rise until dawn, increased the fear of Procopius; and since on all sides the opportunity for escape was cut off and he was completely at a loss, he began, as is usual in extreme necessity, to rail at Fortune as cruel and oppressive; and so, overwhelmed as he was by many anxieties, he was suddenly tightly bound by his companions and at daybreak was taken to the camp and handed over to the emperor, silent and terror- stricken. He was at once beheaded, and so put an end to the rising storm of civil strife and war. His fate was like that of Perpenna of old, who after killing Sertorius at table, for a short time was in possession of the rule, but was dragged from the thickets where he had hidden himself, brought before Pompey, and by his order put to death.
9.9. Maiore itaque noctis parte consumpta, cum a vespertino ortu luna praelucens in diem metum augeret, undique facultate evadendi exempta, consiliorum inops Procopius, ut in arduis necessitatibus solet, cum Fortuna expostulabat luctuosa et gravi, mersusque multiformibus curis, subito a comitibus suis artius vinctus, relate iam die, ductus ad castra, imperatori offertur, reticens atque defixus, statimque abscisa cervice, discordiarum civilium gliscentes turbines sepelivit et bella, ad veteris Perpennae exemplum, qui post Sertorium inter epulas obtruncatum, dominatione paulisper potitus, a frutectis ubi latebat, extractus, oblatusque Pompeio, eius iussu est interfectus.
9.10. In the same heat of resentment Florentius and Barchalba, who had brought Procopius in, were at once put to death without consideration of reason. For if they had betrayed a legitimate prince, even Justice herself would declare that they were justly executed; but if he whom they betrayed was a rebel and a disturber of the public peace, as he was said to be, they ought to have been given great rewards for a noteworthy deed.
9.10. Parique indignationis impetu Florentius et Barchalba, qui eum duxerunt, confestim, non pensata ratione, sunt interfecti. Nam si principem legitimum prodidissent, vel ipsa Iustitia iure caesos pronuntiaret; si rebellem et oppugnatorem internae quietis, ut ferebatur, amplas eis memorabilis facti oportuerat deferri mercedes.
9.11. Procopius departed this life at the age of forty years and ten months. Personally he was a tall man and not bad looking; he was somewhat dark complexioned, and walked with his gaze always fixed on the ground. In his secretive and gloomy nature he was like that Crassus who, as Lucilius and Cicero declare, laughed only once in his life; but the surprising thing is, that throughout all his life he was not stained with bloodshed.
9.11. Excessit autem vita Procopius anno quadragesimo, amplius mensibus decem: corpore non indecoro, nec mediocris staturae, subaquilus, humumque intuendo semper incedens, perque morum tristium latebras, illius similis Crassi, quem in vita semel risisse, Lucilius affirmat et Tullius, sed (quod est mirandum), quoad vixerat, incruentus.
10.1. At about the same time Marcellus, an officer of the guard and a relative of Procopius, commanding the garrison at Nicaea and learning of the betrayal of the usurper by the soldiers and his consequent death, at the fearful hour of midnight unexpectedly attacked Serenianus, who was imprisoned within the palace, and killed him; and his death saved the lives of many.
10.1. Eisdem fere diebus, protector Marcellus, eiusdem cognatus, agens apud Nicaeam praesidium, proditione militum et interitu Procopii cognito, Serenianum intra palatium clausum, medio noctis horrore incautum adortus, occidit. Cuius mors saluti plurimis fuit.
10.2. For if this man of rude nature, burning with a cruel desire to hurt, had survived the victory, being dear to Valens because of their likeness of character and their common fatherland, and well aware of the secret wishes of a prince inclined to cruelty, he would have caused the death of many innocent people.
10.2. Nam si victoriae superfuisset incultis moribus homo, et nocendi acerbitate conflagrans, Valentique ob similitudinem morum, et genitalis patriae vicinitatem, acceptus, occultas voluntates principis introspiciens, ad crudelitatem propensioris multas innocentium ediderat strages.
