100. These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience they were innocent; but because they were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent so to do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed, while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt, - nor had they any defense ready, by reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprized, when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular; and they moved their father’s affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.
100. Ταῦτα μὲν Ἡρώδης ἐμπαθῶς ᾐτιάσατο παρὰ Καίσαρι τοὺς αὐτοῦ παῖδας. τῶν δὲ νεανίσκων ἤδη μὲν καὶ λέγοντος δάκρυα καὶ σύγχυσις ἦν· μᾶλλον δʼ ἐπεὶ κατέπαυσεν Ἡρώδης τὸν λόγον τῷ μὲν ἔξω τῆς τοιαύτης ἀσεβείας γενέσθαι τὸν λόγον πιστὸν εἶχον ἐν τῷ συνειδότι, τὸ δʼ ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιφέρεσθαι τὰς διαβολὰς δυσαπολόγητον ὥσπερ ἦν ᾔδεσαν, οὐκ εὐσχημονοῦντος οὐδὲ τοῦ κατὰ παρρησίαν λόγου πρὸς τὸν καιρόν, εἰ μέλλοιεν ἐκ βίας ἀεὶ καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐλέγχειν πεπλανημένον. ἦν οὖν ἀπορία τοῦ δύνασθαι λέγειν καὶ δάκρυα καὶ τέλος οἰμωγὴ συμπαθεστέρα, δεδοικότων μέν, εἰ δόξουσιν ἐκ τοῦ συνειδότος ἠπορῆσθαι, ῥᾳδίαν δʼ οὐχ εὑρισκομένων τὴν ἀπολογίαν ὑπό τε νεότητος καὶ ταραχῆς, ἣν ἐπεπόνθεισαν. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Καῖσαρ ἐπιβλέπων αὐτοὺς ὡς εἶχον ἀσύνετον ἐποιεῖτο τὸ μὴ κατὰ συνείδησιν ἀτοπωτέραν, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἀπειρίας καὶ μετριότητος ὀκνεῖν, ἐλεεινοί τʼ ἐγεγόνεισαν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἰδίᾳ καὶ τὸν πατέρα διεκίνησαν ἀληθινῷ τῷ πάθει συνεχόμενον.
104. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said, “O father, the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all, for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us; for no one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars; yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt. And if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in; but if this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this day; which why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say further, that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former; but consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him; but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made credible? Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against thee? though indeed there are none of those things but have sometimes been pretended by way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou callest a reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we have to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not against thee, for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as that; nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government, and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious or so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator between us, If thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live, though even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us.”
104. Ἐπεὶ δὲ συνεῖδον εὐμένειάν τινα καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνου καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ ἕκαστον τοὺς μὲν συνδακρύοντας, ἅπαντας δὲ συναλγοῦντας, ἅτερος αὐτῶν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπικαλεσάμενος αὐτὸν ἐπεχείρει διαλύειν τὰς αἰτίας καί, πάτερ, εἶπεν, ἡ μὲν σὴ πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὔνοια δήλη καὶ παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν κρίσιν· οὐκ ἂν γάρ, εἴ τι δυσχερὲς ἐνενόεις ἐφʼ ἡμῖν, ἐπὶ τὸν πάντας σώζοντα προήγαγες· καὶ γὰρ παρούσης μὲν ἐξουσίας ὡς βασιλεῖ, παρούσης