9.2. And they indeed in rapid march hastened to the execution of their design. But he, knowing how both to command his soldiers and to preserve them, either suspected their purpose or had plain information of it from the report of the scouts that he had sent out; so he returned over lofty mountains and through dense forests to Illyricum, much uplifted in spirit by the passing great opportunity which an unhoped-for chance put in his way.
9.2. Et hi quidem ad patrandum propositum discursione rapida maturabant. Ille vero regendi conservandique militis non ignarus, id quod cogitatum est suspicatus, vel exploratorum relatione, quos miserat, aperte instructus, per montium celsa silvarumque densitates ad Illyricum redit, erectus prosperitate nimia, quam ei fors obtulit insperata.
9.3. For while he was returning and, massed into wedge-formations, slowly advancing, he came upon the Gothic chieftain Farnobius, who was freely ranging about with his predatory bands and leading the Taifali, whom he had lately received as allies. Since our people (if it is proper to say so) through fear of these unknown peoples had dispersed, they crossed the river, intending to pillage the unprotected country.
9.3. Repedando enim congregatusque in cuneos sensim progrediens, Gothorum optimatem Farnobium cum vastatoriis globis vagantem licentius occupavit, ducentemque Taifalos, nuper in societatem adhibitos: qui (si dignum est dici), nostris ignotarum gentium terrore dispersis, transiere flumen direpturi vacua defensoribus loca.
9.4. When their bands suddenly came in sight, our careful leader prepared for a hand-to-hand conflict and opened an attack upon these marauders of both nations, which even then were threatening cruel carnage; he killed a large number and he would have slaughtered them all to the last man, leaving not even anyone to report the disaster, had he not, after the fall of Farnobius, before this a dreaded inciter of turmoil, and many others with him, spared the survivors in response to their earnest entreaties. But though he spared their lives, he banished them to the neighbourhood of Mutina, Regium, and Parma, towns in Italy, where they were to work in the fields.
9.4. Eorum catervis subito visis, certare comminus dux cautissimus parans, adortusque nationis utriusque grassatores, minantes etiam tum acerbas strages multos occidit, trucidassetque omnes ad unum, ut ne nuntius quidem cladis post appareret, ni cum aliis multis perempto Farnobio, metuendo antehac incensore turbarum, obtestatus prece impensa superstitibus pepercisset, vivosque yivosque omnes circa Mutinam, Regiumque et Parmam, Italica oppida, rura culturos cultures exterminavit.
9.5. We have learned that these Taifali were a shameful folk, so sunken in a life of shame and obscenity, that in their country the boys are coupled with the men in a union of unmentionable lust, to consume the flower of their youth in the polluted intercourse of those paramours. We may add that, if any grown person alone catches a boar or kills a huge bear, he is purified thereby from the shame of unchastity.
9.5. Hanc Taifalorum gentem turpem ac obscenae vitae flagitiis ita accepimus mersam, ut apud eos nefandi concubitus foedere copulentur maribus puberes, aetatis viriditatem in eorum pollutis usibus consumpturi. Porro siqui iam adultus aprum exceperit solus, vel interemerit ursum immanem, colluvione liberatur incesti.
10.1. This is what, throughout Thrace, the destructive storms of affairs swept together as autumn was verging upon winter. And this madness of the times, as if the Furies were stirring up the whole world, spread widely and made its way also to distant regions.
10.1. Haec autumno vergente in hiemem funesti per Thracias turbines converrebant. Quae temporum rabies, velut cuncta cientibus Furiis, ad regiones quoque longinquas progrediens, late serpebat.
10.2. And now the Lentienses, an Alamannic race bordering on Raetia, by treacherous raids broke the treaty which had long since been concluded with them and made an attempt upon our frontier; the ruinous beginning of this disaster was the following occurrence.
10.2. Et iam Lentiensis Alamannicus populus, tractibus Raetiarum confinis, per fallaces discursus, violato foedere dudum concepto, collimitia nostra temptabat, quae clades hinc exitiale primordium sumpsit.
10.3. One of their nation, who was serving among the emperor’s armour-bearers, returned to his home because of pressing business, and being a loose talker, when many asked him what was going on in the palace, he told them that Gratian, summoned by his uncle Valens, would presently march towards the Orient, in order that with doubled forces he might repel the peoples dwelling on the border, who had conspired to destroy the Roman state.
10.3. Ex hac natione quidam inter principis armigeros militans, poscente negotio reversus in larem, ut erat in loquendo effusior, interrogantes multos quid ageretur in palatio, docet arcessitu Valentis patrui Gratianum Orientem versus mox signa moturum, ut duplicatis viribus repellantur plagarum terminalium accolae, ad Romanarum rerum excidium coniurati.
10.4. The Lentienses greedily seized upon this information, and, looking on these acts from the point of view of neighbours of the frontier, and being swift and hasty in action, they formed themselves into predatory bands, and in the month of February tried to cross the Rhine, which was sufficiently frozen over to be passable. But the Celts, who were encamped near by with the Petulantes, with mighty strength turned them back with great slaughter, yet not without loss to themselves.