10.3. After killing Serenianus, Marcellus quickly got possession of Chalcedon, and, supported by the cheers of a few, whom their worthlessness and desperation drove to crime, seized the shadow of a fatal principate. He was deceived by two ideas, first because the kings of the Goths, who had now been conciliated, had sent three thousand men to the aid of Procopius, led by his show of relationship to Constantius, and Marcellus thought that these men could for a small sum be brought over to his side; and secondly, because he had not yet learned what had happened in Illyricum.
10.3. Quo interfecto, idem Marcellus, occupata celeri cursu Chalcedone, concrepantibus paucis, quos vilitas et desperatio trudebat in scelus, umbram principatus funesti capessit, gemina ratione fallente, quod et Gothorum tria milia regibus iam lenitis, ad auxilium transmissa Procopio, Constantianam praetendenti necessitudinem, ad societatem suam parva mercede traduci posse existimabat, quodque gesta in Illyrico etiam tum latebant.
10.4. In the midst of this great confusion Aequitius, who had learned from trustworthy sources that the whole burden of the war had been transferred to Asia, marched through the pass of Succi and with all his might tried to open Philippopolis, formerly Eumolpias, which had been closed by the enemy’s garrison; for that city was very favourably situated and, if left in his rear, could hinder his attempt, if he should be compelled to hasten to Haemimontus in order to bring reinforcements to Valens; for he had not yet learned what had happened at Nacolia.
10.4. Inter quae tam trepida, speculationibus fidis Aequitius doctus, conversam molem belli totius in Asiam, degressus per Succos, Philippopolim clausam praesidiis hostium, Eumolpiadam veterem, reserare magna vi conabatur, urbem admodum opportunam et impedituram eius appetitus, si pone relicta adiumenta Valenti laturus (nondum enim apud Nacoliam gesta compererat), festinare ad Haemimontum cogeretur.
10.5. But learning a little later of the vain presumption of Marcellus, he at once sent bold and active soldiers who seized him and imprisoned him as a guilty slave. A few days later the usurper was brought out, his body was soundly scourged, and after his accomplices had been similarly treated, he was put to death: a man who deserves credit only for making away with Serenianus, who was cruel as Phalaris, and loyal to Procopius because of the accursed science which for vain reasons he pretended to have.
10.5. Verum paulo postea cognita levi praesumptione Marcelli, milites missi sunt audaces et prompti, qui eum raptum, ut deditum noxae mancipium, in custodiam compegerunt. Unde post dies paucos productus, lateribus sulcatis acerrime, pariaque perpessis consortibus, interiit, hoc favorabilis solo quod abstulit Serenianum e medio, crudelem ut Phalarim, et illi fidum quia doctrinarum diritatem causis inanibus praetexebat.
10.6. Through the death of the leader the horrors of war were rooted out; but many were punished more severely than their errors or faults demanded, especially the defenders of Philippopolis, who surrendered the city and themselves most reluctantly, and only when they saw the head of Procopius, which was being taken to Gaul.
10.6. Exstirpatis occasu ducis funeribus belli, saevitum est in multos acrius quam errata flagitaverant vel delicta, maximeque in Philippopoleos defensores, qui urbem seque ipsos, non nisi capite viso Procopii, quod ad Gallias portabatur, aegerrime dediderunt.
10.7. Some, however, through the influence of those who interceded for them, were treated more leniently, among them notably Araxius, who in the very heat of the conflagration had solicited and gained the prefecture; he, through the intercession of his son-in-law Agilo, was deported to an island, but soon afterwards made his escape.
10.7. Ad gratiam tamen precantium, coerciti sunt aliqui lenius. Inter quos eminebat Araxius, in ipso rerum exustarum ardore adeptus ambitu praefecturam, et Agilone intercedente genero supplicio insulari multatus, breve post tempus evasit.
10.8. Euphrasius, however, and also Phronimius were sent to the west and left to the decision of Valentinian. Euphrasius was pardoned, but Phronimius was banished to the Chersonesus, receiving a severer punishment for the same offence because he had been well regarded by the deified Julian, whose noteworthy merits both the imperial brothers depreciated, without being his equal or anywhere near it.
10.8. Euphrasius vero, itemque Phronemius Phronimius, missi ad occiduas partes, arbitrio obiecti sunt Valentiniani, et absolute Euphrasio, Phronemius Phronimius Cherronesum deportatur, inclementius in codem punitus negotio, ea re quod divo Iuliano fuit acceptus, cuius memorandis virtutibus, ambo fratres principes obtrectabant, nec similes eius, nec suppares.
