10.5. the triarii had got to their feet, fresh and sound in their glittering armour, a new and unforeseen array, they received the antepilani into the gaps between their files, and, raising a shout, threw the enemy's front ranks into disorder, and thrusting their spears into their faces, disposed of the fine flower of their manhood and went through the other maniples almost scatheless, as though their opponents had been unarmed, penetrating their masses with such slaughter as scarce to leave a fourth part of their enemies alive.
10.5. triarii consurrexerunt integri refulgentibus armis, nova ex inproviso improvise exorta acies, receptis in intervalla ordinum antepilanis, clamore sublato principia Latinorum perturbant hastisque ora fodientes primo robore virorum caeso per alios manipulos velut inermes prope intacti evasere tantaque caede perrupere cuneos ut vix quartam partem relinquerent hostium.
10.7. The Samnites, too, drawn up a little way off at the base of the mountain, were a source of terror to the Latins. the rest, of all the citizens and allies, the chief glory of that war went to the consuls; of whom the one had drawn all the threats and menaces of the supernal and infernal gods upon himself alone, and the other had shown such valour and ability in the battle that it is readily agreed by both Romans and Latins who have handed down an account of this engagement that whichever side had been led by Titus Manlius would undoubtedly have been victorious.
10.7. Samnites quoque sub radicibus montis procul instructi praebuere terrorem Latinis. inter omnes cives sociosque praecipua laus eius belli penes consules fuit, quorum alter omnes minas periculaque ab deis superis inferisque in se unum vertit, alter ea virtute eoque consilio in proelio fuit ut facile convenerit inter Romanos Latinosque qui eius pugnae memoriam posteris tradiderunt, utrius partis T. Manlius dux fuisset, eius futuram haud dubie fuisse victoria.
10.9. The Latins fled to Minturnae. camp was captured after the battle and many men — chiefly Campanians —were caught and slain there.
10.9. Latini ex fuga se Minturnas contulerunt. secundum proelium capta, multique mortales ibi vivi oppressi, maxime Campani.
10.10. The body of Decius could not be found that day, for night overtook the searchers; on the following day it was fond, covered with missiles, in a great heap of enemies, and was given burial by his colleague in a manner befitting his death.
10.10. Deci corpus ne eo die inveniretur, nox quaerentes oppressit; postero die inventum inter maximam hostium stragem coopertum telis; funusque ei par morti celebrante collega factum est.
10.11. seems proper to add here that the consul, dictator, or praetor who devotes the legions of the enemy need not devote himself, but may designate any citizen he likes from a regularly enlisted Roman legion if the man who has been devoted dies, it is deemed that all is well;
10.11. adiciendum videtur, licere consuli dictatorique et praetori, cum legiones hostium devoveat, non utique se, sed quem velit ex legione Romana scripta civem devovere;
10.12. if he does not die, then an image of him is buried seven feet or more under ground and a sin —offering is slain; where the image has been buried tither a Roman magistrate may not go up.
10.12. si is homo qui devotus est moritur, probe factum videri; ni moritur, tum signum septem pedes altum aut maius in terram defodi et piaculum caedi; ubi illud signum defossum erit, eo magistratum Romanum escendere fas non esse.
10.13. if he shall choose to devote himself, as Decius did, if he does not die, he cannot sacrifice either for himself or for the people without sin, whether with a victim or with any other offering he shall choose. who devotes himself has the right to dedicate his arms to Vulcan, or to any other god he likes.
10.13. autem sese devovere volet, sicuti Decius devovit, ni moritur, neque suum neque publicum divinum pure faciet, sive hostia sive quo alio volet. sese devoverit, Volcano arma sive cui alii divo vovere volet ius est;
10.14. The spear on which the consul has stood and prayed must not fall into the hands of an enemy; should this happen, expiation must be made to Mars with the sacrifice of a swine, a sheep, and an ox. These particulars, even though the memory of every religious and secular usage has been wiped out by men's preference of the new and outlandish to the ancient and homebred, I have thought it not foreign to my purpose to repeat, and in the very words in which they were formulated and handed down. find in certain writers that it was not until the battle was over that the Samnites, who had been waiting for the outcome of the engagement, came up to support the Romans.