10.4. Quibus avide Lentienses acceptis, ipsi quoque haec quasi vicini cernentes, ut sunt veloces et rapidi, conferti in praedatorios globos, Rhenum gelu pervium pruinis Februario mense transire tentarunt; quos tendentes prope cum Petulantibus Celtae, non sine sui iactura, afflictos graviter adultis viribus averterunt.
10.5. But although the Germans were forced to retire, being aware that the greater part of the army had gone ahead to Illyricum, where the emperor was soon expected to appear, they were fired with hotter rage; and planning still greater enterprises, they gathered into one place the inhabitants of all the villages, and with forty thousand armed men, or seventy thousand, as some boasted in order to exaggerate the emperor’s glory, full of pride and confidence broke into our territory.
10.5. Verum retrocedere coacti Germani, atque noscentes exercitus pleramque partem in Illyricum (ut imperatore mox adfuturo) praegressam, exarsere flagrantius: maioraque coeptantes, pagorum omnium incolis in unum collectis, cum quadraginta armorum milibus vel septuaginta, ut quidam laudes extollendo principis iactitarunt, sublati in superbiam nostra confidentius irruperunt.
10.6. Gratian learned of this with great alarm, recalled the cohorts which he had sent on into Pannonia, brought together the others, which wise policy had kept in Gaul, and gave the command to Nannienus, a leader of valour and discretion; but he joined with him as a colleague of equal rank Mallobaudes, commander of the household troops and king of the Franks, a brave man, always ready for fighting.
10.6. Quibus Gratianus cum formidine magna compertis, revocatis cohortibus, quas praemiserat in Pannonias, convocatisque aliis, quas in Galliis retinuerat dispositio prudens, Nannieno negotium dedit, virtutis sobriae duci: eique Mallobauden iunxit pari potestate collegam, domesticorum comitem, regemque Francorum, virum bellicosum et fortem.
10.7. Accordingly, while Nannienus weighed the changeable events of fortune and hence believed that they ought to act deliberately, Mallobaudes, carried away (as usual) by his strong eagerness for battle and impatient of postponement, was tormented with longing to go against the foe.
10.7. Nannieno igitur pensante fortunarum versabiles casus, ideoque cunctandum esse censente, Mallobaudes alta pugnandi cupiditate raptatus (ut consueverat), ire in hostem, differendi impatiens, angebatur.
10.8. Therefore, when from the opposite side the terrifying battle-cry was heard, the signal was given by the horn-blowers and the battle began at Argentaria; and many were struck down on both sides by wounds from flying arrows and javelins.
10.8. Proinde horrifico adversum fragore terrente, ubi primum apud Argentariam signo per cornicines dato, concurri est coeptum, sagittarum verrutorumque missilium pulsibus crebriores hinc indeque sternebantur.
10.9. But in the very heat of the fight, our soldiers, seeing the countless numbers of the enemy, and avoiding combat in the open. dispersed as best they could over the narrow pastures planted with trees, and presently stood their ground with greater confidence; and gleaming with like resplendence and brilliance of arms when seen from afar, they struck the barbarians with fear that the emperor was coming.
10.9. Sed in ipso proeliorum ardore, infinita hostium multitudine milites visa, vitantesque aperta discrimina, per calles consitas arboribus et angustas, ut quisque potuit, dispersi, paulo postea stetere fidentius, et splendore consimili, proculque nitore fulgentes armorum, imperatorii adventus iniecere barbaris metum.
10.10. So the enemy turned in flight, sometimes however resisting, that they might not lose their last chance of safety; but they were so thoroughly defeated that from the above mentioned number it was estimated that not more than five thousand escaped under cover of the thick woods, and among other bold and brave men King Priarius also, the inciter of the deadly battles, was killed.
10.10. Qui repente versi in terga, resistentesque interdum, nequid ultimae rationis omitterent, ita sunt caesi, ut ex praedicto numero non plus quam quinque milia, ut aestimabatur aesetmabatur, evaderent, densitate nemorum tecta, inter complures alios audaces et fortes, rege quoque Priario interfecto, exitialium concitore pugnarum.
10.11. Gratian, filled with confidence at this happy success, and being already on his way to the regions of the east, turned his line of march to the left, secretly crossed the Rhine, and spurred on the more by sanguine hope, determined, if fortune favoured his attempt, utterly to destroy a race faithless and greedy for trouble.
10.11. Hac laeti successus fiducia Gratianus erectus, iamque ad partes tendens eoas, laevorsus flexo itinere, latenter Rheno transito, spe incitatior bona, universam, si id temptanti fors adfuisset, delere statuit malefidam et turbarum avidam gentem.
