4.27. When these people seek any loan, you will see them in slippers like a Micon or a Laches; when they are urged to pay, they wear such lofty buskins and are so arrogant that you would think them Cresphontes and Temenus, the famous Heraclidae. So much for the senate.
4.27. Cumque mutuum illi quid petunt, soccatos ut Miconas videbis et Lachetas: cum adiguntur ut reddant, ita cothurnatos coturnatos et turgidos, ut Heraclidas illos Cresphontem et Temenum putes. Hactenus de senatu.
4.28. Let us now turn to the idle and slothful commons. Among them some who have no shoes are conspicuous as though they had cultured names, such as the Messores, Statarii, Semicupae and Serapini, and Cicymbricus, with Gluturinus and Trulla, and Lucanicus with Porclaca and Salsula, and countless others.
4.28. Nunc ad otiosam plebem veniamus et desidem. In qua nitent, ut nominibus cultis, quidam calceorum expertes, ut Messores Statarii Semicupae et Serapini, et Cicimbricus Cicymbricus cum Gluturino et Trulla, et Lucanicus cum Pordaca Porclaca et Salsula, similesque innumeri.
4.29. These spend all their life with wine and dice, in low haunts, pleasures, and the games. Their temple, their dwelling, their assembly, and the height of all their hopes is the Circus Maximus. You may see many groups of them gathered in the fora, the cross-roads, the streets, and their other meeting-places, engaged in quarrelsome arguments with one another, some (as usual) defending this, others that.
4.29. Hi omne quod vivunt, vino et tesseris impendunt et lustris, et voluptatibus et spectaculis: eisque templum et habitaculum et contio et cupitorum spes omnis Circus est maximus: et videre licet per fora et compita et plateas et conventicula, circulos multos collectos in se controversis iurgiis ferri, aliis aliud (ut fit) defendentibus.
4.30. Among them those who have enjoyed a surfeit of life, influential through long experience, often swear by their hoary hair and wrinkles that the state cannot exist if in the coming race the charioteer whom each favours is not first to rush forth from the barriers, and fails to round the turning-point closely with his ill-omened horses.
4.30. Inter quos hi qui ad satietatem vixerunt, potiores auctoritate longaeva, per canos et rugas clamitant saepe, rem publicam stare non posse, si futura concertatione, quem quisque vindicat, carceribus non exsiluerit princeps, et inominalibus equis, parum cohaerenter circumflexerit metam.
4.31. And when there is such a dry rot of thoughtlessness, as soon as the longed-for day of the chariot-races begins to dawn, before the sun is yet shining clearly they all hasten in crowds to the spot at top speed, as if they would outstrip the very chariots that are to take part in the contest; and torn by their conflicting hopes about the result of the race, the greater number of them in their anxiety pass sleepless nights.
4.31. Et ubi neglegentiae tanta est caries, exoptato die equestrium ludorum illucescente, nondum solis puro iubare, effusius omnes festinant praecipites, ut velocitate currus ipsos anteeant certaturos: super quorum eventu discissi votorum studiis anxii, plurimi agunt pervigiles noctes.
4.32. If from there they come to worthless theatrical pieces, any actor is hissed off the boards who has not won the favour of the low rabble with money. And if this noisy form of demonstration is lacking, they cry in imitation of the Tauric race that all strangers—on whose aid they have always depended and stood upright —ought to be driven from the city. All this in foul and absurd terms, very different from the expressions of their interests and desires made by your commons of old, of whose many witty and happy sayings tradition tells us.
4.32. Unde si ad theatralem ventum fuerit vilitatem, artifices scaenarii per sibilos exploduntur, siqui sibi aere humiliorem non conciliaverit plebem. Qui si defuerit strepitus, ad imitationem Tauricae gentis, peregrinos vociferantur pelli debere, quorum subsidiis semper nisi sunt ac steterunt, et taetris vocibus et absurdis; quae longe abhorrent a studiis et voluntate veteris illius plebis, cuius multa facete dicta memoria loquitur et venuste.
4.33. And it has now come to this, that in place of the lively sound of approval from men appointed to applaud, at every public show an actor of afterpieces, a beast-baiter, a charioteer, every kind of player, and the magistrates of higher and lower rank, nay even matrons, are constantly greeted with the shout “You should be these fellows’ teachers!”; but what they ought to learn no one is able to explain.
4.33. Id enim nunc repertum est pro sonitu laudum impensiore, per applicatos homines ad plaudendum, ut in omni spectaculo exodiario venatori aurigae et histrionum generi omni, et iudicibus celsis, itidemque minoribus, nec non etiam matronis, clametur assidue: “Per te illi discant”; quid autem debeat disci, nemo sufficit explanare.
