6. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and Caesar was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him his sons again, that he might take them home with him, as having already completed themselves in the sciences; but as soon as the young men were come from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king’s sister, and to such as had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when these came to the government, they should be punished for the wickedness they had been guilty of against their mother; so they made this very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out that they were not pleased with their father’s company, because he had put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear to converse with their mother’s murderer. Now, by carrying these stories; that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only built on probabilities as to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief, and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he had before borne to them; for they did not say these things to him openly, but scattered abroad such words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural affection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet was the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural affection of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay under. So he respected them as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome’s daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.
6. Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ καὶ τὸν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν πλοῦν ἐποιήσατο Καίσαρί τε συντυχεῖν ὁρμηθεὶς καὶ θεάσασθαι τοὺς παῖδας ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διατρίβοντας. Καῖσαρ δὲ τά τε ἄλλα φιλοφρόνως αὐτὸν ἐξεδέξατο καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ὡς ἤδη τελειωθέντας ἐν τοῖς μαθήμασιν ἀπέδωκεν ἄγειν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. ὡς δʼ ἧκον ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας, σπουδὴ περὶ τὰ μειράκια τῶν ὄχλων ἦν, καὶ περίοπτοι πᾶσιν ἐγεγόνεισαν τῷ τε μεγέθει τῆς περὶ αὐτοὺς τύχης κοσμούμενοι καὶ βασιλικοῦ κατὰ τὰς μορφὰς ἀξιώματος οὐκ ἀποδέοντες. ἐπίφθονοί τε εὐθέως ἐδόκουν Σαλώμῃ τε τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφῇ καὶ τοῖς Μαριάμμην ταῖς διαβολαῖς κατηγωνισμένοις· οὗτοι γὰρ ᾤοντο δυναστευόντων αὐτῶν δίκην δώσειν τῶν εἰς τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἐκείνων παρανομηθέντων. τὴν αὐτὴν οὖν ταύτην ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ δέους εἰς τὴν κατʼ ἐκείνων διαβολὴν μετέφερον λογοποιοῦντες οὐ καθʼ ἡδονὰς συνεῖναι τῷ πατρὶ διὰ τὸν τῆς μητρὸς θάνατον, ὡς μηδὲ ὅσιον εἶναι δοκεῖν ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν συνιέναι τῷ τῆς τεκούσης φονεῖ· ταῦτα γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπὶ τὸ πιθανὸν τῆς αἰτίας φέροντες κακοῦν ἐδύναντο καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ἧς εἶχεν εἰς τοὺς παῖδας ἀφαιρεῖν· οὐδὲ γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄντικρυς ἔλεγον, ἀλλʼ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἐσκόρπιζον τοὺς τοιούτους λόγους· ἐξ οὗ πρὸς τὸν Ἡρώδην ἀναφερομένων ὑποκατεσκευάζετο μῖσος οὐδʼ αὐτῇ τῇ φύσει χρόνῳ νικώμενον. ἐν μέντοι τῷ τότε πάσης ὑποψίας καὶ διαβολῆς μείζονι χρώμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῇ τοῦ γεγεννηκέναι φιλοστοργίᾳ καὶ τιμῆς ἧς ἔδει μετεδίδου καὶ γυναῖκας ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γεγονόσιν ἐζεύγνυεν, Ἀριστοβούλῳ μὲν τὴν Σαλώμης θυγατέρα Βερενίκην, Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τὴν Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Καππαδόκων βασιλέως Γλαφύραν.
12. WHEN Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend. This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea; whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he had built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that the season of the year made him make haste away; for as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again to Ionia.
12. Ταῦτα διοικήσας, ἐπειδὴ καὶ Μᾶρκον Ἀγρίππαν ἐπύθετο καταπεπλευκέναι πάλιν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ἐπειχθεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἠξίωσεν εἴς τε τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ παρελθεῖν καὶ τυχεῖν ὧν ἔδει παρὰ ἀνδρὸς ξένου καὶ φίλου. κἀκεῖνος μὲν εἴξας λιπαρῶς ἐγκειμένου ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν, Ἡρώδης δὲ οὐδὲν ἀρεσκείας ἀπέλιπεν ἔν τε ταῖς νεοκτίστοις πόλεσιν ὑποδεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ μετὰ τοῦ τὰς κατασκευὰς ἐπιδεικνύναι πᾶσαν ἀπόλαυσιν διαίτης καὶ πολυτελείας ἐξαλλάττων αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἔν τε τῇ Σεβαστῇ καὶ Καισαρείᾳ περὶ τὸν λιμένα τὸν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κατεσκευασμένον κἀν τοῖς ἐρύμασιν, ἃ πολλαῖς δαπάναις ἐξῳκοδόμησεν, τό τε Ἀλεξάνδρειον καὶ Ἡρώδειον καὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν. ἦγεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν πόλιν τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν ὑπαντῶντός τε τοῦ δήμου παντὸς ἐν ἑορτώδει στολῇ καὶ δεχομένου τὸν ἄνδρα σὺν εὐφημίαις. Ἀγρίππας δὲ τῷ θεῷ μὲν ἑκατόμβην κατέθυσεν, ἑστιᾷ δὲ τὸν δῆμον οὐδενὸς τῶν μεγίστων πλήθει λειπόμενον. αὐτὸς δὲ ὅσον ἐπὶ τῷ καθʼ ἡδονὴν κἂν ἔτι πλείους ἐπιμείνας ἡμέρας διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἠπείγετο· τὸν γὰρ πλοῦν ἐπιβαίνοντος τοῦ χειμῶνος οὐκ ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφαλῆ κομιζομένῳ πάλιν ἐξ ἀνάγκης εἰς τὴν Ἰωνίαν.
16. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when he had passed the winter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the Bosptiorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore; so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and was very large and fine building, so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments. And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came up with him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of the king’s kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his assistance, and had left the government of his own dominions, and thought it more worth his while to come to him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they stood in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things so about, that the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the king was of great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good; for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar’s procurators, and discharged them of their tributes; and helped all others, according as their several necessities required.
16. Ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ἀπέπλει πολλαῖς αὐτὸν δωρεαῖς τετιμηκότος Ἡρώδου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς χειμάσας ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις ἔαρος ἠπείγετο συντυχεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν εἰς Βόσπορον εἰδὼς στρατείαν προηγούμενον. καὶ πλεύσας διὰ Ῥόδου καὶ Κῶ προσέσχεν, περὶ Λέσβον οἰόμενος ἐπικαταλήψεσθαι τὸν Ἀγρίππαν. ἐκεῖ δʼ αὐτὸν ἀπολαμβάνει πνεῦμα βόρειον εἶργον τὴν ἀναγωγὴν τῶν νεῶν. ὁ δʼ ἐπιδιέτριβεν ἡμέρας πλείους ἐν τῇ Χίῳ καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν προσιόντων αὐτῷ δεξιούμενος ἀνελάμβανεν βασιλικαῖς δωρεαῖς, αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἰδὼν πεπτωκυῖαν στοάν, ἣν ἐν τῷ Μιθριδατικῷ πολέμῳ καθαιρεθεῖσαν οὐχ ὥσπερ τὰ ἄλλα διὰ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος ἀναστῆναι ῥᾴδιον ἦν, χρήματα δοὺς ὅσα μὴ μόνον ἐπαρκεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ περιττεύειν ἐδύνατο πρὸς τὴν συντέλειαν τοῦ κατασκευάσματος, ἐνετέλλετο μὴ περιορᾶν, ἀλλὰ θᾶττον ἐγείρειν ἀποκαθιστάντας τῇ πόλει τὸν ἴδιον κόσμον. αὐτὸς δὲ λήξαντος τοῦ πνεύματος εἰς Μιτυλήνην κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Βυζάντιον παρακομισθείς, ὡς ἤκουσεν ἐντὸς Κυανέων ἤδη πεπλευκέναι τὸν Ἀγρίππαν, μετέσπευδεν ὡς ἐνῆν. καὶ περὶ Σινώπην τὴν ἐν Πόντῳ καταλαβὼν ἀπροσδόκητος μὲν ὤφθη ταῖς ναυσὶ προσπλέων, ἄσμενος δὲ ἐφάνη πολλαί τε φιλοφρονήσεις ἦσαν, ἅτε καὶ μεγίστην πίστιν εἰληφέναι δοκοῦντος εὐνοίας καὶ φιλοστοργίας τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν Ἀγρίππου, τοσοῦτον μὲν πλοῦν ἀνύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως, οὐκ ἀπολειφθέντος δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου χρείας, ἣν μετὰ τοῦ καταλιπεῖν ἀρχὴν καὶ διοίκησιν οἰκείων πραγμάτων προυργιαιτέραν ἔθετο. πᾶν γοῦν ἦν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν Ἡρώδης, ἔν τε τοῖς πραγματικοῖς συναγωνιστὴς κἀν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος σύμβουλος, ἡδὺς δὲ κἀν ταῖς ἀνέσεσι καὶ μόνος ἁπάντων κοινωνὸς ὀχληρῶν μὲν διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν, ἡδέων δὲ διὰ τὴν τιμήν. ὡς δʼ αὐτοῖς κατείργαστο καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν Πόντον, ὧν ἕνεκεν Ἀγρίππας ἐστάλη, τὴν ἀνακομιδὴν οὐκέτʼ ἐδόκει ποιεῖσθαι πλέουσιν, ἀλλὰ διαμειψάμενοι τήν τε Παφλαγονίαν καὶ Καππαδοκίαν κἀκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας ὁδεύσαντες εἰς Ἔφεσον ἀφίκοντο, πάλιν δὲ ἐξ Ἐφέσου διέπλευσαν εἰς Σάμον. πολλαὶ μὲν οὖν καὶ κατὰ πόλιν ἑκάστην εὐεργεσίαι τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὰς χρείας τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ἐγένοντο· καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ὅσα διὰ χρημάτων ἦν ηπίξεως οὐ παρέλειπεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὰς δαπάνας ποιούμενος καὶ τῶν παρὰ Ἀγρίππα τισὶν ἐπιζητουμένων μεσίτης ἦν καὶ διεπράττετο μηδενὸς ἀτυχῆσαι τοὺς δεομένους. ὄντος δὲ κἀκείνου χρηστοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψύχου πρὸς τὸ παρέχειν ὅσα τοῖς ἠξιωκόσιν ὠφέλιμα ὄντα μηδένα τῶν ἄλλων ἐλύπει, πλεῖστον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐποίει ῥοπὴ προτρέπουσα πρὸς τὰς εὐεργεσίας οὐ βραδύνοντα τὸν Ἀγρίππαν. Ἰλιεῦσι μέν γε αὐτὸν διήλλαξεν, διέλυσεν δὲ Χίοις τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Καίσαρος ἐπιτρόπους χρήματα καὶ τῶν εἰσφορῶν ἀπήλλαξεν, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις καθὸ δεηθεῖεν ἕκαστοι παρίστατο.
27. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. When this clamor was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows:
27. Τότε δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν αὐτῶν γενομένων πολὺ πλῆθος Ἰουδαίων, ὃ τὰς πόλεις ᾤκει, προσῄει καιροῦ καὶ παρρησίας ἐπειλημμένοι, καὶ τὰς ἐπηρείας ἔλεγον, ἃς ἐπηρεάζοντο μήτε νόμοις οἰκείοις ἐώμενοι χρῆσθαι δίκας τε ἀναγκαζόμενοι διδόναι κατʼ ἐπήρειαν τῶν εὐθυνόντων ἐν ἱεραῖς ἡμέραις, καὶ τῶν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα χρημάτων ἀνατιθεμένων ἀφαιροῖντο στρατειῶν καὶ λειτουργιῶν ἀναγκαζόμενοι κοινωνεῖν καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα δαπανᾶν τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων, ὧν ἀφείθησαν αἰεὶ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρεψάντων κατὰ τοὺς οἰκείους ζῆν νόμους. τοιαῦτα καταβοώντων παρεστήσατο μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκοῦσαι τὸν Ἀγρίππαν αὐτῶν δικαιολογουμένων, Νικόλαον δέ τινα τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων ἔδωκεν εἰπεῖν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τὰ δίκαια. τοῦ δὲ Ἀγρίππου Ῥωμαίων τε τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν τοὺς παρόντας αὐτῷ συνέδρους ποιησαμένου καταστὰς ὁ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔλεξεν·
31. “It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complainants, they approach you with great assurance; for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers; for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace]; and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also; which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us; for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred; for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you. And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy; and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king’s disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.”
31. Ἅπασι μὲν, ὦ μέγιστε Ἀγρίππα, τοῖς ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένοις ἀνάγκη καταφεύγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφελέσθαι τὰς ἐπηρείας αὐτῶν δυνησομένους, τοῖς δὲ νῦν ἐντυγχάνουσιν καὶ παρρησία· τυχόντες γὰρ πρότερον ὑμῶν οἵους ηὔξαντο πολλάκις, τὸ μὴ τὰς χάριτας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι διʼ ὑμῶν αἰτοῦνται τῶν δεδωκότων, καὶ ταῦτα εἰληφότες μὲν αὐτὰς παρὰ τούτων, οἷς μόνοις διδόναι δύναμις, ἀφαιρούμενοι δʼ ὑπʼ οὐδενὸς κρείττονος, ἀλλʼ οὓς ἴσον ἔχειν αὐτοῖς ἀρχομένους ὁμοίως ὑμῶν ἴσασιν. καίτοι γε εἴτε μεγάλων ἠξιώθησαν, ἔπαινός ἐστιν τῶν τετυχηκότων ὅτι τοσούτων παρέσχον αὑτοὺς ἀξίους, εἴτε μικρῶν, αἰσχρὸν μὴ καὶ ταῦτα βεβαιοῦν δεδωκότας. οἵ γε μὴν ἐμποδὼν ὄντες καὶ πρὸς ἐπήρειαν χρώμενοι Ἰουδαίοις εὔδηλον ὡς ἄμφω ἀδικοῦσιν, τοὺς εἰληφότας, εἰ μὴ νομίζοιεν ἀγαθοὺς οἷς οἱ κρατοῦντες ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐν τῷ καὶ τοιαῦτα δεδωκέναι, καὶ τοὺς δεδωκότας, εἰ τὰς χάριτας αὐτῶν ἀβεβαίους ἀξιοῦσιν γενέσθαι. εἰ δέ τις αὐτοὺς ἔροιτο δύο τούτων θάτερον ἐθέλοιεν ἂν ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τὸ ζῆν ἢ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη τὰς πομπὰς τὰς θυσίας τὰς ἑορτάς, ἃς τοῖς νομιζομένοις προσάγουσι θεοῖς, εὖ οἶδʼ, ὅτι πάντα μᾶλλον αἱρήσονται παθεῖν ἢ καταλῦσαί τι τῶν πατρίων· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς πολέμους οἱ πολλοὶ διὰ ταῦτα αἱροῦνται φυλαττόμενοι μὴ παραβαίνειν αὐτά, καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν, ἣν νῦν τὸ σύμπαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος διʼ ὑμᾶς ἔχει, τούτῳ μετροῦμεν τῷ ἐξεῖναι κατὰ χώραν ἑκάστοις τὰ οἰκεῖα τιμῶσιν αὔξειν καὶ διαζῆν. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἂν αὐτοὶ παθεῖν ἑλόμενοι βιάζονται δρᾶν κατʼ ἄλλων ὥσπερ οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀσεβοῦντες, εἴτε τῶν οἰκείων εἰς θεοὺς ὁσίων ἀμελοῖεν, εἴτε τὰ οἰκεῖα τισὶν ἀνοσίως καταλύοιεν. τόδʼ ἕτερον δʼ ἤδη σκοπήσομεν· ἔστι τις δῆμος ἢ πόλις ἢ κοινὸν ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων, οἷς οὐ μέγιστον ἀγαθῶν πέφυκε προστασία τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν κράτος; ἐθέλοι δʼ ἄν τις ἀκύρους τὰς ἐντεῦθεν εἶναι χάριτας; οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ μαινόμενος· οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰσὶν οἱ μὴ μετέχοντες αὐτῶν ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ. καὶ μὴν οἱ τινὰς ὧν ὑμεῖς ἔδοτε παραιρούμενοι βέβαιον οὐδʼ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ὧν διʼ ὑμᾶς ἔχουσιν ὑπολείπονται. καίτοι τὰς μὲν τούτων χάριτας οὐδὲ μετρῆσαι δυνατόν ἐστιν· εἰ γὰρ ἐκλογίσαιντο τὴν πάλαι βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν νῦν ἀρχήν, πολλῶν ὄντων ὅσα πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπέδωκεν, ἔτι κατὰ πάντων ἀρκεῖ τὸ μηκέτι δούλους ἀλλʼ ἐλευθέρους φαίνεσθαι. τὰ δʼ ἡμέτερα καὶ λαμπρῶς πραττόντων οὐκ ἔστιν ἐπίφθονα· διʼ ὑμᾶς γὰρ καὶ μετὰ πάντων εὐτυχοῦμεν καὶ τούτου μόνου μετέχειν ἠξιώσαμεν, ἀκωλύτως τὴν πάτριον εὐσέβειαν διαφυλάττειν, ὃ καὶ καθʼ αὑτὸ δόξειεν οὐκ ἐπίφθονον καὶ πρὸς τῶν συγχωρούντων εἶναι· τὸ γὰρ θεῖον, εἰ χαίρει τιμώμενον, χαίρει τοῖς ἐπιτρέπουσι τιμᾶν, ἐθῶν τε τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀπάνθρωπον μὲν οὐδέν ἐστιν, εὐσεβῆ δὲ πάντα καὶ τῇ συνήθει δικαιοσύνῃ συγκαθωσιωμένα. καὶ οὔτε ἀποκρυπτόμεθα τὰ παραγγέλματα, οἷς χρώμεθα πρὸς τὸν βίον ὑπομνήμασιν τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, τήν τε ἑβδόμην τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνίεμεν τῇ μαθήσει τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμου, μελέτην ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς καὶ τούτων ἀξιοῦντες εἶναι διʼ ὧν οὐχ ἁμαρτησόμεθα. καλὰ μὲν οὖν, ἐὰν ἐξετάζῃ τις καὶ καθʼ αὑτὰ τὰ ἔθη, παλαιὰ δʼ ἡμῖν, κἂν μή τισιν δοκῇ, ὥστʼ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ τοῦ χρόνου τιμητὸν δυσαποδίδακτον εἶναι τοῖς ὁσίως παρειληφόσιν καὶ διαφυλάττουσιν. τούτων ἡμᾶς ἀφαιροῦνται κατʼ ἐπήρειαν, χρήματα μὲν ἃ τῷ θεῷ συμφέρομεν ἐπώνυμα διαφθείροντες καὶ φανερῶς ἱεροσυλοῦντες, τέλη δʼ ἐπιτιθέντες κἀν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἄγοντες ἐπὶ δικαστήρια καὶ πραγματείας ἄλλας, οὐ κατὰ χρείαν τῶν συναλλαγμάτων, ἀλλὰ κατʼ ἐπήρειαν τῆς θρησκείας, ἣν συνίσασιν ἡμῖν, μῖσος οὐ δίκαιον οὐδʼ αὐτεξούσιον αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες. ἡ γὰρ ὑμετέρα κατὰ πάντων ἀρχὴ γενομένη μία τὴν μὲν εὔνοιαν ἐνεργὸν τὴν δὲ δύσνοιαν ἄνεργον ποιεῖ τοῖς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀντʼ ἐκείνου προαιρουμένοις. ταῦτʼ οὖν ἀξιοῦμεν, ὦ μέγιστε Ἀγρίππα, μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν μηδʼ ἐπηρεάζεσθαι μηδὲ κωλύεσθαι τοῖς ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἡμετέροις μηδʼ ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τῶν ὄντων μηδʼ ἃ μὴ βιαζόμεθα τούτους ὑπὸ τούτων βιάζεσθαι· καὶ γὰρ οὐ δίκαια μόνον ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑφʼ ὑμῶν δεδομένα πρότερον. ἔτι καὶ δυναίμεθʼ ἂν πολλὰ δόγματα τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ κειμένας δέλτους ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀναγινώσκειν, ἃ δῆλον μὲν ὡς μετὰ πεῖραν τῆς ἡμετέρας εἰς ὑμᾶς πίστεως ἐδόθη, κύρια δὲ κἂν εἰ μηδενὸς ὕπαρξιν ἐχαρίσασθε. σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐ μόνοις ἡμῖν ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις τὰ μὲν ὄντα φυλάξαντες, μείζω δὲ τῶν ἐλπισθέντων προσθέντες εὐεργετεῖτε τῷ κρατεῖν, καὶ δύναιτʼ ἄν τις ἐπεξιὼν τὰς ἑκάστων εὐτυχίας, ἃς διʼ ὑμῶν ἔχουσιν, ἀπερίληπτον ποιῆσαι τὸν λόγον. ἵνα μέντοι καὶ δικαίως ἁπάντων αὐτῶν τυγχάνοντας ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιδείξωμεν, ἀρκεῖ πρὸς παρρησίαν ἡμῖν τὰ πρότερον σιωπήσασιν τὸν βασιλεύοντα νῦν ἡμῶν καὶ σοὶ παρακαθεζόμενον εἰπεῖν. ᾧ ποία μὲν εὔνοια πρὸς τὸν ὑμέτερον οἶκον παραλέλειπται; ποία δὲ πίστις ἐνδεής ἐστιν; τίς δὲ οὐ νενόηται τιμή; ποία δὲ χρεία μὴ εἰς πρῶτον ὁρᾷ; τί δὴ κωλύει καὶ τὰς ἡμετέρας χάριτας τῶν εἰς τοσούτων εὐεργεσιῶν ἀριθμὸν εἶναι; καλὸν δʼ ἴσως μηδὲ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς Ἀντιπάτρου παραλιπεῖν ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀμνημόνευτον, ὃς εἰς Αἴγυπτον εἰσβεβληκότος Καίσαρος δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις βοηθήσας οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ γῆν ἀγῶσιν οὔθʼ ὅτε νεῶν ἔδει δεύτερος ἐξητάζετο. καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν, ὅσην ἐκεῖνοι παρέσχον ῥοπὴν τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ πόσων καὶ τίνων δωρεῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἠξιώθησαν καθʼ ἕνα, δέον ἀναμνῆσαι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν, ἃς ἔγραψεν τότε Καῖσαρ τῇ συγκλήτῳ, καὶ ὡς δημοσίᾳ τιμὰς καὶ πολιτείαν ἔλαβεν Ἀντίπατρος; ἀρκέσει γὰρ ταῦτα τὰ τεκμήρια τοῦ καὶ τὰς χάριτας ἡμᾶς κατʼ ἀξίαν ἔχειν καὶ παρὰ σοῦ τὸ βέβαιον αὐτῶν αἰτεῖν, παρʼ οὗ καὶ μὴ πρότερον δοθείσας ἦν ἐλπίσαι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς ὑμᾶς διάθεσιν καὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁρῶσιν. ἀπαγγέλλεται δʼ ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ Ἰουδαίων, ὡς μὲν ἐπέβης τῆς χώρας εὐμενής, ὡς δὲ ἀπέδωκας τῷ θεῷ τέλεια θύματα τιμῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τελείαις εὐχαῖς, ὡς δὲ τὸν δῆμον εἱστίασας καὶ τὰ παρʼ ἐκείνου ξένια προσήκω. ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα καὶ ἔθνει καὶ πόλει πρὸς ἄνδρα τοσούτων ἐπιστατοῦντα πραγμάτων δεξιώματα καὶ σύμβολα φιλίας χρὴ δοκεῖν, ἣν ἀπέδωκας τῷ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνει τῆς Ἡρώδου προξενούσης αὐτὴν ἑστίας. τούτων ὑπομιμνήσκοντές σε καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ παρόντος καὶ συγκαθεζομένου βασιλέως ἠξιώκαμεν περιττὸν οὐδέν, ἃ δʼ αὐτοὶ δεδώκατε ταῦθʼ ὑπʼ ἄλλων μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀφαιρουμένους.
58. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod’s good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly; upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.
58. Τοιαῦτα μὲν τοῦ Νικολάου διελθόντος ἐγένετο οὐδεμία τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀντικατάστασις· οὐδὲ γὰρ ὡς ἐν δικαστηρίῳ περὶ τῶν προκειμένων διελάμβανον, ἀλλʼ ἦν ἔντευξις ὧν ἐβιάζοντο. κἀκείνων ἀπολογία μὲν οὐδεμία τοῦ μὴ ταῦτα ποιεῖν, πρόφασις δέ, ὡς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν νεμόμενοι πάντα νῦν ἀδικοῖεν. οἱ δὲ ἐγγενεῖς τε αὑτοὺς ἐδείκνυσαν κἀν τῷ τὰ οἰκεῖα τιμᾶν μηδὲν λυποῦντες οἰκεῖν. συνιδὼν οὖν Ἀγρίππας βιαζομένους ἀπεκρίνατο ταῦτα· διὰ μὲν τὴν Ἡρώδου πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιάν τε καὶ φιλίαν ἕτοιμος εἶναι πᾶν ὁτιοῦν χαρίζεσθαι Ἰουδαίοις, ἃ δὲ ἀξιοῦσιν καὶ καθʼ αὑτὰ δίκαια δοκεῖν· ὥστʼ, εἰ μὲν ἐδέοντο καὶ πλειόνων, οὐκ ἂν ὀκνῆσαι τά γε μὴ λυποῦντα τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν παρασχεῖν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἃ καὶ πρότερον εἰλήφασιν ἄκυρα μὴ γενέσθαι, βεβαιοῦν αὐτοῖς ἀνεπηρεάστοις ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις διατελεῖν ἔθεσιν. τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν διέλυε τὸν σύλλογον. Ἡρώδης δὲ προσεστὼς κατησπάζετο καὶ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν διαθέσεως ὡμολόγει χάριν. ὁ δὲ καὶ εἰς ταῦτα φιλοφρονούμενος ἴσον αὑτὸν παρεῖχεν ἀντεμπλεκόμενος καὶ κατασπαζόμενος. καὶ τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν· ἀπὸ δὲ Σάμου πλεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπʼ οἴκου διέγνω καὶ τὸν Ἀγρίππαν παραιτησάμενος ἀνήχθη, κατάγεται δʼ εἰς Καισάρειαν οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις πνευμάτων ἐπιτηδείων τυχών. κἀκεῖθεν ἐλθὼν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα συνήγαγεν ἐκκλησίαν πάνδημον· ἦν δὲ πολὺς κἀκ τῆς χώρας ὄχλος. ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν ἀπολογισμόν τε τῆς ὅλης ἐκδημίας ἐποιήσατο καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους, ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἦσαν, ὡς διʼ αὐτὸν ἀνεπηρεάστως εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν διηγήσατο. τό τε σύμπαν ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐτυχίαις καὶ τῇ διοικήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς [ὡς] οὐδενὸς παραλείποιτο τῶν ἐκείνοις συμφερόντων, ἀγαλλόμενος τὸ τέταρτον τῶν φόρων ἀφίησιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ παρεληλυθότος ἔτους. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τῇ χάριτι δεδημαγωγημένοι μετὰ πλείστης χαρᾶς ἀπῄεσαν πολλὰ ἀγαθὰ συνευχόμενοι τῷ βασιλεῖ.
66. BUT now the affairs in Herod’s family were in more and more disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne]; and as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavor that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affectation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed; and they east reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now as for this hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred was different; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence to their father; for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that might at length exceed all bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their father, though it were by despatching him with their own hands. At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of their own conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed was truly such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers, and to be partakers with them.