10.12. When one urgent message after another brought this news to the Lentienses, who were almost annihilated by the disasters to their people and were stunned by the emperor’s sudden arrival, they were in doubt what plan to adopt; and since they could find no respite, however short, from fighting, nor from any action or effort, in swift course they made for the hills, which were beset by pathless crags. There, taking their place round about on the sheer rocks, they tried to defend their possessions and their dear wives and children, whom they had brought with them, with all the strength that they possessed.
10.12. Hocque urgentibus aliis super alios nuntiis cognito, Lentienses aerumnis populi sui ad internecionem paene deleti, et repentino principis adventu defixi, quid capesserent ambigentes, cum neque repugnandi neque agendi aliquid aut moliendi laxamentum possent invenire vel breve, impetu celeri obsessos petiverunt inviis cautibus colles, abruptisque per ambitum rupibus insistentes, rebus caritatibusque suis, quas secum conduxerant, omni virium robore propugnabant.
10.13. After consideration of the difficult situation, five hundred soldiers who were approved by experience as prudent in battle were selected from each legion, to be opposed to obstacles like those of city walls. Their confident spirit was all the greater because the emperor was seen actively engaged in the foremost ranks, and they strove to scale the mountains, expecting that if they should set foot on the higher places, they would at once and without a struggle carry them off, as if they were booty taken in the chase. But the battle, which began towards midday, was even overtaken by the darkness of night.
10.13. Qua difficultate perpensa, velut murorum obicibus opponendi, per legiones singulas quingenteni leguntur armati, usu prudenter bellandi comperti. Qui ea re animorum aucta fiducia, quod versari inter antesignanos visebatur acriter princeps, montes scandere nitebantur, tamquam venaticias praedas, si calcassent editiora, confestim sine certamine ullo rapturi: exorsumque proelium vergente in meridiem die, tenebrae quoque occupavere nocturnae.
10.14. Both sides indeed suffered severe losses; our men slew many, but not a few of their own number fell, and at the same time the armour of the imperial guard, gleaming with gold and bright colours, was shattered by the heavy missiles thickly cast upon it.
10.14. Quippe magno utriusque partis pugnabatur exitio: caedebant cadebantque nostrorum non pauci, simul arma imperatorii comitatus auro colorumque micantia claritudine, iaculatione ponderum densa confringebantur.
10.15. Then, after long conference with the men of highest rank, Gratian thought it dangerous and fruitless to struggle with untimely obstinacy against rugged jutting heights; opinions varied greatly, as was natural in such circumstances, but it was finally decided that, with the soldiers at rest, the barbarians should be shut in on all sides and exhausted by famine, since they were protected by the unevenness of the ground.
10.15. Exinde diu reputante Gratiano cum optimatibus, perniciosum apparebat et irritum, contra asperitates aggerum prominentium intempestiva contendere pertinacia, multis (ut in tali negotio), variatis sententiis, otioso milite circumvallari placuit barbaros, inedia fatigatos, quia locorum iniquitate defenderentur.
10.16. But when the Germans resisted with the same persistence, and, being acquainted with the country, made for other mountains, higher than those which they had occupied before, the emperor wheeled in that direction with his army, and with the same courage as before sought to find paths leading to the heights.
10.16. Verum cum obstinatione simili renitentes Germani, peritique regionum, petissent alios montes, his quos ante insederant, altiores: conversus illuc cum exercitu imperator, eadem qua antea fortitudine, semitas ducentes ad ardua quaeritabat.
10.17. When the Lentienses perceived that he was determined with most earnest persistence to have their lives, they obtained mercy as the result of humble supplications, and surrendered; then giving their strong young manhood (as they were ordered) to be mingled with our recruits, they were allowed to go without punishment to their native lands.
10.17. Quem Lentienses intentum iugulis suis omni perseverandi studio contemplantes, post deditionem, quam impetravere supplici prece, oblata (ut praeceptum est) iuventute valida nostris tirociniis permiscenda, ad genitales terras innoxii ire permissi sunt.
10.18. Incredibly great energy and conspicuous rapidity were shown by Gratian, while he was hastening in another direction, when through the favour of the eternal deity he won this victory, which was at once seasonable and profitable, since it tamed the western nations. He was a young man of spendid character, eloquent, self-restrained, war-like, and merciful, and was already on his way to rivalry with the most distinguished emperors while yet a comely down was creeping over his cheeks, had not his natural inclination for unbecoming conduct, which was given free rein by his intimates, turned him to the frivolous pursuits of the emperor Commodus, although without that prince’s thirst for blood.
10.18. Hanc victoriam, opportunam et fructuosam, quae gentes hebetavit occiduas, sempiterni numinis nutu, Gratianus incredibile dictu est, quo quantoque vigore exserta celeritate aliorsum properans expedivit: praeclarae indolis adulescens, facundus et moderatus et bellicosus et clemens, ad aemulationem lectorum progrediens principum, dum etiam tum turn lanugo genis inserperet speciosa, ni vergens in ludibriosos actus natura, laxantibus proximis, semet ad vana studia Caesaris Commodi convertisset, licet hic incruentus.