4.34. The greater number of these gentry, given over to over-stuffing themselves with food, led by the charm of the odour of cooking and by the shrill voices of the women, like a flock of peacocks screaming with hunger, stand even from cockcrow beside the pots on tip-toe and gnaw the ends of their fingers as they wait for the dishes to cool. Others hang over the nauseous mass of half-raw meat, while it is cooking, watching it so intently that one would think that Democritus with other dissectors was examining the internal organs of dismembered animals and showing by what means future generations might be cured of internal pains.
4.34. In his plerique distentioribus saginis addicti, praeeunte nidoris indagine, acutisque vocibus feminarum, a galliciniis ipsis, in modum pavonum ieiunitate clangentium, humum summis pedum unguibus contingentes, aulis assistunt, digitos praerodentes, dum patinae defervescunt: alii nauseam horridae carnis, dum excoquitur, intentius despectantes, ut discissarum pecudum exta rimari cum anatomicis Democritum putes, docentem quibus modis posteritas mederi doloribus possit internis.
4.35. But enough for the present of this account of affairs in the city. Now let us return to the other events which were caused by various incidents in the provinces.
4.35. Sit satis interim haec digessisse super rebus urbanis. Nunc redeamus ad cetera, quae per provincias agitavere multiplices casus.
5.1. In the third consulship of the two Augusti a horde of Saxons broke out, and after overcoming the dangers of the Ocean advanced at rapid pace towards the Roman frontier, having often been glutted with the slaughter of our people. The storm of this first inroad was met by Nannenus, the general in charge of those regions, a leader approved by long experience in wars.
5.1. Erupit Augustis ter consulibus Saxonum multitudo multitude, et Oceani difficultatibus permeatis, Romanum limitem gradu petebat intento, saepe nostrorum funeribus pasta: cuius eruptionis primae procellam Nannenus sustinuit comes, regionibus eisdem appositus, dux diuturno bellorum labore compertus.
5.2. But meeting then with a people resolved to fight to the death, after he had lost some of his men and had himself been wounded, he perceived that he would be unequal to frequent contests with them. Accordingly, having reported to the emperor what ought to be done, he managed that Severus, commander of the infantry, should come to help him in his difficult situation.
5.2. Sed tunc ad mortem destinatae plebi congressus, cum milites quosdam ruisse, et se vulneratum imparem fore certaminibus adverteret crebris, docto imperatore quid agi deberet, id est adeptus, ut peditum magister Severus opitulatum rebus dubiis adveniret.
5.3. When he, bringing forces adequate for the purpose, had reached the spot and the troops had been drawn up in divisions, he so terrified and confused the arrogant barbarians before the struggle began, that they did not oppose him in strife, but, dazzled by the gleam of the standards and eagles, begged for pardon and peace.
5.3. Qui ducens militem rei sufficientem, cum venisset ad loca, discriminatis ordinibus, superbos barbaros ante colluctationem adeo terruit et turbavit, ut nec controversas opponerent manus, sed signorum aquilarumque fulgore praestricti, venialem poscerent pacem.
5.4. And after a long and varied discussion, since it seemed to be in the interest of the state, a truce was agreed upon, and in accordance with the conditions that were proposed the Saxons gave us as hostages many young men fit for military service, and then were allowed to depart and return without hindrance to the place from which they had come.
5.4. Diuque variatis consiliis, cum id rei publicae conducere videretur, pactis indutiis, et datis ex condicione proposita iuvenibus multis, habilibus ad militiam, discedere permissi sunt Saxones, sine impedimento, unde venerant, reversuri.
5.5. When they thought themselves now free from all fear and were preparing to return, foot-soldiers were secretly sent and laid an ambuscade in a secluded valley, from which they could attack the Saxons with slight trouble as they passed by. But the result was far otherwise than was hoped.
5.5. Quibus omni iam formidine vacuis, reditumque parantibus, occulte pedites missi, insidias in abdita quadam valle struxerunt, unde praetereuntes aggredi negotio poterant levi. Sed longe secus accidit quam sperabatur.
5.6. For, excited by the sound of the approaching Saxons, some of our men rushed out before the proper time; on their sudden appearance the savages raised terrible howls, and while the Romans were hastening to steady themselves, they were put to flight. Presently, however, they halted and massed themselves together, and as their dangerous plight gave them strength (though somewhat impaired), they were forced to fight; but after suffering great losses they were routed and would have perished to a man, had not a troop of mail-clad horsemen, which had been similarly stationed on another side, near a byway, to cause danger to the savages as they passed by, been aroused by their cries of terror, and quickly come to their aid.
5.6. Sonitu enim adventantium perciti, exsiluere quidam intempestive, visique subito, dum se firmare festinant, ululantibus lugubre barbaris, vertuntur in pedes. Stetere tamen mox conglobati, extremaque sorte vires (licet non integras) suggerente, confligere cogebantur, multaque caede perculsi, concidissent nullo relicto, ni cataphractorum equitum cuneus, ad inferendum periculum transeuntibus barbaris, ex alio latere prope divortium itineris, pari modo locatus, clamore percitus tristi, agiliter subvenisset.