δὲ ὡς πατρὶ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας ἐπεξιέναι, τὸ εἰς Ῥώμην ἄγειν καὶ τοῦτον ποιεῖσθαι μάρτυρα σώζοντος ἦν· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἀποκτεῖναί τινα προαιρούμενος εἰς ἱερὰ καὶ ναοὺς ἄγει. τὸ δʼ ἡμέτερον ἤδη χεῖρον· οὐ γὰρ ἂν ὑπομείναιμεν ἔτι ζῆν, εἰ τοιοῦτον ἠδικηκέναι πατέρα πεπιστεύμεθα. καὶ μήποτε τοῦτʼ ἐκείνου χεῖρον ἀντὶ τοῦ τεθνάναι μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας τὸ ζῆν ἀδικεῖν ὑποπτευομένους. εἰ μὲν οὖν εὕροι λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας ἡ παρρησία, μακάριον καὶ σὲ πεῖσαι καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφυγεῖν, εἰ δʼ οὕτως ἡ διαβολὴ κρατεῖ, περιττὸς ἡμῖν ὁ νῦν ἥλιος, ὃν τί δεῖ βλέπειν μετὰ τῆς ὑποψίας; τὸ μὲν οὖν φάναι βασιλείας ἐπιθυμεῖν, εὔκαιρος εἰς νέους αἰτία, καὶ τὸ προστιθέναι τὴν τῆς ἀθλίας μητρός, ἱκανὸν ἐκ τῆς πρώτης τὴν νῦν ἀτυχίαν ἐξεργάζεσθαι. βλέψον δέ, εἰ μὴ κοινὰ ταῦτα καὶ πᾶσιν ὁμοίως λέγεσθαι δυνησόμενα· κωλύσει γὰρ οὐδέν, τῷ βασιλεύοντι παῖδες εἰ εἰσὶν νέοι καὶ μήτηρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανοῦσα, πάντας ὑπόπτους εἶναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιβούλους δοκεῖν. ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ ὕποπτον πρὸς τοιαύτην ἀσέβειαν ἀρκετόν. εἰπάτω δέ τις, ἡμῖν εἰ τετόλμηται τοιοῦτον, ᾧ καὶ τὰ μὴ πιστὰ πίστιν εἴωθεν ὑπʼ ἐνεργείας λαμβάνειν. φαρμάκου παρασκευὴν ἐλέγχειν δύναταί τις ἢ συνωμοσίαν ἡλικιωτῶν ἢ διαφθορὰν οἰκετῶν ἢ γράμματα κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένα; καίτοι τούτων ἕκαστον ἔσθʼ ὅπη καὶ μὴ γενόμενον ἐκ διαβολῆς ἐπλάσθη· χαλεπὸν γὰρ οὐχ ὁμονοῶν οἶκος ἐν βασιλείᾳ· καὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἣν σὺ φῂς ἔπαθλον εὐσεβείας, συμβαίνει πολλάκις αἰτίαν γενέσθαι τοῖς πονηροτάτοις ἐλπίδων, διʼ ἃς οὐδεμίαν ὑποστολὴν ποιοῦνται κακοηθείας. ἀδίκημα μὲν οὖν οὐδεὶς ἐρεῖ καθʼ ἡμῶν· τὰς δὲ διαβολὰς πῶς ἂν λύσειεν ὁ ἀκοῦσαι μὴ θέλων; ἐλαλήσαμέν τι μετὰ παρρησίας. οὐκ εἰς σέ· τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ἄδικον· ἀλλʼ εἰς τοὺς οὐδʼ ὅ τι λελάλητο μὴ σιωπῶντας. τὴν μητέρα τις ἡμῶν ἔκλαυσεν. οὐχ ὅτι τέθνηκεν, ἀλλʼ ὅτι καὶ νεκρὰ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὑπὸ τῶν οὐκ ἀξίων. ἀρχῆς ἐπιθυμοῦμεν ἧς ἴσμεν ἔχοντα τὸν πατέρα; τί καὶ θέλοντες; εἰ μὲν εἰσὶν ἡμῖν τιμαὶ βασιλέων, ὥσπερ εἰσίν, οὐ κενοσπουδοῦμεν; εἰ δʼ οὐκ εἰσίν, οὐκ ἐλπίζομεν; ἢ σὲ διαχειρισάμενοι κρατήσειν τὴν βασιλείαν προσεδοκήσαμεν, οἷς οὔτε γῆ βάσιμος οὔτε πλωτὴ θάλαττα μετὰ τοιοῦτον ἔργον; ἡ δὲ τῶν ἀρχομένων εὐσέβεια καὶ θρησκεία τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους ἠνέσχετο ἂν πατροκτόνους ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εἶναι καὶ εἰς τὸν ἁγιώτατον ὑπὸ σοῦ κατασκευασθέντα ναὸν εἰσιέναι. τί δʼ εἰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατεφρονήσαμεν, ἐδύνατό τις φονεύσας ἀτιμώρητος μένειν ζῶντος Καίσαρος; οὔτʼ ἀσεβεῖς οὕτως ἐγέννησας οὔτʼ ἀλογίστους, ἀτυχεστέρους δʼ ἴσως ἢ σοὶ καλῶς εἶχεν. εἰ δὲ μήτʼ αἰτίας ἔχεις μήτʼ ἐπιβουλὰς εὑρίσκεις, τί σοι πρὸς πίστιν αὔταρκες τοιαύτης δυσσεβείας; ἡ μήτηρ τέθνηκεν· ἀλλά τοι τὰ κατʼ ἐκείνην οὐδὲ παροξύνειν ἡμᾶς ἀλλὰ νουθετεῖν ἠδύνατο. πλείω μὲν ἀπολογεῖσθαι δυνάμεθα, λόγον δʼ οὐκ ἐπιδέχεται τὰ μὴ γενόμενα. διόπερ ἐπὶ τῷ πάντων δεσπότῃ Καίσαρι μεσιτεύοντι τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν συντιθέμεθα ταύτην τὴν συνθήκην· εἰ μὲν ἀνύποπτον ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς διάθεσιν ἀπολαμβάνεις, ὦ πάτερ, ζήσομεν, οὐδʼ οὕτως μὲν εὐτυχῶς· δεινὸν γὰρ τῶν μεγάλων κακῶν καὶ ψευδὴς αἰτία. παρούσης δέ τινος ὀρρωδίας σὺ μὲν ἐν τῇ κατὰ σαυτὸν εὐσεβείᾳ μένε, δώσομεν δὲ λόγον ἡμεῖς ἑαυτοῖς. οὐχ οὕτως ὁ βίος ἡμῖν τίμιος, ὡς ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἐπʼ ἀδικίᾳ τοῦ δεδωκότος.