10.19. For as that emperor felt superhuman exultation because he so often killed a great number of wild animals with javelins in the presence of the people, and slaughtered with various kinds of weapons in the arena of the amphitheatre a hundred lions that were let in together, without needing to inflict a second wound, just so Gratian also, while he pierced sharptoothed beasts with many an arrow-shot within the enclosures which are called vivaria, neglected as of little moment many serious occurrences; and that too at a time when, even if Marcus Antoninus had been emperor, he could not without like-minded colleagues and most prudent counsel have mitigated the grievous disasters to our country.
10.19. Ut enim ille, quia perimere iaculis plurimas feras spectante consueverat populo, et centum leones in amphitheatrali circulo simul emissos, telorum vario genere, nullo geminato vulnere, contruncavit, ultra hominem exsultavit exultavit, ita hic quoque, intra saepta quae appellant vivaria, sagittarum pulsibus crebris dentatas conficiens bestias, incidentia multa parvi ducebat et seria: eo tempore quo etiam si imperium Marcus regeret Antoninus, aegre sine collegis similibus sinilibus et magna sobrietate consiliorum, lenire luctuosos rei publicae poterat casus.
10.20. Gratian, then, after making the arrangements which affairs and policy throughout Gaul demanded according to the trend of the times, and punishing the traitorous targeteer who had revealed to the barbarians that the emperor was hurrying to Illyricum, hastened next to go by long marches past the castle called Felix Arbor and past Lauriacum, to bring aid to the hard-pressed part of the country.
10.20. Dispositis igitur, quae pro temporum captu per Gallias res rationesque poscebant, et punito scutario proditore, qui festinare principem ad Illyricum barbaris indicarat, Gratianus exinde digressus per castra, quibus Felicis Arboris nomen est, per Lauriacum ad opitulandum oppressae parti porrectis itineribus ire tendebat.
10.21. At that same time Frigeridus, who was carefully making many useful plans for the general security, and was hastening to fortify the pass of Succi, in order that the roving light-armed bands of the enemy might not, like torrents swollen by melting snow, roam at large over the northern provinces, was given a successor in the person of a general called Maurus, notoriously venal under a pretence of boldness, and changeable and unreliable in all his conduct. He it was who (as I have told in my narrative of previous events) when Caesar Julian was in doubt about the crown to be put upon his head, with haughty cleverness took off his neck-chain and boldly offered it to him for the purpose, being at the time one of Julian’s bodyguard.
10.21. Eisdemque diebus, Frigerido multa atque utilia pro securitate communi sollertissime cogitanti, munireque properanti Succorum angustias, ne discursatores hostes et leves, tamquam exaestuantes nivi torrentes, per septentrionales provincias fusius vagarentur, successor Maurus nomine mittitur comes, venalis ferociae specie, et ad cuncta mobilis et incertus; is est quem praeteritorum textu rettulimus, ambigenti super corona capita imponenda Caesari Iuliano, dum inter eius armigeros militaret, Arroganti astu fidenter torquem obtulisse collo abstractam.
10.22. Thus even in the dizzy whirl of disasters a careful and active leader was removed, whereas he should have been recalled to active service at the demand of such important affairs, even if he had long since retired to a peaceful life.
10.22. Remotusque in ipsa vertigine pereuntium rerum dux cautus et diligens, cum etiam si dudum discessisset in otium, ad procinctum reduci negotiorum magnitudine poscente deberet.
11.1. It chanced that at that time Valens was at last called forth from Antioch, and after making the long journey arrived at Constantinople, where his stay was for only a very few days, and he was disturbed by a slight outbreak of the populace. He gave the command of the infantry, which Trajanus had formerly held, to Sebastianus, a leader of recognized vigilance, who had shortly before been sent from Italy at his own request. He himself went to the imperial villa Melanthias and tried to win the favour of the soldiers by pay, supplies, and many flattering words.
11.1. His forte diebus, Valens tandem excitus Antiochia, longitudine viarum emensa, venit Constantinopolim, ubi moratus paucissimos dies, seditioneque popularium levi pulsatus, Sebastiano paulo ante ab Italia (ut petierat) misso, vigilantiae notae ductori, pedestris exercitus cura commissa, quem regebat antea Traianus: ipse ad Melanthiada villam Caesarianam profectus, militem stipendio fovebat et alimentis, et blanda crebritate sermonum.
11.2. Having commanded a march from there by written order, he came to the military post called Nice, where he learned from the report of scouts that the barbarians, laden with rich spoils, had returned from the lands at the foot of Rhodope to the neighbourhood of Hadrianopolis; they, on hearing that the emperor was on the march with a large force, were hastening to join their countrymen, who were staying in a permanent garrison near Beroea and Nicopolis. At once, as timeliness of the offered opportunity demanded, Sebastianus had been directed to choose three hundred soldiers from each legion and hasten to the spot, to do, as he promised, something advantageous to the state.