5.7. Then the contest became hotter and the Romans with fortified courage pressed upon the Saxons from all sides, surrounded them, and slew them with their drawn swords; not one of them could again return to his native home, not a single one was allowed to survive the slaughter of his comrades. And although some just judge will condemn this act as treacherous and hateful, yet on careful consideration of the matter he will not think it improper that a destructive band of brigands was destroyed when the opportunity at last offered.
5.7. Exin concursum infestius, firmatisque pectoribus, hinc inde incumbentes Romani clausos hostes eductis gladiis obtruncabant: nec quisquam eorum genitales revisere potuit lares, ne uno quidem caedibus concorporalium superesse permisso. Ac licet iustus quidam arbiter rerum, factum incusabit perfidum et deforme, pensato tamen negotio, non feret indigne manum latronum exitialem tandem copia data consumptam.
5.8. After these affairs had been so successfully concluded, Valentinian, turning over various thoughts in his mind, was oppressed by anxious care, as he thought over many plans and considered by what devices he might break the arrogance of the Alamanni and their king Macrianus, who without limit or measure was confusing the Roman state by his restless disturbances.
5.8. Post haec ita prospere consummata, Valentinianus versando sententias multiformes, anxia sollicitudine stringebatur, reputans multa et circumspiciens, quibus commentis Alamannorum et Macriani regis frangeret fastus, sine fine vel modo rem Romanam irrequietis motibus confundentis.
5.9. For this savage nation, although from its very cradle weakened by a variety of disasters, so often recovers its youthful strength, that people think it has been unassailed for long ages. And the emperor finally decided, after favouring first one plan and then another, to bring about their destruction through the Burgundians, a warlike people, rich in the strength of countless young warriors, and therefore a cause of terror to all their neighbours.
5.9. Immanis enim natio iam inde ab incunabulis primis varietate casuum imminuta, ita saepius adulescit, ut fuisse longis saeculis aestimetur intacta. Seditque consilia alia post alia imperatori probanti, Burgundios in eorum excitari perniciem, bellicosos et pubis immensae viribus affluentes, ideoque metuendos finitimis universis.
5.10. Accordingly, he often sent letters to their kings through silent and loyal messengers, urging them to attack the Alamanni at an appointed time, and promising that he too would cross the Rhine with the Roman armies and, if the Alamanni tried to avoid the unexpected weight of armed forces, would intercept them in their panic.
5.10. Scribebatque frequenter ad eorum reges per taciturnos quosdam et fidos, ut eisdem tempore praestituto supervenirent, pollicitus ipse quoque, transito cum Romanis agminibus Rheno, occurrere pavidis, pondus armorum vitantibus insperatum.
5.11. The emperor’s letters were gladly received for two reasons: first, because the Burgundians know that they are descendants of the Romans from ancient times; and then, since they frequently quarrelled with the Alamanni about salt-pits and boundaries. They therefore sent their choicest troops, which, before our soldiers were gathered together, advanced as far as the banks of the Rhine; and while the emperor was still occupied with the building of fortifications, they caused the very greatest alarm to our people.
5.11. Gratanter ratione gemina principis acceptae sunt litterae: prima quod iam inde a temporibus priscis subolem se esse Romanam Burgundii sciunt, dein quod salinarum finiumque causa Alamannis saepe iurgabant. Et catervas misere lectissimas, quae antequam milites congregarentur in unum, ad usque ripas Rheni progressae, imperatore ad struenda munimenta districto, terrori nostris fuere vel maximo.
5.12. And so they halted for a time, but when Valentinian did not appear on the appointed day, as he had agreed, and they saw that none of his promises had been fulfilled, they sent envoys to the emperor’s camp, demanding that support be given them for their return to their homes, in order that they might not expose their unprotected rear to the enemy.
5.12. Igitur paulisper morati, cum neque Valentinianus (ut spoponderat) die praedicto venisset, nec promissorum aliquid adverterent factum, ad comitatum misere legatos, poscentes adminicula sibi dari, redituris ad sua, ne nuda hostibus exponerent terga.
5.13. And when they perceived that by subterfuges and delays their request was practically denied, they went off from there in sorrow and indignation. And their kings, on learning what had happened, furious at being mocked, killed all their prisoners and returned to their native lands.
5.13. Quod ubi negari per ambages sentirent et moras, maesti exinde discesserunt et indignati. Hocque comperto, reges ut ludibrio lubibrio habiti saevientes, captivis omnibus interfectis, genitales repetunt terras.