10.9. To these events were added other more serious matters, far more to be feared than those of wartime. For executioner, instruments of torture, and bloody inquisitions raged without any distinction of age or of rank through all classes and orders, and under the mantle of peace abominable robbery was carried on, while all cursed the ill-omened victory, which was worse than any war, however destructive.
10.9. His accedebant alia graviora, et multo magis quam in proeliis formidanda. Carnifex enim, et unci, et cruentae quaestiones, sine discrimine ullo aetatum et dignitatum, per fortunas omnes et ordines grassabantur, et pacis obtentu latrocinium detestandum agitabatur, infaustam victoriam exsecrantibus universis internecivo bello quovis graviorem.
10.10. For amid arms and clarions, equality of condition makes dangers lighter; the force of martial valour either destroys what it attacks, or ennobles it; and death (if it comes) is attended with no sense of shame and brings with it at once an end of life and of suffering. But when the laws and statutes are pretexts for impious designs, and judges take their seats in false imitation of the character of a Cato or a Cassius, but everything is decided according to the will of men of swollen powers, and by their caprice the question of the life or death of all those who come before them is weighed, then, destruction results that is deadly and sudden.
10.10. Nam inter arma et lituos condicionis aequatio leviora facit pericula, et Martiae virtutis potestas, aut absumit quod occupat, aut nobilitat, et mors (si acciderit), nullum ignominiae continet sensum, finemque secum vivendi simul et dolendi perducit: ubi vero consiliis impiis iura quidem praetenduntur et leges, et Catonianae vel Cassianae sententiae fuco perliti resident residerint iudices, agatur autem, quod agitur, ad voluntatem praetumidae potestatis, et ex eius libidine, incidentium vitae necisque momenta pensantur, ibi capitalis vertitur pernicies et abrupta.
10.11. For when any one at that time had become powerful for any reason, and having almost royal authority and being consumed with longing to seize the goods of others, accused some clearly guiltless person, he was welcomed as an intimate and loyal friend, who was to be enriched by the ruin of other men.
10.11. Nam ut quisque ea tempestate ob quamlibet valuerat causam, regio imperio prope accedens, et aliena rapiendi aviditate exustus, licet aperte insontem, arcessens, ut familiaris suscipiebatur et fidus, ditandus casibus alienis.
10.12. For the emperor, rather inclined himself to do injury, lent his ear to accusers, listened to death-dealing denunciations, and took unbridled joy in various kinds of executions; unaware of that saying of Cicero’s which asserts that those are unlucky who think that they have power to do anything they wish.
10.12. Imperator enim promptior ad nocendum, criminantibus patens, et funereas delationes adsciscens, per suppliciorum diversitates effrenatius exsultavit, sententiae illius Tullianae ignarus, docentis infelices esse eos qui omnia sibi licere existimarunt.
10.13. This implacability in a cause which was most just, but where victory brought shame, delivered many innocent victims to the torturers, either placing them on the rack until they were bowed down or exposing them to the sword-stroke of a cruel executioner. It would have been better for them (if nature allowed it), to lose even ten lives in battle, rather than though free from all blame, with lacerated sides, amid general groans to suffer punishment for alleged treason, with their bodies first mutilated, a thing which is more awful than any death.
10.13. Haec implacabilitas causae quidem piissimae, sed victoriae foedioris, innocentes tortoribus exposuit multos, vel sub eculeo locavit incurvos, aut ictu carnificis torvi substravit: quibus (si pateretur natura), vel denas animas profundere praestabat in pugna, quam lateribus fodicatis, omni culpa immunis, fortunis gementibus universis, quasi laesae maiestatis luere poenas, dilaniatis ante corporibus, quod omni est tristius morte.
10.14. When finally ferocity was overcome by the grief that it caused, and had burnt itself out, the most distinguished men suffered proscription, exile, and other punishments which seem lighter to some, terrible though they are; and in order that another might be enriched, a man of noble birth and perhaps richer in deserts was deprived of his patrimony and driven headlong into banishment, there to waste away from sorrow, or to support his life by beggary; and no limit was set to the deadly cruelties, until the emperor and his nearest friends were glutted with wealth and bloodshed.