11.2. Unde cum itinere edicto per tesseram Nicen venisset, quae statio ita cognominatur, relatione speculatorum didicit refertos opima barbaros praeda, a Rhodopes tractibus prope Hadrianopolim revertisse: qui motu imperatoris cum abundanti milite cognito, popularibus iungere se festinant, circa Beroeam et Nicopolim agentibus praesidiis fixis: atque ilico ut oblatae occasionis maturitas postulabat, cum trecentenis militibus per singulos numeros lectis, Sebastianus properare dispositus erat, conducens rebus publicis aliquid (ut promittebat) acturus.
11.3. He advanced by rapid marches until he was seen near Hadrianopolis, when the gates were strongly barred, and he was not allowed to approach them; for the besieged feared that he came as one who had been captured by the enemy, and won over to their side, and some harm might be caused to the city; such as had happened through the general Acacius, when the troops of Magnentius had captured him by treachery, and brought about the opening of the fastnesses of the Julian Alps.
11.3. Qui itineribus celeratis, conspectus prope Hadrianopolim, obseratis vi portis, iuxta adire prohibebatur: veritis defensoribus ne captus ab hoste veniret et subornatus, atque contingeret aliquid in civitatis perniciem, quale per Acacium acciderat comitem, quo per fraudem a Magnentiacis militibus capto, claustra patefacta sunt Alpium Iuliarum.
11.4. However, when Sebastianus was recognized, although late, and allowed to enter the city, his men were refreshed with such food and rest as were available; and on the following morning he sallied forth in secret haste. Just as evening was coming on some predatory bands of Goths suddenly came in sight near the river Hebrus, whereupon Sebastianus remained hidden for a time behind mounds and thickets; and when it was dark night he advanced with light step and fell upon them in their sleep, inflicting such a defeat upon them that all the rest perished except a few, whom swiftness of foot saved from death. He brought back countless booty, which was too great to be contained in the city and the broad plain about it.
11.4. Agnitus tamen licet sero Sebastianus, et urbem introire permissus, cibo et quiete curatis pro copia, quos ductabat, secuta luce impetu clandestino erupit, vesperaque incedente, Gothorum vastatorios cuneos prope flumen Hebrum subito visos, paulisper opertus aggeribus et frutectis, obscura nocte suspensis passibus consopitos adgressus est, adeoque prostravit, ut praeter paucos quos morte velocitas exemerat pedum, interirent reliqui omnes, praedamque retraxit innumeram, quam nec civitas cepit nec planities lata camporum.
11.5. Fritigern was greatly alarmed by this stroke, and feared lest the general, whom he had always heard to be successful, might make an unexpected attack upon his scattered and heedless bands, which were intent only upon pillage, and utterly destroy them; he therefore recalled all his men to the vicinity of the town of Cabyle and quickly left that neighbourhood, in order that his people, by living in the open plains, might not suffer from famine or from secret attacks.
11.5. Qua causa percitus Fritigernus, et extimescens, ne dux (ut saepe audierat) impetrabilis, dispersos licenter suorum globos raptuique intentos consumeret, improvises adoriens: revocatis omnibus prope Cabylen oppidum cito discessit, ut agentes in regionibus patulis nec inedia nec occultis vexarentur insidiis.
11.6. While this was going on in Thrace, Gratian, having informed his uncle by letter with what energy he had overthrown the Alamanni, sent on ahead by land all his baggage and packs, and descending the Danube with a band of light-armed troops, came to Bononia and entered Sirmium. Having delayed there for four days, he went on over the same river to the Camp of Mars, although attacked by intermittent fevers. In that region the Halani unexpectedly fell upon him, and he lost a few of his followers.
11.6. Dum haec aguntur in Thraciis, Gratianus docto litteris patruo, qua industria superaverit Alamanos, pedestri itinere praemissis impedimentis et sarcinis, ipse cum expeditiore militum manu, permeato Danubio, delatus Bononiam, Sirmium introiit, et quadriduum ibi moratus, per idem flumen ad Martis castra descendit, febribus intervallatis afflictus: in quo tractu Halanorum impetu repentino temptatus, amisit sequentium paucos.
12.1. In those same days Valens was troubled for two reasons: first, by the news that the Lentienses had been defeated; secondly, because Sebastianus wrote from time to time exaggerating his exploits. He therefore marched forth from Melanthias, being eager to do some glorious deed to equal his young nephew, whose valiant exploits consumed him with envy. He had under his command a force made up of varying elements, but one neither contemptible, nor unwarlike; for he had joined with them also a large number of veterans, among whom were other officers of high rank and Trajanus, shortly before a commander-in-chief, whom he had recalled to active service.