5.14. In their country a king is called by the general name Hendinos, and, according to an ancient custom, lays down his power and is deposed, if under him the fortune of war has wavered, or the earth has denied sufficient crops; just as the Egyptians commonly blame their rulers for such occurrences. On the other hand the chief priest among the Burgundians is called Sinistus, holds his power for life, and is exposed to no such dangers as threaten the kings.
5.14. Apud hos generali nomine rex appellatur Hendinos, et ritu veteri potestate deposita removetur, si sub eo fortuna titubaverit belli, vel segetum copiam negaverit terra, ut solent Aegyptii casus eius modi suis assignare rectoribus. Nam sacerdos apud Burgundios omnium maximus vocatur Sinistus, et est perpetuus, obnoxius discriminibus nullis, ut reges.
5.15. Taking advantage of this very timely occasion, Theodosius, at that time commander of the cavalry, made an attack through Raetia upon the Alamanni, who through fear of the aforesaid people were scattered; he killed many of them, and by the emperor’s order sent all his prisoners to Italy, where they received fertile cantons, and now live as our subjects on the banks of the Po.
5.15. Per hanc occasionem impendio tempestivam, Alamannos gentis ante dictae metu dispersos, aggressus per Raetias Theodosius (ea tempestate magister equitum) pluribus caesis, quoscumque cepit ad Italiam iussu principis misit, ubi fertilibus pagis acceptis, iam tributarii circumcolunt Padum.
6.1. From here, as if moving to another part cf. Hor., Odes, iii. 23, 8, “pomifer anncus”;; Sall., Jug. 107, 1, “nudum et caecum corpus.” of the world, let us come to the sorrows of the African province of Tripolis, over which (I think) even Justice herself has wept; and from what cause these blazed out like flames will appear when my narrative is completed.
6.1. Hinc (tamquam in orbem migrantes alium) ad Tripoleos Africanae provinciae veniamus aerumnas, quas (ut arbitror) Iustitia quoque ipsa deflevit, quae unde instar exarsere flammarum, textus aperiet absolutus.
6.2. The Austoriani, who are neighbours to those regions, are savages, always ready for sudden raids and accustomed to live by murder and robbery. These were subdued for a time, but then returned to their natural turbulence, for which they seriously alleged this reason:- A certain man of their country, Stachao by name, when he was wandering freely in our territory, it being a time of peace, committed some violations of the laws, among which the most conspicuous was, that he tried by every kind of deceit to betray the province, as was proved by most trustworthy testimony.
6.2. Austoriani his contermini partibus barbari, in discursus semper expediti veloces, vivereque assueti rapinis et caedibus, paulisper pacati, ad genuinos turbines revoluti sunt, hanc causam praetendentes ut seriam.
6.3. Accordingly he was burned to death. To avenge his execution, under the pretext that he was a countryman of theirs and had been unjustly condemned, like beasts aroused by madness, they sallied forth from their homes while Jovian was still ruling, and, fearing to come near Lepcis, a city strong in its walls and population, they encamped for three days in the fertile districts near the city. There they slaughtered the peasants, whom sudden fear had paralysed or had compelled to take refuge in caves, burned a great deal of furniture which could not be carried off, and returned laden with immense spoils, taking with them also as prisoner one Silva, the most eminent of the local magistrates, who chanced to be found in the country with his wife and children.
6.3. Stachao quidam nomine popularis eorum, ut in otio nostra peragrando licentius agebat quaedam vetita legibus, inter quae illud potius eminebat, quod provinciam omni fallaciarum via prodere conabatur, ut indicia docuere verissima: quocirca supplicio flammarum absumptus est. Huius necem ulcisci, ut propinqui damnatique iniuste causantes, ferarum similes rabie concitarum, exsiluere sedibus suis, Ioviano etiam tum imperante, veritique prope Leptim Lepcim accedere, civitatem muris et populo validam, suburbano eius uberrimo insedere per triduum, mactatisque agrestibus, quos inopinus hebetaverat pavor, vel confugere coegerat ad speluncas, incensa suppellectili multa, quae quake vehi non poterat, referti rapinis reverterunt ingentibus, trahentes captivum Silvam quoque casu cum caritatibus in agro inventum, ordinis sui primatem.
6.5. The people of Lepcis, greatly alarmed by this sudden calamity, before the evils which the insolence of the barbarians threatened should increase, implored the protection of Romanus, the newlypromoted commanding-general for Africa. As soon as he arrived, leading his military forces, and was asked to lend his aid in these troubles, he declared that he would not move his camp unless provisions in abundance should first be brought and 4000 camels equipped.
6.5. Hac subita clade Leptitani Lepcitani perterriti, ante incrementa malorum, quae intentabat barbaricus tumor, praesidium imploravere Romani, comitis per Africam recens provecti. Qui cum venisset, militaris copias ducens, ferreque opem rebus rogaretur afflictis, non nisi abundanti commeatu aggesto, et camelorum quattuor milibus apparatis, castra firmabat esse moturum.