66. Προύβαινε δʼ ἀεὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν στάσιν τῆς οἰκίας καὶ χαλεπωτέραν ἐλάμβανε τὴν ἐπίδοσιν, ἀντιμεταλαβούσης μὲν ὥσπερ ἐκ κληρονομίας τὸ κατὰ τῶν νεανίσκων μῖσος τῆς Σαλώμης καὶ πᾶν ὅσον εὐδοκιμήκει κατὰ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν καὶ θράσος λαμβανούσης μηδένα τῶν ἐξ ἐκείνης καταλιπεῖν, ὃς δυνήσεται τιμωρῆσαι τῷ θανάτῳ τῆς διʼ αὐτὴν ἀνῃρημένης, ἐχόντων δέ τι καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων θρασὺ καὶ δύσνουν εἰς τὸν γεγεννηκότα μνήμῃ τε τῆς μητρὸς οἷα πάθοι παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν καὶ τῇ τοῦ κρατεῖν ἐπιθυμίᾳ. πάλιν τε τὸ κακὸν ὅμοιον ἐγεγόνει τοῖς πρώτοις, βλασφημίαι μὲν ἐξ ἐκείνων εἴς τε τὴν Σαλώμην καὶ τὸν Φερώραν, κακοήθειαι δὲ τούτων εἰς τὰ μειράκια καὶ μετὰ πραγματείας ἐπιβουλή· τὸ μὲν γὰρ μῖσος ἴσον ἦν ἐξ ἀλλήλων, ὁ δὲ τρόπος τοῦ μισεῖν οὐχ ὅμοιος· ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐν τῷ φανερῷ λοιδορηθῆναι καὶ προσονειδίσαι προπετεῖς εὐγενὲς ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπειρίας οἰόμενοι τὸ τῆς ὀργῆς ἀνυπόστολον, οἱ δʼ οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ἀλλὰ πραγματικῶς καὶ κακοήθως ἐχρῶντο ταῖς διαβολαῖς, προέλκοντες ἀεὶ τὰ μειράκια καὶ τὸ θρασὺ καταλογιζόμενοι βίαιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸν γεγεννηκότα. τὸ γὰρ οὐκ αἰδεῖσθαι ταῖς τῆς μητρὸς ἁμαρτίαις οὐδʼ οἴεσθαι δίκαια παθεῖν ἐκείνην ἄσχετον εἶναι πρὸς τὸ μὴ τὸν αἴτιον δοκοῦντα τιμωρήσεσθαι καὶ διʼ αὐτοχειρίας. τέλος οὖν ἀνεπλήσθη πᾶσα ἡ πόλις τῶν τοιούτων λόγων καὶ καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς ἀγωνίσμασιν ἠλεεῖτο μὲν ἡ τῶν μειρακίων ἀπειρία, κατίσχυεν δὲ ἡ τῆς Σαλώμης ἐπιμέλεια καὶ παρʼ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων τὰς ἀφορμὰς τοῦ μὴ ψευδῆ λέγειν ἐλάμβανεν. οἱ γὰρ οὕτως ἀχθόμενοι τῷ θανάτῳ τῆς μητρός, ἐπειδὴ κἀκείνην καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κακῶς ἔλεγεν, ἐφιλονείκουν ἐλεεινὴν μέν, ὥσπερ ἦν, ἀποφαίνειν τὴν καταστροφὴν τῆς μητρός, ἐλεεινοὺς δὲ αὐτούς, οἳ τοῖς ἐκείνης φονεῦσιν ἀναγκάζονται συζῆν καὶ τῶν αὐτῶν μεταλαμβάνειν.
73. These disorders increased greatly, and the king’s absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fill words immediately as if he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly threatened that they would not spare him any longer, but revenge their mother’s death upon him. They also added another circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse their father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier and greater than those that were past, he was in great confusion of mind; for Divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family, though he had, for a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.
73. Ταῦτα προῄει μειζόνως καιρὸν ἐχούσης τῆς στάσεως ἐν ἀποδημίᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως. ὡς δʼ ἐπανῆλθεν Ἡρώδης καὶ τῷ πλήθει διελέξατο, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν, προσέπιπτον εὐθὺς οἱ λόγοι παρά τε τοῦ Φερώρα καὶ τῆς Σαλώμης μέγαν αὐτῷ τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι τὸν παρὰ τῶν νεανίσκων ἀνάφανδα διαπειλουμένων, ὡς οὐκ ἀνέξονται μὴ τισάμενοι τῆς μητρὸς τὸν φόνον. προσετίθεσαν δʼ ἔτι καὶ ὡς ταῖς παρʼ Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Καππάδοκος ἐλπίσιν ἐπανέχοιεν, ὡς διʼ ἐκείνου πρός τε Καίσαρα ἀφιξόμενοι καὶ κατηγορήσοντες τοῦ πατρός. Ἡρώδης δὲ ἐτετάρακτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀκούσας τοιούτων, ἐξεπέπληκτο δὲ μᾶλλον, ὅτι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινὲς ἀπήγγελλον, ἀνέκαμπτε τῇ συμφορᾷ τά τε πρῶτα καταλογιζόμενος ὡς οὔτε τῶν φιλτάτων οὔτε τῆς στεργομένης αὐτῷ γυναικὸς ὤνατο διὰ τὰς ἐγγινομένας ταραχὰς κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν, τό τε μᾶλλον τοῦ προσπεπτωκότος ἤδη βαρὺ καὶ μεῖζον ἐκείνων ὑπολαμβάνων ἐν συγχύσει τῆς ψυχῆς ἦν. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι πλεῖστα μὲν καὶ παρʼ ἐλπίδας τῶν ἔξωθεν εἰς εὐτυχίαν αὐτῷ τὸ δαιμόνιον προσετίθει, μέγιστα δὲ τῶν οἴκοι καὶ μηδὲ προσδοκώμενα δυστυχεῖν αὐτῷ συνέβαινεν, ἑκατέρου προϊόντος ὡς οὐκ ἄν τις ᾠήθη καὶ παρέχοντος ἀμφήριστον τὴν ὑπερβολήν, εἰ δέον τὴν τοσαύτην εὐτυχίαν τῶν ἔξωθεν πραγμάτων ἀλλάξασθαι τῶν οἴκοι κακῶν, ἢ τοιοῦτο μέγεθος τῶν περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους συμφορῶν διαφυγεῖν ἐν τῷ μηδὲ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας θαυμαζόμενα κεκτῆσθαι.
78. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him when he was a private man; his name was Antipater; yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his so, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs [he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these to be of a better disposition; but the event proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as if those discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which from various foundations supported one another’s veracity, the young men themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also; for they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased the honor that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had finished his ten years’ government in Asia. Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Caesar’s friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father’s favor, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom.
78. Ταρασσόμενος δὲ καὶ διακείμενος τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει τῶν μειρακίων ἕτερον αὐτῷ γενόμενον ἰδιωτεύοντι παῖδα προσήγετο καὶ τοῦτον ἐδόκει τιμᾶν, ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Ἀντίπατρος, οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν ὑστέρῳ καὶ τελέως ἡττηθεὶς αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντʼ εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀναφέρων, οἰόμενος δὲ παραιρήσεσθαι τοῦ θράσους τοὺς ἐκ Μαριάμμης καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς νουθεσίαν τὴν ἐκείνων οἰκονομῶν αὐτό. τὸ γὰρ αὔθαδες οὐκ ἂν [εἴη] παρʼ αὐτοῖς, εἰ τοῦτο πεισθεῖεν, ὅτι μὴ μόνοις μηδʼ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἡ διαδοχὴ τῆς βασιλείας ὀφείλεται. διὸ καὶ καθάπερ ἔφεδρόν τινα τὸν Ἀντίπατρον εἰσῆγεν οἰόμενος ὀρθῶς προνοεῖν καὶ κατασταλέντων τῶν μειρακίων ἐξεῖναι εὐκαίρως χρῆσθαι βελτίοσιν. τὸ δʼ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐνόησεν ἀπέβη· τοῖς τε γὰρ παισὶν οὐ μετρίως ἐδόκει κεχρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπηρείᾳ, καὶ δεινὸς ὢν τὸν τρόπον Ἀντίπατρος, ἐπειδὴ παρρησίας τινὸς τῆς οὐ πρότερον οὔσης ἐλπίδος ἀντεποιήσατο, μίαν ἔσχεν ὑπόθεσιν κακοῦ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς μὴ παραχωρεῖν τῶν πρωτείων, ἀλλʼ ἔχεσθαι τοῦ πατρός, ἤδη μὲν ἠλλοτριωμένου ταῖς διαβολαῖς, εὐμεταχειρίστου δʼ ὄντος εἰς ὅπερ ἐσπουδάκει, πολὺ χαλεπώτερον ἀεὶ γενέσθαι τοῖς διαβεβλημένοις. ἦσαν οὖν οὐ παρʼ αὐτοῦ μόνου οἱ λόγοι φυλαττομένου διʼ αὑτοῦ δόξαι τὰ τοιαῦτα καταμηνύειν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἐχρῆτο συνεργοῖς τοῖς ἀνυπόπτοις καὶ διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν τὴν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πιστευθησομένοις αὐτὸ ποιεῖν. ἤδη δὲ πλείους ἐγεγόνεισαν οἱ κἀκεῖνον ἐφʼ οἷς ἠλπίκει θεραπεύοντες καὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην ἐκ τοῦ δοκεῖν κατʼ εὔνοιαν τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγειν ὑπαγόμενοι. καὶ τούτων πολυπροσώπως καὶ πιστῶς ἀλλήλοις συναγωνιζομένων ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον αἱ παρὰ τῶν μειρακίων ἀφορμαὶ προσεγίνοντο· καὶ γὰρ καὶ δάκρυα πολλάκις ἦν κατʼ ἐπήρειαν ὧν ἠτιμάζοντο καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀνάκλησις καὶ τὸν πατέρα φανερῶς ἤδη πρὸς τοὺς φίλους οὐ δίκαιον ἐλέγχειν ἐπετήδευον, ἅπερ ἅπαντα κακοήθως ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καιροφυλακούμενα καὶ μειζόνως πρὸς τὸν Ἡρώδην ἐξαγγελλόμενα προύβαινεν οὐ μικρὰν ἀπεργαζόμενα τὴν τῆς οἰκίας στάσιν. ἀχθόμενος γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῖς διαβολαῖς καὶ ταπεινῶσαι βουλόμενος τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Μαριάμμης μείζονα ἀεὶ πρὸς τιμὴν Ἀντιπάτρῳ παρεῖχεν, καὶ τέλος ἡττηθεὶς ἐπεισήγαγε μὲν τὴν ἐκείνου μητέρα, Καίσαρι δὲ πολλάκις γράφων ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἰδίᾳ συνίστη σπουδαιότερον. Ἀγρίππου γε μὴν ἀνιόντος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην μετὰ τὴν διοίκησιν τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας δεκαετῆ γεγενημένην, πλεύσας ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουδαίας καὶ συντυγχάνων μόνον τε τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἐπήγετο καὶ παρέδωκεν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀνάγειν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων Καίσαρι φίλον ἐσόμενον, ὥστε ἤδη πάντα δοκεῖν ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ καὶ παρεῶσθαι παντάπασιν ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὰ μειράκια.
87. AND now what happened during Antipater’s absence augmented the honor to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren; for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there; only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself: and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety. But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own father, and would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him; while these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language, while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he hath ever laid upon them to make them complain of him; and how they can think it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time, and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle with it beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise he cannot come at the government: that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister’s daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand upon a level with him in judgment: that, however, it was necessary that all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun after what they have done, although they should escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.