12.1. Eisdemque diebus exagitatus ratione gemina Valens, quod Lentienses compererat superatos, quodque Sebastianus subinde scribens facta dictis exaggerabat, e Melanthiade signa commovit, aequiperare facinore quodam egregio adulescentem properans filium fratris, cuius virtutibus urebatur: ducebatque multiplices copias, nec contemnendas nec segnes, quippe etiam veteranos eisdem iunxerat plurimos, inter quos et honoratiores alii et Traianus recinctus est, paulo ante magister armorum.
12.2. And since it was learned from careful reconnoitring that the enemy were planning with strong guards to block the roads over which the necessary supplies were being brought, he tried competently to frustrate this attempt by quickly sending an infantry troop of bowmen and a squadron of cavalry, in order to secure the advantages of the narrow passes, which were near by.
12.2. Et quoniam exploratione sollicita cognitum est cogitare hostes fortibus praesidiis itinera claudere, per quae commeatus necessarii portabantur, occursum est huic conatui competenter, ad retinendas opportunitates angustiarum, quae prope erant, peditibus sagittariis et equitum turma citius missa.
12.3. During the next three days, when the barbarians, advancing at a slow pace and through unfrequented places, since they feared a sally, were fifteen miles distant from the city, and were making for the station of Nice, through some mistake or other the emperor was assured by his skirmishers that all that part of the enemy’s horde which they had seen consisted of only ten thousand men, and carried away by a kind of rash ardour, he determined to attack them at once.
12.3. Triduoque proximo, cum barbari gradu incederent leni et metuentes eruptionem per devia, quindecim milibus passuum a civitate discreti, stationem peterent Nicen, incertum quo errore procursatoribus omnem illam multitudinis partem, quam viderant, in numero decem milium esse firmantibus, imperator procaci quodam calore perculsus eisdem occurrere festinabat.
12.4. Accordingly, advancing in square formation, he came to the vicinity of a suburb of Hadrianopolis, where he made a strong rampart of stakes, surrounded by a moat, and impatiently waited for Gratian; there he received Richomeres, general of the household troops, sent in advance by Gratian with a letter, in which he said that he himself also would soon be there.
12.4. Proinde agmine quadrato incedens, prope suburbanum Hadrianopoleos Hadrianupoleos venit, ubi vallo sudibus fossaque firmato, Gratianum impatienter operiens, Richomerem comitem domesticorum suscepit, ab eodem imperatore praemissum cum litteris, ipsum quoque venturum mox indicantibus.
12.5. Since the contents besought him to wait a while for the partner in his dangers, and not rashly to expose himself alone to serious perils, Valens called a council of various of his higher officers and considered what ought to be done.
12.5. Quarum textu oratus, ut praestolaretur paulisper periculorum participem, neve abruptis discriminibus temere semet committeret solum, adhibitis in consilium potestatibus variis, quid facto opus esset deliberabat.
12.6. And while some, influenced by Sebastianus, urged him to give battle at once, the man called Victor, a commander of cavalry, a Sarmatian by birth, but foresighted and careful, with the support of many others recommended that his imperial colleague be awaited, so that, strengthened by the addition of the Gallic army, he might the more easily crush the fiery over-confidence of the barbarians.
12.6. Et cum Sebastiano auctore quidam protinus eundum ad certamen urgerent, Victor nomine (magister equitum) Sarmata sed cunctator et cautus, eadem sentientibus multis, imperii socium exspectari censebat, ut incrementis exercitus Gallicani adscitis, opprimeretur levius tumor barbaricus flammans.
12.7. However, the fatal insistence of the emperor prevailed, supported by the flattering opinion of some of his courtiers, who urged him to make all haste in order that Gratian might not have a share in the victory which (as they represented) was already all but won.
12.7. Vicit tamen funesta principis destinatio, et adulabilis quorundam sententia regiorum, qui ne paene iam partae victoriae (ut opinabantur) consors fieret Gratianus, properari cursu celeri suadebant.
12.8. While the necessary preparations for the decisive battle were going on, a Christian presbyter (to use their own term), who had been sent by Fritigem as an envoy, in company with some humble folk came to the emperor’s camp. He was courteously received and presented a letter from the same chieftain, openly requesting that to him and his people, whom the rapid forays of savage races had made exiles from their native lands, Thrace only should be granted as a habitation, with all its flocks and crops; and they promised lasting peace if this request were granted.
12.8. Et dum necessaria parabantur ad decernendum, Christiani ritus presbyter (ut ipsi appellant), missus a Fritigerno legatus, cum aliis humilibus venit ad principis castra, susceptusque leniter, eiusdem ductoris obtulit scripta, petentis propalam ut sibi suisque, quos extorres patriis laribus rapidi ferarum gentium exegere discursus, habitanda Thracia sola cum pecore omni concederetur et frugibus: hoc impetrato, spondentis perpetuam pacem.
12.9. Besides this the aforesaid Christian, apparently a confidant and trusted friend of Fritigern, presented also a private letter of the same king, who, all too skilled in craft and in various forms of deception, informed Valens, pretending that he hoped soon to be his friend and ally, that he could not tame the savagery of his people, or entice them to adopt conditions favourable to the Roman state, unless the emperor should from time to time show them near at hand his army ready for battle, and through the fear aroused by the imperial name check their destructive eagerness for war. But as to the envoys, their sincerity was doubted, and they left without accomplishing their purpose.