6.6. The unhappy citizens were stupified by this answer, and declared that after suffering from fires and pillage they could not procure a remedy for their tremendous losses by providing such enormous supplies. Whereupon the general, after deluding them by spending forty days there, marched away without actually attempting anything.
6.6. Hocque responso, miserandis civibus stupefactis, atque negantibus, sufficere se posse post vastationes et incendia ita enormibus instrumentis remedia quaerere damnorum immanium, dissimulanter diebus ibi quadraginta consumptis, nullo temptato, inde discesserat comes.
6.7. The people of Tripolis, disappointed in this hope and fearing the worst, when the lawful day for the popular assembly (which with them comes once a year) had arrived, appointed Severus and Flaccianus as envoys, who were to take to Valentinian golden statues of Victory because of his accession to power, and to tell him fearlessly of the lamentable ruin of the province.
6.7. Qua spe Tripolitani frustrati, formidantesque extrema, allapso legitimo die concilii, quod apud eos est annuum, Severum et Flaccianum creavere legatos, Victoriarum aurea simulacra Valentiniano ob imperii primitias oblaturos, utque lacrimosas provinciae ruinas docerent intrepide.
6.8. As soon as Romanus heard of this, he sent a swift horseman to Remigius, the chief-marshal of the court, a relative of his by marriage and a partner in his robberies, asking him to see to it that the investigation of this affair should be assigned by the emperor’s authority to the deputy governor Vincentius and himself.
6.8. Quibus compertis, Romanus, misso equite velocissimo, magistrum officiorum petit Remigium, affinem suum vel rapinarum participem, ut provideret imperatoris arbitrio cognitionem huius negotii Vincentio vicario sibique deferri.
6.9. The envoys came to the court, and being given audience with the emperor, stated orally what they had suffered; and they presented decrees, containing a full account of the whole affair. Since the emperor, after reading these, neither believed the communication of the marshal, who countenanced the misdeeds of Romanus, nor the envoys, who gave contrary testimony, a full investigation was promised, but it was put off, in the way in which supreme powers are usually deceived among the distractions to which the powerful are liable.
6.9. Venerunt in comitatum legati, aditoque principe, verbis quae perpessi sunt ostenderunt: obtulerunt decreta, textum continentia rei totius. Quibus lectis cum neque relationi officiorum magistri, faventis Romani flagitiis, nec contraria referentibus crederetur, promissa disceptatio plena dilata est eo more, quo solent inter potiorum occupationes ludi potestates excelsae.
6.10. While the people of Tripolis were long in astate of anxiety and suspense, looking for some aid from the emperor’s military support, the hordes of barbarians again came up, given confidence by what had happened before; and after overrunning the territory of Lepcis and Oea with death and devastation, went away again, laden with vast heaps of booty; a number of decurions were put to death, among whom the former high-priest Rusticianus and the aedile Nicasius were conspicuous.
6.10. Dum remedia quaedam a commilitio principis exspectantur, suspensis Tripolitanis, diuque anxiis, rursus globi supervenere barbarici, fiducia sublati praeteritorum, Leptitanoque Lepcitanoque agro et Oeensi interneciva populatione transcursis, expleti praedarum acervis ingentibus, abscesserunt, occisis decurionibus multis, inter quos Rusticianus sacerdotalis, et Nicasius enitebat aedilis.
6.11. But the reason why this inroad could not be prevented was that, although at the request of the envoys the charge of military affairs also had been entrusted to the governor Ruricius, it was soon afterwards transferred to Romanus.
6.11. Haec autem eruptio ideo arceri non potuit, quod ad legatorum preces negotiorum quoque militarium cura praesidi delata Ruricio, mox translata est ad Romanum.
6.12. When now the news of this newly inflicted catastrophe was sent to Gaul, it greatly angered the emperor. Accordingly, Palladius, a tribune and secretary, was sent to pay the wages that were due the soldiers in various parts of Africa, and to investigate and give a fully trustworthy report of what had happened at Tripolis.
6.12. Et iam recens inflictae cladis nuntius missus ad Gallias, excitavit acrius principem. Ideoque tribunus et notarius Palladius mittitur, ut et militi disperso per Africam praeberet stipendium debitum, et gesta per Tripolim fide congrua scrutaretur.
6.13. However, during such delays caused by consultations and waiting for replies, the Austoriani, made insolent by two successful raids, flew to the spot like birds of prey made more savage by the incitement of blood, and after slaying all those who did not escape danger by flight, carried off the booty which they had previously left behind, besides cutting down the trees and vines.