10.14. Exin cum superata luctibus ferocia deflagrasset, proscriptiones et exsilia et quae leviora quibusdam videntur, quamquam sint aspera, viri pertulere summates, et (ut ditaretur alius) genere nobilis, et forte meritis locupletior, actus patrimonio praeceps, trususque in exsilium consumebatur angore, aut stipe precaria victitabat, nec modus ullus exitialibus malis impositus, quam diu principem et proximos opum satietas cepit et caedis.
10.15. While that usurper of whose many deeds and his death we have told, still survived, on the twenty-first of July in the first consulship of Valentinian with his brother, horrible phenomena suddenly spread through the entire extent of the world, such as are related to us neither in fable nor in truthful history.
10.15. Hoc novatore adhuc superstite, cuius actus multiplices docuimus et interitum, diem duodecimum Kalendas Augustas, consule Valentiniano primum cum fratre, horrendi terrores per omnem orbis ambitum grassati sunt subito, qualis nec fabulae nec veridicae nobis antiquitates exponunt.
10.16. For a little after daybreak, preceded by heavy and repeated thunder and lightning, the whole of the firm and solid earth was shaken and trembled, the sea with its rolling waves was driven back and withdrew from the land, so that in the abyss of the deep thus revealed men saw many kinds of sea-creatures stuck fast in the slime; and vast mountains and deep valleys, which Nature, the creator, had hidden in the unplumbed depths, then, as one might well believe, first saw the beams of the sun.
10.16. Paulo enim post lucis exortum, densitate praevia fulgurum acrius vibratorum, tremefacta concutitur omnis terreni stabilitas ponderis, mareque dispulsum, retro fluctibus evolutis abscessit, ut retecta voragine profundorum, species natantium multiformes limo cernerentur haerentes, valliumque vastitates et montium tunc tune (ut opinari dabatur), sus- picerent radios solis, quos primigenia rerum natura sub immensis gurgitibus amendavit.
10.17. Hence, many ships were stranded as if on dry land, and since many men roamed about without fear in the little that remained of the waters, to gather fish and similar things with their hands, the roaring sea, resenting, as it were, this forced retreat, rose in its turn; and over the boiling shoals it dashed mightily upon islands and broad stretches of the mainland, and levelled innumerable buildings in the cities and wherever else they were found; so that amid the mad discord of the elements the altered face of the earth revealed marvellous sights.
10.17. Multis igitur navibus velut arida humo conexis, et licenter per exiguas undarum reliquias palantibus plurimis, ut pisces manibus colligerent et similia: marini fremitus velut gravati repulsam, versa vice consurgunt, perque vada ferventia insulis et continentis terrae porrectis spatiis violenter illisi, innumera quaedam in civitatibus, et ubi reperta sunt aedificia, complanarunt: proinde ut elementorum furente discordia, involuta facies mundi, miraculorum species ostendebat.
10.18. For the great mass of waters, returning when it was least expected, killed many thousands of men by drowning; and by the swift recoil of the eddying tides a number of ships, after the swelling of the wet element subsided, were seen to have foundered, and the lifeless bodies of shipwrecked persons lay floating on their backs or on their faces.
10.18. Relapsa enim aequorum magnitudo magnitude cum minime speraretur, milia multa necavit hominum et submersit, recurrentiumque aestuum incitata vertigine, quaedam naves, postquam umentis substantiae consenuit tumor, pessum datae visae sunt, exanimataque naufragiis corpora supina iacebant aut prona.
10.19. Other great ships, driven by the mad blasts, landed on the tops of buildings (as happened at Alexandria), and some were driven almost two miles inland, like a Laconian ship which I myself in passing that way saw near the town of Mothone, yawning apart through long decay.
10.19. Ingentes aliae naves, extrusae rabidis flatibus, culminibus insedere tectorum (ut Alexandriae contigit) et ad secundum lapidem fere procul a litore contortae sunt aliquae, ut Laconicam prope Mothonen oppidum nos transeundo conspeximus, diuturna carie fatiscentem.