12.9. Praeter haec idem Christianus, ut conscius arcanorum et fidus, secretas alias eiusdem regis obtulit litteras, qui astu et ludificandi varietate nimium sollers, docebat Valentem quasi mox amicus futurus et socius, aliter se popularium saevitiam mollire non posse vel ad condiciones rei Romanae profuturas allicere, nisi subinde armatum eisdem iuxta iaxta monstraret exercitum, et timore imperatorii nominis intentato, eos a pernicioso pugnandi revocaret ardore. Et legati quidem ut ambigui frustra habiti discesserunt.
12.10. But on the dawn of that day which is numbered in the calendar as the fifth before the Ides of August the army began its march with extreme haste, leaving all its baggage and packs near the walls of Hadrianopolis with a suitable guard of legions; for the treasury, and the insignia of imperial dignity besides, with the prefect and the emperor’s council, were kept within the circuit of the walls.
12.10. Exoriente vero aurora diei, quem quintum Iduum Augustarum numerus ostendit annalis, signa praepropere commoventur, impedimentis et sarcinis prope Hadrianopoleos muros cum legionum tutela congrua collocatis. Thesauri enim et principalis fortunae insignia cetera, cum praefecto et consistorianis ambitu moenium tenebantur.
12.11. So after hastening a long distance over rough ground, while the hot day was advancing towards noon, finally at the eighth hour they saw the wagons of the enemy, which, as the report of the scouts had declared, were arranged in the form of a perfect circle. And while the barbarian soldiers, according to their custom, uttered savage and dismal howls, the Roman leaders so drew up their line of battle that the cavalry on the right wing were first pushed forward, while the greater part of the infantry waited in reserve.
12.11. Decursis itaque viarum spatiis confragosis, cum in medium torridus procederet dies, octava tandem hora hostium carpenta cernuntur, quae ad speciem rotunditatis detornatae digesta exploratorum relatione affirmabantur. Atque (ut mos est) ululante barbara plebe ferum et triste, Romani duces aciem instruxere, et anteposito dextro cornu equitum prime, peditatus pars maxima subsidebat.
12.12. But the left wing of the horsemen (which was formed with the greatest difficulty, since very many of them were still scattered along the roads) was hastening to the spot at swift pace. And while that same wing was being extended, still without interruption, the barbarians were terrified by the awful din, the hiss of whirring arrows and the menacing clash of shields; and since a part of their forces under Alatheus and Saphrax was far away and, though sent for, had not yet returned, they sent envoys to beg for peace.
12.12. Cornu autem equitum laevum, disiectis adhuc per itinera plurimis, summa difficultate conductum, properabat passibus citis. Dumque idem cornu, nullo etiam tum interturbante, extenditur, horrendo fragore, sibilantibus armis, pulsuque minaci scutorum, territi barbari, quoniam pars eorum cum Alatheo et Saphrace, procul agens et accita, nondum venerat, oraturos pacem misere legatos.
12.13. The emperor scorned these because of their low origin, demanding for the execution of a lasting treaty that suitable chieftains be sent; meanwhile the enemy purposely delayed, in order that during the pretended truce their cavalry might return, who, they hoped, would soon make their appearance; also that our soldiers might be exposed to the fiery summer heat and exhausted by their dry throats, while the broad plains gleamed with fires, which the enemy were feeding with wood and dry fuel, for this same purpose. To that evil was added another deadly one, namely, that men and beasts were tormented by severe hunger.
12.13. Eorum dum vilitatem despicit imperator, ut firma fierent paciscenda, optimates poscens idoneos mitti, illi de industria cunctabantur, ut inter fallaces indutias equites sui redirent, quos affore iam sperabant: et miles fervore calefactus aestivo, siccis faucibus commarceret, relucente amplitudine camporum incendiis, quos lignis nutrimentisque aridis subditis, ut hoc fieret idem, hostes urebant. Cui malo aliud quoque accedebat exitiale, quod homines et iumenta cruciabat inedia gravis.
12.14. Meanwhile Fritigern, shrewd to foresee the future and fearing the uncertainty of war, on his own initiative sent one of his common soldiers as a herald, requesting that picked men of noble rank be sent to him at once as hostages and saying that he himself would fearlessly meet the threats of his soldiers and do what was necessary.
12.14. Inter quae Fritigernus, callidus futuri coniector, Martemque pertimescens ancipitem, velut caduceatorem, unum e plebe suo misit arbitrio, impetens nobiles quosdam et electos ad se prope diem obsides mitti, impavidus ipse minas militares laturus, et necessaria.