6.13. Inter tales tamen consulendi moras exspectandique responsa, Austoriani successu gemino insolentes, ut rapaces alites advolarunt, irritamento sanguinis atrocius efferatae; cunctisque (nisi quos fuga discriminibus eximeret) interemptis, praedas quas antehac reliquerant, avexerunt arboribus exsectis et vitibus.
6.14. Then one Mychon, a highborn and powerful townsman, was caught in the suburbs but gave them the slip before be was bound; and because he was lame and it was wholly impossible for him to make good his escape, he threw himself into an empty well; but the barbarians pulled him out with his rib broken, and placed him near the city gates; there, at the pitiful entreaties of his wife, he was ransomed but was drawn up by a rope to the battlements, and died after two days.
6.14. Tunc Mychon quidam nobilis oppidanus et potens, captus in suburbano lapsusque, antequam vinciretur, quia pedibus aeger evadere penitus vetabatur, in puteum aquis vacuum sese coniecit, unde costa diffracta levatus a barbaris, ductusque prope portas, coniugis miseratione redemptus est, et ad pinnas muri fune sublatus post biduum interiit.
6.15. Then the savage marauders, roused to greater persistence, assailed the very walls of Lepcis, which re-echoed with the mournful wailing of the women, who had never before been besieged by an enemy, and were half-dead with a terror to which they were unused. But after blockading the city for eight days together, during which some of the besiegers were wounded without accomplishing anything, they returned in saddened mood to their own abodes.
6.15. Unde elati in pertinaciam saevissimi grassatores, ipsa pulsavere moenia Leptitana Lepcitana, funestis plangoribus resonantia feminarum, quas numquam antea hostiliter clausas pavor exanimabat insolitus, obsessaque urbe per octo continuos dies, cum quidam oppugnatores sine ullo vulnerarentur effectu, redierunt ad propria tristiores.
6.16. Because of this the citizens, despairing of being saved and resorting to the last hope, although the envoys they had already sent had not yet returned, dispatched Jovinus and Pancratius to give the emperor a trustworthy account of what they had seen and had personally suffered. These envoys, by inquiring of those mentioned above (Severus, whom they met at Carthage, and Flaccianus), what they had done, learned that they had been ordered to make their report to the deputy and the general. Of these Severus was at once attacked by a painful illness and died; but the aforementioned envoys nevertheless hastened by long marches to the court.
6.16. Ob quae super salute dubii cives, ultimaque temptantes, profectis ante legatis nondum reversis, Iovinum mittunt atque Pancratium, quae viderint, quaeque ipsi perpessi sint, imperatorem fida relatione docturos. Qui Severum apud Carthaginem inventum et Flaccianum superiores illos legatos percontando quid egerint, cognoverunt eos audiri a vicario iussos et comite. E quibus Severus ilico perit vexatus acerbitate morborum: nihilo minus tamen properarunt ad comitatum magnis itineribus ante dicti.
6.17. After this, Palladius had entered Africa, and Romanus, intending to block in advance the purpose for which he had come, in order to secure his own safety, had ordered the officers of the companies through certain confidants of his secrets, that they should hand over to Palladius the greater part of the pay which he had brought, since be was an influential man and in close relations with the highest officials of the palace; and so it was done.
6.17. Ingresso post haec Palladio Africam, Romanus, quas ob res venerat ante praestructurus, ut securitatem suam in tuto locaret, numerorum principiis per quosdam secretorum mandaverat conscios, ut ei tamquam potenti et palatii summatibus proximo, stipendii, quod pertulerat, praestarent maximam partem: et ita est factum.
6.18. Palladius immediately, being thus enriched, proceeded to Lepcis, and in order to succeed in ferreting out the truth, he took with him to the devastated regions two eloquent and distinguished townsmen, Erechthius and Aristomenes, who freely told him of their own troubles and those of their fellow-citizens and neighbours.
6.18. Confestimque ille ditatus perrexit ad Lepcim, utque ad veritatis perveniret indaginem, Erechthium Erecthium et Aristomenem facundos municipes et insignes, libere suas civiumque et finitimorum retexentes aerumnas, ad loca vastata secum eduxit.
6.19. They openly showed him everything, and after he had seen the lamentable ashes of the province, he returned, and reproaching Romanus for his inactivity, threatened to give the emperor a true report of everything that he had seen. Then Romanus, filled with anger and resentment, assured him that he also would then at once report that Palladius, sent as an incorruptible notary, had diverted to his own profit all the money intended for the soldiers.
6.19. Quibus aperte cuncta monstrantibus, luctuosis provinciae cineribus visis revertit, Romanumque ut desidem increpans, relaturum se cuncta verissime, quae viderat, minabatur ad principem. Atque ille ira percitus et dolore, se quoque mox referre firmavit, quod missus ut notarius incorruptus, donativum militis omne in quaestus averterit proprios.