121. When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded: the persons there present were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king hated, for the very incredibility of the calumny, and the commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which were in the young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on this account, that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances, which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he having no real evidence wherewith to correct them. Indeed he wanted some apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said, that although the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which they were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion which was spread abroad concerning them. He also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his own children; and that this repentance on both sides might still heal those breaches that had happened between them, and might improve that their good-will to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed to fall down to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those that were present, whether free-man or slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw.
121. Τοιαῦτα δὲ λέγοντος ὅ τε Καῖσαρ οὐδὲ πρότερον πιστεύων τῷ μεγέθει τῆς διαβολῆς ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξηλλάττετο καὶ συνεχὲς εἰς τὸν Ἡρώδην ἀπέβλεπεν ὁρῶν κἀκεῖνον ὑποσυγχυνόμενον, ἀγωνία τε τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐνεπεπτώκει καὶ περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ὁ λόγος διαδοθεὶς ἐπίφθονον ἐποίει τὸν βασιλέα. τὸ γὰρ ἄπιστον τῆς διαβολῆς καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐν ἀκμῇ καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων ἐλεεινὸν ἐπεσπᾶτο βοήθειαν· ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐπειδὴ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ δεξιῶς καὶ μετὰ φρονήσεως ὑπήντησεν Ἀλέξανδρος, ἦν οὐδʼ ἐκείνοις ἔτι ταὐτὸν σχῆμα, κλαίουσι μὲν ὅμως καὶ σὺν κατηφείᾳ πρὸς τὴν γῆν νενευκόσιν, ἡ δʼ ἐλπὶς ἀμείνων ὑπεφαίνετο, καὶ δόξας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξ ὧν αὐτὸν ἔπειθεν εὔλογα κατηγορηκέναι διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν [ἐξελέγχειν] ἀπολογίας τινὸς ἐδεῖτο. Καῖσαρ δὲ μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν τοὺς μὲν νεανίσκους, εἰ καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς διαβολῆς δοκοῦσιν, αὐτό γε τοῦτο ἁμαρτεῖν ἔφη τὸ μὴ τοιούτους αὐτοὺς παρασχεῖν τῷ πατρί, ὡς μηδὲ γενέσθαι τὸν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς λόγον. Ἡρώδην δὲ παρεκάλει πᾶσαν ὑπόνοιαν ἐκβαλόντα διαλλάττεσθαι τοῖς παισίν· οὐ γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον οὐδὲ πιστεύειν τὰ τοιαῦτα κατὰ τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ. δύνασθαι δὲ τὴν μετάνοιαν ἀμφοτέροις οὐ μόνον ἰάσασθαι τὰ συμβεβηκότα, παροξῦναι δὲ τὴν εὔνοιαν, ἐν ᾧ τὸ προπετὲς ἑκάτεροι τῆς ὑποψίας ἀπολογούμενοι σπουδῇ πλείονι περὶ ἀλλήλους ἀξιώσουσι κεχρῆσθαι. τοιαῦτα νουθετῶν ἔνευσε τοῖς νεανίσκοις. ἐκείνων δὲ βουλομένων ὑποπεσεῖν ἐπὶ δεήσει προαναλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ὁ πατὴρ δακρύοντας ἠσπάζετο παρʼ ἕκαστον ἐν μέρει περιπτύσσων, ὡς μηδένα τῶν παρατυγχανόντων ἐλεύθερον ἢ δοῦλον ἀπαθῆ γενέσθαι.
127. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together; and with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod made him a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes; and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all. And when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Caesar said he would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or over his sons.
127. Τότε μὲν οὖν εὐχαριστήσαντες Καίσαρι μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἀπῄεσαν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς Ἀντίπατρος ὑποκρινόμενος ἐφήδεσθαι ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς. ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὑστέραις ἡμέραις Ἡρώδης μὲν ἐδωρεῖτο Καίσαρα τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις θέας τε καὶ διανομὰς ποιούμενον τῷ Ῥωμαίων δήμῳ, Καῖσαρ δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ μετάλλου τοῦ Κυπρίων χαλκοῦ τὴν ἡμίσειαν πρόσοδον καὶ τῆς ἡμισείας τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἔδωκεν καὶ τἆλλα ξενίαις καὶ καταγωγαῖς ἐτίμησεν, καὶ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐφῆκεν ὃν ἂν αἱρῆται τῶν παίδων διάδοχον καθιστάνειν ἢ καὶ διανέμειν μέρος ἑκάστῳ τῆς τιμῆς εἰς πάντας ἐλευσομένης. ἐκείνου δὲ ἤδη θέλοντος αὐτὸ ποιεῖν οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν ἔφη ζῶντι μὴ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τῶν παίδων κρατεῖν.
130. After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission again. Now as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made one another such presents as it became kings to make, From thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about Caesar’s kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with. At last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne: but he desired that at present they should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life when he must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them.
130. Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐπανῄει πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν. ἀποδημοῦντος δὲ οὐ μικρὸν μέρος ἀπέστη τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ περὶ τὸν Τράχωνα, καὶ τούτους οἱ καταλειφθέντες στρατηγοὶ χειρωσάμενοι πάλιν ὑπακούειν ἠνάγκασαν. Ἡρώδης δὲ πλέων σὺν τοῖς παισὶν ὡς ἐγένετο κατὰ Κιλικίαν ἐν Ἐλαιούσῃ τῇ μετωνομασμένῃ νῦν Σεβαστῇ καταλαμβάνει τὸν βασιλέα τῆς Καππαδοκίας Ἀρχέλαον, ὃς αὐτὸν ἐκδέχεται φιλοφρόνως ἡδόμενος ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν παίδων διαλλαγαῖς καὶ τῷ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ὃς εἶχεν αὐτοῦ τὴν θυγατέρα, τῆς αἰτίας ἀπολελύσθαι, δωρεάς τε ἀντέδοσαν ἀλλήλοις ἃς εἰκὸς βασιλεῖς. ἐντεῦθεν Ἡρώδης ἐπὶ Ἰουδαίας ἐλθὼν καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων κατὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν διελέγετο, τὴν Καίσαρος εἰς αὐτὸν φιλοφροσύνην καὶ τἆλλα διεξιὼν ὅσα κατὰ μέρος αὐτῷ πραχθέντα συμφέρειν ἡγεῖτο καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους εἰδέναι. τέλος ἐπὶ νουθεσίᾳ τῶν παίδων κατέστρεφε τὸν λόγον τοὺς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς ὁμόνοιαν παρακαλῶν καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς μετʼ αὐτὸν ἀποδεικνύων βασιλέας γενέσθαι, πρῶτον μὲν Ἀντίπατρον, εἶτα καὶ τοὺς ἐκ Μαριάμμης Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ Ἀριστόβουλον. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε πάντας ἀποβλέπειν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν καὶ βασιλέα καὶ δεσπότην ἁπάντων δοκεῖν μήτε γήρᾳ παραποδιζόμενον, ἐν ᾧ τοῦ χρόνου τὸ πρὸς ἀρχὴν ἐμπειρότατον ἔχειν, οὔτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐλαττούμενον, ἃ δύναται καὶ βασιλείας κρατεῖν καὶ παίδων ἄρχειν, τούς τε ἡγεμόνας καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰ πρὸς ἕνα βλέποιεν αὐτὸν ἀτάραχον ἔφη τὸν βίον ἕξειν καὶ πᾶσαν ἀφορμὴν εὐδαιμονίας ἐξ ἀλλήλων ἔσεσθαι. ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀφίησιν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, τοῖς πλείστοις μὲν ἀρεστὰ διειλεγμένος, ἐνίοις δʼ οὐχ ὁμοίως· ἤδη γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς ἁμίλλης καὶ τῶν ἐλπίδων ἃς ἐδεδώκει τοῖς παισὶ νενεωτέριστο πολλὰ καὶ νεωτέρων ἐφιέμενοι Περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον συντέλειαν ἔλαβεν ἡ Καισάρεια Σεβαστή, ἣν ᾠκοδόμει δεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει πρὸς τέλος ἐλθούσης αὐτῷ τῆς ὅλης κατασκευῆς, ἐκπεσούσης δὲ τῆς προθεσμίας εἰς ὄγδοον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπʼ ὀλυμπιάδος δευτέρας καὶ ἐνενηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν.