12.15. The proposal of the dreaded leader was welcome and approved, and the tribune Aequitius, then marshal of the court and a relative of Valens, with the general consent was chosen to go speedily as a surety. When he objected, on the ground that he had once been captured by the enemy but had escaped from Dibaltum, and therefore feared their unreasonable anger, Richomeres voluntarily offered his own services and gladly promised to go, thinking this also to be a fine act and worthy of a brave man. And soon he was on his way [bringing] proofs of his rank and birth.... As he was on his way to the enemy’s rampart, the archers and the targeteers, then under the command of one Bacurius of Hiberia and Cassio, had rushed forward too eagerly in hot attack, and were already engaged with their adversaries; and as their charge had been untimely, so their retreat was cowardly; and thus they gave an unfavourable omen to the beginning of the battle.
12.15. Laudato probatoque formidati ducis proposito, tribunus Aequitius, cui tunc tune erat cura palatii credita, Valentis propinquus, assentientibus cunctis ire pignoris loco mature disponitur. Quo renitente, quia semel captus ab hostibus, lapsusque a Dibalto, verebatur eorum irrationabiles motus, Richomeres se sponte obtulit propria, ireque promiserat libens, pulcrum hoc quoque facinus, et viro convenire existimans forti. Iamque pergebat, indicia dignitatis et natalium … Eo ad vallum hostile tendente, sagittarii et scutarii, quos Bacurius Hiberus quidam tunc regebat et Cassio, avidius impetu calenti progressi, iamque adversis conexi, ut immature proruperant, ita inerti discessu, primordia belli foedarunt.
12.17. This unseasonable proceeding not only thwarted the prompt action of Richomeres, who was not allowed to go at all, but also the Gothic cavalry, returning with Alatheus and Saphrax, combined with a band of the Halani, dashed out as a thunderbolt does near high mountains, and threw into confusion all those whom they could find in the way of their swift onslaught, and quickly slew them.
12.17. Hocque impedimento conatus intempestivi et Richomeris alacritas fracta est, nusquam ire permissi, et equitatus Gothorum cum Alatheo reversus et Saphrace, Halanorum manu permixta, ut fulmen prope montes celsos excussus, quoscumque accursu veloci invenire comminus potuit, incitata caede turbavit.
13.1. On every side armour and weapons clashed, and Bellona, raging with more than usual madness for the destruction of the Romans, blew her lamentable war-trumpets; our soldiers who were giving way rallied, exchanging many encouraging shouts, but the battle, spreading like flames, filled their hearts with terror, as numbers of them were pierced by strokes of whirling spears and arrows.
13.1. Cumque arma ex latere omni concuterentur et tela, lituosque Bellona luctuosos inflaret in clades Romanas solito immanius furens, cedentes nostri multis interclamantibus restiterunt, et proelium flammarum ritu accrescens, terrebat militum animos, confixis quibusdam rotatis ictibus iaculorum et sagittarum.
13.2. Then the lines dashed together like beaked ships, pushing each other back and forth in turn, and tossed about by alternate movements, like waves at sea. And because the left wing, which had made its way as far as the very wagons, and would have gone farther if it had had any support, being deserted by the rest of the cavalry, was hard pressed by the enemy’s numbers, it was crushed, and overwhelmed, as if by the downfall of a mighty rampart. The foot-soldiers thus stood unprotected, and their companies were so crowded together that hardly anyone could pull out his sword or draw back his arm. Because of clouds of dust the heavens could no longer be seen, and echoed with frightful cries. Hence the arrows whirling death from every side always found their mark with fatal effect, since they could not be seen beforehand nor guarded against.
13.2. Deinde collisae in modum rostratarum navium acies, trudentesque se vicissim, undarum specie motibus sunt reciprocis iactitatae. Et quia sinistrum cornu ad usque plaustra ipsa accessit, ultra (siqui tulissent suppetias) processurum: a reliquo equitatu desertum, multitudine hostili urgente, ac si ruina aggeris magni, oppressum atque deiectum est: steterunt improtecti pedites ita concatervatis manipulis, ut vix mucronem exserere aut manus reducere quisquam posset. Nec iam obiectu pulveris caelum patere potuit ad prospectum, clamoribus resultans horrificis. Qua causa tela undique mortem vibrantia, destinata cadebant et noxia, quod nec nee provideri poterant nec nee caveri.
13.3. But when the barbarians, pouring forth in huge hordes, trampled down horse and man, and in the press of ranks no room for retreat could be gained anywhere, and the increased crowding left no opportunity for escape, our soldiers also, showing extreme contempt of falling in the fight, received their death-blows, yet struck down their assailants; and on both sides the strokes of axes split helmet and breastplate.
13.3. Verum ubi effusi immensis agminibus barbari, iumenta conterebant et viros, et neque ad receptum confertis ordinibus laxari usquam poterat locus, et evadendi copiam constipatio densior adimebat: nostri quoque ultimo cadendi contemptu, occursantes receptis gladiis obtruncabant, et mutuis securium ictibus galeae perfringebantur atque loricae.