6.20. Therefore, since his conscience was witness to disgraceful acts, Palladius then came to an understanding with Romanus, and on his return to the palace, he misled Valentinian by the atrocious art of lying, declaring that the people of Tripolis had no cause for complaint. Accordingly, he was sent again to Africa with Jovinus, the last of all the envoys (for Pancratius had died at Treves), in order with the deputy to examine in person the value of the work of the second deputation also. Besides this, the emperor gave orders that the tongues of Erechthius and Aristomenes should be cut out, since the aforesaid Palladius had intimated that they had made some offensive statements.
6.20. Qua gratia flagitiorum arbitra conscientia, cum Romano deinde Palladius concordabat, reversusque ad comitatum, arte mendaciorum impia Valentinianum fefellerat, Tripolitanos frustra queri commemorans. Ideoque rursus ad Africam cum Iovino postremo omnium legatorum Remittitur—Pancratius enim decesserat apud Treveros–ut cum vicario ipse merita legationis quoque secundae spectaret: praeter haec linguas Erechthi et Aristomenis praecidi iusserat imperator, quos invidiosa quaedam locutos idem Palladius intimarat.
6.21. The secretary, following the deputy, as had been arranged, came to Tripolis. As soon as Romanus learned of this, with all speed he sent his attendant thither, and with him an adviser of his, Caecilius by name, a native of that province. Through these all the townspeople were inducedwhether by bribes or deceit is uncertain-to make grave charges against Jovinus, positively declaring that they had given him no commission to report what he had reported to the emperor. In fact, their dishonesty went so far that even Jovinus himself was forced to endanger his own life by confessing that he had lied to the emperor.
6.21. Secutus, ut statutum est, vicarium notarius venit ad Tripolim. Hocque comperto Romanus domesticum suum illuc volucriter misit, et Caecilium consiliarium in ea provincia genitum, per quos— incertum pretio an fallaciis—circumventi municipes omnes gravabant Iovinum, destinatius asserentes nihil eorum mandasse, quae docuerat principem: eo usque iniquitate grassante ut ipse quoque Iovinus ad salutis suae discrimen confiteretur se imperatori mentitum.
6.22. When this was known through Palladius, who had now returned, Valentinian, being rather inclined to severity, gave orders that Jovinus, as the originator of the false statement, with Caelestinus, Concordius, and Lucius as accomplices and participants, should suffer capital punishment; further, that Ruricius, the governor, should suffer death as the author of a false report, the following also being counted against him—that there were read in his report certain expressions of his which seemed immoderate.
6.22. Quibus per Palladium regressum iam cognitis, Valentinianus ad acerbitatem proclivior Iovinum quidem ut auctorem, Caelestinum vero Concordiumque et Lucium ut falsi conscios et participes participles puniri supplicio capitali praecepit, Ruricium autem praesidem ut mendacem morte multari, hoc quoque accedente quod in relatione eius verba quaedam (ut visum est) immodica legebantur.
6.23. Ruricius was executed at Sitifis, the rest were punished at Utica through sentence of the deputy-governor Crescens. Flaccianus, however, before the death of the other envoys, was heard by the deputy and the general; and when he stoutly defended his life, he was all but killed by the angry soldiers, who rushed upon him with shouts and abusive language; for they declared against him that the Tripolitani could not possibly be defended for the reason that they themselves had declined to furnish what was necessary for the campaign.
6.23. Ac Ruricius quidem apud Sitifim caesus est, reliqui apud Uticam sententia vicarii Crescentis addicti. Flaccianus tamen ante legatorum interitum, cum a vicario audiretur et comite, constanter saluti suae propugnans, acclamationibus iratorum militum impetuque cum conviciis paene confossus est, obicientium, ideo Tripolitanos non potuisse defendi, quod ipsi ad expeditionalis usus praebere necessaria detrectarunt.
6.24. And for this reason Flaccianus was imprisoned, until the emperor, who had been consulted about him, should make up his mind what ought to be done. But he bribed his guards—so it was permissible to believe—and made his escape to the city of Rome, where he kept in hiding until he passed away by a natural death.
6.24. Et ob haec trusus in carcerem, dum consultus super eo, quid conveniret agi, decerneret imperator, sollicitatis (ut dabatur opinari) custodibus, in urbem Romam abierat profugus, ibique delitescens, fatali lege discessit.
6.25. In consequence of this remarkable end of the affair, Tripolis, though harassed by disasters from without and from within, remained silent, but not without defence; for the eternal eye of Justice watched over her, as well as the last curses of the envoys and the governor. For long afterwards the following event came to pass: Palladius was dismissed from service, and stript of the haughtiness with which he swelled, and retired to a life of inaction.