10.14. telo super quod stans consul precatus est hostem potiri fas non est; si potiatur, Marti suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri., etsi omnis divini humanique moris memoria abolevit nova peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre. Romanis post proelium demum factum Samnites venisse subsidio, exspectato eventu pugnae, apud quosdam auctores invenio. Latinis quoque ab Lavinio auxilium, dum deliberando terunt tempus, victis demum ferri coeptum;
11.4. The Latins, too, were already defeated when the Lavinians, who were consuming time in deliberation, began to march to their assistance; and receiving word of the disaster to the Latins just as their foremost ensigns and a portion of their column had passed out through the gates, they faced about and returned into the city, their praetor, Milionius, remarking, so it is said, that they would have to pay a large price to the Romans for that little march.
11.4. et, cum iam portis prima signa et pars agminis esset egressa, nuntio allato de clade Latinorum cum conversis signis retro in urbem rediretur, praetorem eorum nomine Milionium dixisse ferunt pro paulula via magnam mercedem esse Romanis solvendam.
11.5. of the Latins as survived the battle, after being dispersed over many roads, were reunited, and took refuge in the town of Vescia. the councils which they held there, Numisius, their commander —inchief, asserted that the fortune of war had in truth been common, overwhelming both armies with equal carnage.
11.5. Latinorum pugnae superfuerant multis itineribus dissipati cum se in unum conglobassent, Vescia urbs eis receptaculum fuit. in conciliis Numisius imperator eorum adfirmabat communem vere Martem belli utramque aciem pari caede prostravisse victoriaeque nomen tantum penes Romanos esse, ceteram pro victis fortunam et illos gerere; funesta duo consulum praetoria, alterum parricidio filii, alterum consulis devoti caede;
11.7. The Romans, he said, were victorious only in name, in all else they too were as though they had been defeated; both consular headquarters were polluted, the one by the blood of a son, the other by the death of the devoted consul; their whole army had been cut to pieces, their first and second lines had been massacred, and the slaughter had extended from the troops before the standards to those behind them; finally the veterans had restored the day; but though the Latin forces had been equally cut up, yet, for recruiting, either Latium or the Volscian country was nearer than Rome;
11.7. trucidatum exercitum omnem, caesos hastatos principesque, stragem et ante signa et post signa factam, triarios postremo rem restituisse; Latinorum etsi pariter accisae copiae sint, tamen supplemento vel Latium propius esse vel Volscos quam Romam;
11.9. if therefore it seemed good to then, he would speedily summon the fighting men front the Latin and Volscian tribes, and would return with an embattled host to Capua, where the unexpectedness of his arrival would strike dismay into the Romans, who just then were looking for anything rather than a battle.
11.9. itaque, si videatur eis, se ex Latinis et ex Volscis populis iuventute propere excita, rediturum infesto exercitu Capuam esse Romanosque nihil tum minus quam proelium exspectantes necopinato adventu perculsurum.
11.10. letters were sent out to all parts of Latium and the country of the Volsci, and since those who received them had not been present at the battle, gained ready credence; and an army of militia was levied in hot haste and brought together from every quarter.
11.10. litteris circa Latium nomenque Volscum missis, quia qui non interfuerant pugnae ad credendum temere faciliores erant, tumultuarius undique exercitus raptim conscriptus convenit. agmini Torquatus consul ad Trifanum— inter Sinuessam Minturnasque is locus est—occurrit. castris locus caperetur, sarcinis utrimque in acervum coniectis pugnatum debellatumque est;
11.11. force Torquatus the consul met near Trifanum, a place situated between Sinuessa and Minturnae. armies, without waiting to choose sites for their camps, piled their baggage and fell to fighting, and the war was ended then and there;
11.11. adeo enim accisae res sunt ut consuli victorem exercitum ad depopulandos agros eorum ducenti dederent se omnes Latini deditionemque eam Campani sequerentur.