136. ABOUT this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had built, was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod’s reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad. There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar’s wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul; for in all his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.
136. ἦν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐν καθιερώσει μείζονες ἑορταὶ καὶ παρασκευαὶ πολυτελέσταται· κατηγγέλκει μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα μουσικῆς καὶ γυμνικῶν ἀθλημάτων, παρεσκευάκει δὲ πολὺ πλῆθος μονομάχων καὶ θηρίων ἵππων τε δρόμον καὶ τὰ πολυτελέστερα τῶν ἔν τε τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ παρʼ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων. ἀνετίθει δὲ καὶ τοῦτον τὸν ἀγῶνα Καίσαρι κατὰ πενταετηρίδα παρεσκευασμένος ἄγειν αὐτόν· ὁ δʼ αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα παρασκευὴν ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκείων διεπέμπετο τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐπικοσμῶν. ἰδίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ Καίσαρος Ἰουλία πολλὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ πολυτελεστάτων ἀπέστειλεν, ὡς μηδὲν ὑστερεῖν τὰ πάντα συντιμώμενα ταλάντων πεντακοσίων. συνελθόντος δʼ εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὄχλου πλείονος κατὰ θεωρίαν καὶ πρεσβείας, ἃς ἔπεμπον οἱ δῆμοι διʼ ἃς ἐπεπόνθεισαν εὐεργεσίας, ἅπαντας ἐξεδέξατο καὶ καταγωγαῖς καὶ τραπέζαις καὶ διηνεκέσιν ἑορταῖς, τῆς πανηγύρεως ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐχούσης τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν θεαμάτων ψυχαγωγίας, ἐν δὲ ταῖς νυξὶ τὰς εὐφροσύνας καὶ τὴν εἰς τοῦτο πολυτέλειαν, ὡς ἐπίσημον γενέσθαι τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν αὐτοῦ· εἰς πάντα γὰρ ἅπερ [ἂν] ἐπιτηδεύσειεν ἐφιλονείκει τὴν τῶν ἤδη γεγενημένων ἐπίδειξιν ὑπερβαλέσθαι, καί φασιν αὐτόν τε Καίσαρα καὶ Ἀγρίππαν πολλάκις εἰπεῖν, ὡς ἀποδέοι τὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς Ἡρώδῃ τῆς οὔσης ἐν αὐτῷ μεγαλοψυχίας· ἄξιον γὰρ εἶναι καὶ Συρίας ἁπάσης καὶ Αἰγύπτου τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχειν.
142. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. He also dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus.
142. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν πανήγυριν ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς πόλιν ἄλλην ἀνήγειρεν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῷ λεγομένῳ Καφαρσαβᾶ τόπον ἔνυδρον καὶ χώραν ἀρίστην φυτοῖς ἐκλέξας, ποταμοῦ τε περιρρέοντος τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν καὶ καλλίστου κατὰ μέγεθος τῶν φυτῶν περιειληφότος ἄλσους. ταύτην ἀπὸ Ἀντιπάτρου τοῦ πατρὸς Ἀντιπατρίδα προσηγόρευσεν. ἐπώνυμον δὲ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ χωρίον ὑπὲρ Ἱεριχοῦν οἰκοδομήσας ἀσφαλείᾳ τε διάφορον καὶ καταγωγαῖς ἥδιστον ἐκάλεσεν Κύπρον. Φασαήλῳ τε τῷ ἀδελφῷ μνημεῖα διὰ τὴν γεγενημένην εἰς αὐτὸν φιλοστοργίαν ἀνετίθει τὰ κάλλιστα, πύργον ἐπʼ αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως ἀναστήσας οὐδὲν ἐλάττω τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Φάρον, ὃν προσηγόρευσεν Φασάηλον, ἀσφαλείας τε τῇ πόλει μέρος ὄντα καὶ μνήμης τῷ τετελευτηκότι διὰ τὴν προσηγορίαν. ὁμώνυμον δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ πόλιν περὶ τὸν αὐλῶνα τῆς Ἱεριχοῦντος ἔκτισεν ἀπιόντων κατὰ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον, διʼ ἧς καὶ τὴν πέριξ χώραν ἔρημον οὖσαν ἐνεργοτέραν ἐποίησεν ταῖς ἐπιμελείαις τῶν οἰκητόρων. Φασαηλίδα καὶ ταύτην ἐκάλει.
146. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities, and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works, he erected Apollo’s temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium; and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for heir maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games.
146. Τὰς δὲ ἄλλας εὐεργεσίας ἄπορον εἰπεῖν ὅσας ἀπέδωκεν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἔν τε Συρίᾳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ παρʼ οἷς ποτʼ ἂν ἀποδημήσας τύχοι· καὶ γὰρ πλείους λειτουργίας καὶ δημοσίων ἔργων κατασκευὰς καὶ χρήματα τοῖς δεομένοις [ἔργοις] εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν προτέρων ἔργων ἐκλελοιπότων ἄφθονα χαρίσασθαι δοκεῖ. τὰ δὲ μέγιστα καὶ διασημότατα τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτῷ Ῥοδίοις μὲν τό τε Πύθιον ἀνέστησεν οἰκείοις ἀναλώμασιν καὶ παρέσχεν ἀργυρίου πολλὰ τάλαντα πρὸς ναυπηγίαν. Νικοπολίταις δὲ τοῖς ἐπʼ Ἀκτίῳ κτισθεῖσιν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν δημοσίων συγκατεσκεύασεν. Ἀντιοχεῦσι δὲ τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ μεγίστην πόλιν οἰκοῦσιν, ἣν κατὰ μῆκος τέμνει πλατεῖα, ταύτην αὐτὴν στοαῖς παρʼ ἑκάτερα καὶ λίθῳ τὴν ὕπαιθρον ὁδὸν ξεστῷ καταστορέσας πλεῖστον εἰς κόσμον καὶ τὴν τῶν οἰκούντων εὐχρηστίαν ὠφέλησεν. τόν γε μὴν Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγῶνα πολὺ τῆς προσηγορίας ἀδοξότερον ὑπʼ ἀχρηματίας διατεθειμένον τιμιώτερον ἐποίει χρημάτων προσόδους καταστήσας καὶ πρὸς θυσίας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον ἐσεμνοποίησεν τὴν πανήγυριν. διὰ δὴ ταύτην τὴν φιλοτιμίαν διηνεκὴς ἀγωνοθέτης παρὰ τοῖς Ἠλείοις ἀνεγράφη.
150. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod’s nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king’s ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod’s crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him.
150. Τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις ἐπέρχεται θαυμάζειν τὸ διεστὸς τῆς ἐν τῇ φύσει προαιρέσεως· ὅταν μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὰς φιλοτιμίας καὶ τὰς εὐεργεσίας ἀπίδωμεν, αἷς ἐκέχρητο πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως οὐκ ἄν τις αὐτὸν καὶ τῶν ἔλαττον τετιμημένων ἠρνήθη μὴ συνομολογεῖν εὐεργετικωτάτῃ κεχρῆσθαι τῇ φύσει. ὅταν δὲ εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας καὶ ἀδικίας, ἃς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχομένους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἐπεδείξατο βλέψῃ καὶ καταμάθῃ τὸ σκληρὸν καὶ τὸ δυσπαράκλητον τοῦ τρόπου, νικηθήσεται θηριώδη δοκεῖν καὶ πάσης μετριότητος ἀλλότριον. ἔνθεν καὶ διάφορόν τινα καὶ μαχομένην ἐπʼ αὐτῷ νομίζουσιν γενέσθαι τὴν προαίρεσιν. ἐγὼ δʼ οὐχ οὕτως ἔχων μίαν αἰτίαν ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ὑπολαμβάνω· φιλότιμος γὰρ ὢν καὶ τούτου τοῦ πάθους ἡττημένος ἰσχυρῶς, προήγετο μὲν εἰς μεγαλοψυχίαν, εἴ που μνήμης εἰς αὖθις ἢ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εὐφημίας ἐλπὶς ἐμπέσοι. ταῖς δὲ δαπάναις ὑπὲρ δύναμιν χρώμενος ἠναγκάζετο χαλεπὸς εἶναι τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις· τὰ γὰρ εἰς οὓς ἐδαπάνα πολλὰ γενόμενα κακῶν ποριστὴν ἐξ ὧν ἐλάμβανεν ἐποίει. καὶ συνειδὼς ἐφʼ οἷς ἠδίκει τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους μισούμενον ἑαυτὸν τὸ μὲν ἐπανορθοῦσθαι τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐνόμιζεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰς τὰς προσόδους λυσιτελὲς ἦν. ἀντεφιλονείκει δὲ τὴν δύσνοιαν αὐτὴν εὐπορίας ἀφορμὴν ποιούμενος. περί γε μὴν τοὺς οἰκείους, εἴ τις ἢ λόγῳ μὴ θεραπεύοι τὸ δοῦλον ἐξομολογούμενος ἢ δόξειεν εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν τι παρακινεῖν, οὐχ ἱκανὸς ἑαυτοῦ κρατεῖν ἐγίνετο καὶ διεξῆλθεν ὁμοῦ συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους ἴσα πολεμίοις τιμωρούμενος ἐκ τοῦ μόνος ἐθέλειν τετιμῆσθαι τὰς τοιαύτας ἁμαρτίας ἀναλαμβάνων. μαρτύριον δέ μοι τούτου τοῦ πάθους, ὅτι μέγιστον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, καὶ τὰ γινόμενα κατὰ τὰς Καίσαρος καὶ Ἀγρίππα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων τιμάς· οἷς γὰρ ἐθεράπευεν τοὺς κρείττονας, τούτοις καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου θεραπεύεσθαι καὶ τὸ κάλλιστον ὧν ᾤετο παρέχων ἐν τῷ διδόναι τὴν τοῦ τυχεῖν τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιθυμίαν ἐδήλου. τό γε μὴν Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος ἠλλοτρίωται νόμῳ πρὸς πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ συνείθισται τὸ δίκαιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρὸς δόξαν ἠγαπηκέναι. διόπερ οὐκ ἦν αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένον, ὅτι μὴ δυνατὸν εἰκόσιν ἢ ναοῖς ἢ τοιούτοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν κολακεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ φιλότιμον. αἰτία μὲν αὕτη μοι δοκεῖ τῆς Ἡρώδου περὶ μὲν τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ συμβούλους ἁμαρτίας, περὶ δὲ τοὺς ἔξω καὶ μὴ προσήκοντας εὐεργεσίας.
160. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of the same nation which lived ill Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions. When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.
160. Τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἰουδαίους καὶ ὅσους ἡ πρὸς Κυρήνῃ Λιβύη κατέσχεν ἐκάκουν αἱ πόλεις, τῶν μὲν πρότερον βασιλέων ἰσονομίαν αὐτοῖς παρεσχημένων, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε διʼ ἐπηρείας ἐχόντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ χρημάτων ἱερῶν ἀφαίρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ καταβλάπτειν ἐν τοῖς ἐπὶ μέρους. πάσχοντες δὲ κακῶς καὶ πέρας οὐδὲν εὑρίσκοντες τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπανθρωπίας ἐπρεσβεύσαντο παρὰ Καίσαρα καὶ περὶ τούτων. ὁ δʼ αὐτοῖς τὴν αὐτὴν ἰσοτέλειαν ἔδωκεν γράψας τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ὧν ὑπετάξαμεν τὰ ἀντίγραφα μαρτύρια τῆς διαθέσεως, ἣν ἔσχον ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἄνωθεν οἱ κρατοῦντες.
162. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.
162. Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ῥωμαίων ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν Ὑρκανός, ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου Ῥωμαίων τοὺς Ἰουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ Ὑρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν Ἱεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης. ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν Ῥωμαίων. τό τε ψήφισμα τὸ δοθέν μοι ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐσεβείας ἧς ἔχω πρὸς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ὑπὲρ Γαΐου Μαρκίου Κηνσωρίνου καὶ τοῦτο τὸ διάταγμα κελεύω ἀνατεθῆναι ἐν ἐπισημοτάτῳ τόπῳ τῷ γενηθέντι μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς Ἀσίας ἐν Ἀγκύρῃ. ἐὰν δέ τις παραβῇ τι τῶν προειρημένων, δώσει δίκην οὐ μετρίαν. ἐστηλογραφήθη ἐν τῷ Καίσαρος ναῷ.
166. “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar.
166. Καῖσαρ Νωρβανῷ Φλάκκῳ χαίρειν. Ἰουδαῖοι ὅσοι ποτʼ οὖν εἰσίν, [οἳ] διʼ ἀρχαίαν συνήθειαν εἰώθασιν χρήματά τε ἱερὰ φέροντες ἀναπέμπειν ἀκωλύτως τοῦτο ποιείτωσαν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Καῖσαρ.
167. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath day.”
167. Ἀγρίππας δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγραψεν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἰουδαίων τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον· Ἀγρίππας Ἐφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀναφερομένων ἱερῶν χρημάτων τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ φυλακὴν βούλομαι τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ Ἰουδαίους ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. τούς τε κλέπτοντας ἱερὰ γράμματα τῶν Ἰουδαίων καταφεύγοντάς τε εἰς τὰς ἀσυλίας βούλομαι ἀποσπᾶσθαι καὶ παραδίδοσθαι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, ᾧ δικαίῳ ἀποσπῶνται οἱ ἱερόσυλοι. ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ Σιλανῷ τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἵνα σάββασιν μηδεὶς ἀναγκάζῃ Ἰουδαῖον ἐγγύας ὁμολογεῖν.
169. “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under pretense of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending them, which I command to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them. And if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their proper receivers, I further enjoin, that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that place.”
169. Μᾶρκος Ἀγρίππας Κυρηναίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν Κυρήνῃ Ἰουδαῖοι, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤδη ὁ Σεβαστὸς ἔπεμψεν πρὸς τὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατηγὸν τόντε ὄντα Φλάβιον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἐπιμελουμένους, ἵνα ἀνεπικωλύτως ἀναπέμπηται τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, ὡς ἔστιν αὐτοῖς πάτριον, ἐνέτυχόν μοι νῦν, ὡς ὑπό τινων συκοφαντῶν ἐπηρεαζόμενοι καὶ ὡς ἐν προφάσει τελῶν μὴ ὀφειλομένων κωλύοιντο· οἷς ἀποκαθιστάνειν κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον ἐνοχλουμένοις, καὶ εἴ τινων ἱερὰ χρήματα ἀφῄρηνται τῶν πόλεων τοὺς εἰς ταῦτα ἀποκεκριμένους καὶ ταῦτα διορθώσασθαι τοῖς ἐκεῖ Ἰουδαίοις κελεύω.
171. “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.”
171. Γάιος Νωρβανὸς Φλάκκος ἀνθύπατος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. Καῖσάρ μοι ἔγραψεν κελεύων μὴ κωλύεσθαι τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ὅσα ἂν ὦσιν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναγαγόντες χρήματα ἀναπέμπειν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. ἔγραψα οὖν ὑμῖν, ἵνʼ εἰδῆτε, ὅτι Καῖσαρ κἀγὼ οὕτως θέλομεν γίνεσθαι.
172. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance. They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.”
172. Οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ Ἰούλιος Ἀντώνιος ἀνθύπατος ἔγραψεν Ἐφεσίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ κατοικοῦντες Ἰουδαῖοι εἰδοῖς Φεβρουαρίοις δικαιοδοτοῦντί μοι ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ὑπέδειξαν Καίσαρα τὸν Σεβαστὸν καὶ Ἀγρίππαν συγκεχωρηκέναι αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις καὶ ἔθεσιν, ἀπαρχάς τε, ἃς ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως εὐσεβείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἀνακομιδῆς συμπορευομένους ποιεῖν ἀνεμποδίστως. ᾔτουν τε, ὅπως κἀγὼ ὁμοίως τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ Ἀγρίππα δοθεῖσιν τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην βεβαιώσω. ὑμᾶς οὖν βούλομαι εἰδέναι ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ Ἀγρίππα βουλήμασιν συνεπιτρέπειν αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι καὶ ποιεῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια χωρὶς ἐμποδισμοῦ.