6.25. Hoc memorando fine externis domesticisque cladibus vexata, conticuit Tripolis, non indefensa, quia vigilavit Iustitiae oculus sempiternus, ultimaeque legatorum et praesidis dirae. Diu enim postea huius modi casus emersit: solutus sacramento Palladius, destitutusque fastu quo tumebat, discessit ad otium.
6.26. And when Theodosius, that famous leader of armies, had come into Africa to put an end to the dangerous attempts of Firmus, and, as he had been ordered, examined the moveable property of the outlawed Romanus, there was found also among his papers the letter of one Meterius, containing the words, “Meterius to Romanus his Lord and patron,” and at the end, after much matter that would here be irrelevant: “The disgraced Palladius salutes you, and says that he was deposed for no other reason than that in the cause of the people of Tripolis he spoke to the sacred ears what was not true.”
6.26. Et cum Theodosius ductor exercituum ille magnificus, oppressurus Firmum perniciosa coeptantem, venisset in Africam, et proscripti Romani rem mobilem (ut iussum est) scrutaretur, inter chartas eius inventa est et Meteri cuiusdam epistula, id continens “Domino patrono Romano Meterius,” et in fine post multa nihil ad rem pertinentia: “Salutat te Palladius proiecticius, qui non aliam ob causam dicit se esse proiectum, nisi quod in causa Tripolitanorum apud aures sacras mentitus est.”
6.27. When this letter had been sent to the Palace and read, Meterius, on being seized by order of Valentinian, admitted that the letter was his. Therefore Palladius was ordered to be produced, but thinking of the mass of crimes that he had concocted, at a halting-station, as darkness was coming on, noticing the absence of the guards, who on a festal day of the Christian religion were spending the whole night in church, he knotted a noose about his neck and strangled himself.
6.27. His litteris ad comitatum missis et lectis, Valentiniani iussu Meterius raptus, suam esse confitetur epistulam, ideoque Palladius exhiberi praeceptus, cogitans quas criminum coxerit moles, in statione primis tenebris observata custodum absentia, qui festo die Christiani ritus in ecclesia pernoctabant, innodato gutture laquei nexibus interiit.
6.28. When this favourable turn of fortune was fully known and the instigator of the awful troubles put to death, Erechthius and Aristomenes, who, when they learned that it had been ordered that their tongues should be cut out, as over-lavishly used, had withdrawn to far remote and hidden places, now hastened from concealment; and when the emperor Gratian—for Valentinian had died—was given trustworthy information of the abominable deception, they were sent for trial to the proconsul Hesperius and the deputy Flavianus. These officials, being men of impartial justice combined with most rightful authority, having put Caecilius to the torture, learned from his open confession that he himself had persuaded his citizens to make trouble for the envoys by false statements. This investigation was followed by a report, which disclosed the fullest confirmation of the acts which had been committed; to this no reply was made.
6.28. Hoc fortunae secundioris iudicio plene comperto, deletoque tristium concitore turbarum, exsiluerunt Erechthius Erecthius et Aristomenes e latebris, qui cum sibi iussas abscidi linguas didicissent, ut prodigas, ad longe remota declinarunt et abdita, doctoque super nefanda fraude Gratiano imperatore fidentius—Valentinianus enim obierat—ad Hesperium proconsulem et Flavianum vicarium audiendi sunt missi, quorum aequitas auctoritate mixta iustissima, torto Caecilio, aperta confessione cognovit, ipsum suasisse civibus suis, ut gravarent mentiendo legatos. Haec acta secuta est relatio gestorum pandens plenissimam fidem; ad quam nihil responsum est.
6.29. And that these dramas should leave no awful tragic effect untried, this also was added after the curtain had dropped. Romanus, setting out to the Palace, brought with him Caecilius, who intended to accuse the judges of having been biased in favour of the province; and being received with favour by Merobaudes, he had sought that some more witnesses whom he needed should be produced.
6.29. Et nequid cothurni terribilis fabulae relinquerent intemptatum, hoc quoque post depositum accessit aulaeum. Romanus ad comitatum profectus secum Caecilium duxit, cognitores accusaturum, ut inclinatos in provinciae partem: isque Merobaudis favore susceptus, necessarios sibi plures petierat exhiberi.
6.30. When these had come to Milan, and had shown by credible evidence that they had been brought there under false pretences to satisfy a grudge, they were discharged and returned to their homes. Nevertheless, in Valentinianus’ lifetime, in consequence of what we have stated above, Remigius also after retiring into private life strangled himself, as I shall show in the proper place.
6.30. Qui cum Mediolanum venissent, frustraque se tractos ob simultates documentis probabilibus ostendissent, absoluti redierunt ad lares. Valentiniano tamen superstite, post superiora quae narravimus, Remigius quoque digressus ad otium, laqueo vitam elisit, ut congruo docebimus loco.