87. Πρὸς μὲν οὖν τιμὴν καὶ τὸ πρῶτον εἶναι δοκεῖν Ἀντιπάτρῳ προυχώρει τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν· καὶ γὰρ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πᾶσιν ἐπεσταλκότος Ἡρώδου τοῖς φίλοις διάσημος ἦν· ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ μὴ παρεῖναι μηδὲ ἔχειν ἐξ εὐκαίρου διαβάλλειν ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀδελφούς, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδεδοίκει μεταβολὴν τοῦ πατρός, εἴ τι καὶ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀξιώσει ἐπιεικέστερον εἰς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Μαριάμμης φρονεῖν. ταῦτα δὲ διʼ ἐννοίας ἔχων οὐκ ἀφίστατο τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖθεν, ὅτε ἀνιάσειν τι καὶ παροξυνεῖν ἤλπιζεν τὸν πατέρα κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, συνεχῶς ἐπέστελλεν, πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ὑπεραγωνιῶν αὐτοῦ, τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς ἀφʼ ἧς εἶχεν [ἐν] φύσει κακοηθείας τὴν ἐλπίδα μεγάλην καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτὴν οὖσαν ἐμπορευόμενος, ἕως εἰς τοῦτο προήγαγεν τὸν Ἡρώδην ὀργῆς καὶ δυσφημίας, ὡς ἤδη μὲν ἔχων δυσμενῶς τοῖς μειρακίοις, ἐν δὲ κατοκνεῖν εἰς τοιοῦτον ἐμβῆναι πάθος, ὡς μήτʼ ἀμελῶν μήτʼ ἐκ προπετείας ἁμαρτάνοι, κρεῖττον ἡγήσατο πλεύσας εἰς Ῥώμην ἐκεῖ τῶν παίδων κατηγορεῖν παρὰ Καίσαρι, καὶ μηδὲν αὑτῷ τοιοῦτον ἐπιτρέπειν, ὃ καὶ διὰ μέγεθος τῆς ἀσεβείας ὕποπτον ἦν. ὡς δὲ ἀνῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐγένετο μὲν μέχρι τῆς Ἀκυληίας πόλεως Καίσαρι συντυχεῖν ἐπειγόμενος, ἐλθὼν δʼ εἰς λόγους καὶ καιρὸν αἰτησάμενος ἐπὶ μεγάλοις οἷς ἐδόκει δυστυχεῖν παρεστήσατο μὲν τοὺς παῖδας, ᾐτιᾶτο δὲ τῆς ἀπονοίας καὶ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, ὡς ἐχθρῶς ἔχουσιν ἅπαντα τρόπον ἐσπουδακότες [μισεῖν] τὸν ἑαυτῶν πατέρα μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ὠμοτάτῳ τρόπῳ παραλαβεῖν· ὁ δʼ οὐδὲ θνήσκων ἐξ ἀνάγκης μᾶλλον ἢ κρίσει παραδοῦναι τῷ διαμείναντι πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐσεβεστέρῳ παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίαν ἔχοι. τοῖς δʼ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ πλέον, ἀλλʼ εἰ καὶ ταύτης στεροῖντο καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ἐλάττων λόγος, εἰ μόνον ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν πατέρα δυνηθεῖεν· οὕτως ἄγριόν τι καὶ μιαρὸν ἐντετηκέναι ταῖς ψυχαῖς αὐτῶν μῖσος. καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἀτυχίαν αὐτὸς ἐκ μακροῦ φέρων ἀναγκασθῆναι νῦν ἐξηγεῖσθαι Καίσαρι καὶ μιαίνειν αὐτοῦ τὰς ἀκοὰς τοιούτοις λόγοις. καίτοι τί μὲν εἴησαν παθόντες ἐξ αὐτοῦ δυσχερές; ἐπὶ τίνι δὲ μέμφονται βαρὺν ὄντα; πῶς δʼ οἷόν τε καὶ δίκαιον ἣν αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο πολλοῖς πόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις ἀρχήν, ταύτης οὐκ ἐᾶν κύριον εἶναι κρατεῖν τε καὶ διδόναι τῷ κατʼ ἀξίαν; ὡς τοῦτό γε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἆθλον εὐσεβείας ἐκτίθεται τῷ μέλλοντι πρὸς τὸν ποτὲ γενήσεσθαι τοιούτῳ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν, ἅτε καὶ τῆς ἀμοιβῆς τοσῆσδε οὔσης ἐπιτυγχάνειν. ὅτι δὲ μηδὲ εὐσεβὲς αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ τούτου πολυπραγμονεῖν, εὔδηλον· ὁ γὰρ ἀεί τι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐνθυμούμενος συγκαταλογίζεται τὸν θάνατον τοῦ γεγεννηκότος, μεθʼ ὃν ἄλλως οὐκ ἔστιν τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβεῖν. αὐτὸς δʼ ὅσα βασιλευομένοις καὶ βασιλέως παισὶν οὐχ ὑστέρησεν μέχρι νῦν ἀποδιδούς, οὐ κόσμον, οὐχ ὑπηρεσίαν, οὐ τρυφήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γάμους τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους παρεσχῆσθαι, τῷ μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς, Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τὴν Ἀρχελάου τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα συνοικίσας, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἣν εἶχεν ἐξουσίαν ταύτῃ κατʼ αὐτῶν χρησάμενος ἀγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν κοινὸν εὐεργέτην Καίσαρα, καὶ παρελόμενον αὑτοῦ πᾶν, ὅσον ἢ πατὴρ ἀσεβούμενος ἢ βασιλεὺς ἐπιβουλευόμενος δύναται, κρίσεως ἰσοτιμίᾳ παρεστακέναι· δεήσει μέντοι μὴ παντάπασιν αὐτὸν ἀτιμώρητον γενέσθαι μηδʼ ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις φόβοις καταζῆν, οὐδʼ ἐκείνοις λυσιτελοῦντος ἐφʼ οἷς ἐνεθυμήθησαν ὁρᾶν τὸν ἥλιον, εἰ νῦν διαφύγοιεν, ἔργῳ μέγιστα τῶν ἀνθρωπείων καὶ δράσαντας καὶ πεισομένους.