11.12. for the enemy's strength was brought so low that, when the consul led his victorious army to pillage their fields, the Latins all surrendered, and the Campanians followed their example. Latium and Capua were deprived of territory.
11.12. Latium Capuaque agro multati. Latinus ager Privernati addito agro et Falernus, qui populi 'Campani fuerat, usque ad Volturnum flumen plebi Romanae dividitur.
11.13. The Latin territory, with the addition of that belonging to Privernum, together with the Falernian —which had belonged to the Campanian people —as far as the river Volturnus, was parcelled out amongst the Roman plebs.
11.13. in Latino iugera, ita ut dodrante ex Privernati complerent, data, terna in Falerno quadrantibus etiam pro longinquitate adiectis.
11.14. The assignment was two iugera in Latium supplemented with three —fourths of a iugerum from the land of Privernum, or three iugera in the Falernian district, —a fourth of a iugerum being added to compensate for its remoteness.
11.14. poenam fuere Latinorum Laurentes Campanorumque equites, quia non desciverant. Laurentibus renovari foedus iussum, renovaturque ex eo quotannis post diem decimum Latinarum.
11.15. The Laurentes and the Campanian knights were exempted from the punishment inflicted on the Latins, because they had not revolted; it was ordered that the treaty with the Laurentes should be renewed, and it has been renewed every year from that time, on the tenth day after the Latin Festival. The Campanian knights received Roman citizenship, and to commemorate the occasion a bronze tablet was fastened up in the temple of Castor at Rome., the Campanian people were commanded to pay them each a yearly stipend —there were sixteen hundred of them —amounting to four hundred and fifty denarii.
11.15. Campanis civitas Romana data, monumentoque ut esset, aeneam tabulam in aede Castoris Romae fixerunt. quoque eis Campanus populus iussus pendere in singulos quotannis—fuere autem mille et sexcenti—denarios nummos quadringenos quinquagenos. bello gesto, praemiis poenaque pro cuiusque merito persolutis, T. Manlius Romam rediit. venienti seniores tantum obviam exisse constat, iuventutem et tunc tune et omni vita deinde aversatam eum exsecratamque.
12.2. The war being thus dispatched, and rewards and penalities distributed in accordance with everyone's deserts, Titus Manlius returned to Rome; it is said that on his approach only the seniors went out to meet him, and that the young men, then and for all the remainder of his days, abhorred and execrated him. The Antiates committed depredations upon the lands of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonium. Manlius, the consul, having been unable himself to conduct this war because of ill —health, appointed as dictator Lucius Papirius Crassus, who at that time happened to be praetor, and he in tum named Lucius Papirius Cursor master of the horse.
12.2. Antiates in agrum Ostiensem Ardeatem Solonium incursiones fecerunt. Manlius consul, quia ipse per valetudinem id bellum exsequi nequierat, dictatorem L. Papirium Crassum, qui tum forte erat praetor, dixit; ab eo magister equitum L. Papirius Cursor dictus.
12.3. The dictator accomplished nothing noteworthy against the Antiates, though he lay some months encamped in their territory.
12.3. memorabile adversus Antiates ab dictatore gestum est, cum aliquot menses stativa in agro Antiati habuisset.
12.4. a year that was famous for its victory over so many and so powerful nations, and also for the glorious death of one of the consuls and the other's severity of discipline, which though cruel was nevertheless renowned through the ages, succeeded the consulship of Tiberius Aemilius Mamercinus and Quintus Publilius Philo.
12.4. insigni victoria de tot ac tam potentibus populis, ad hoc consulum alterius nobili morte, alterius sicut truci ita claro ad memoriam imperio, successere consules Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus Q. Publilius Philo, neque in similem materiam rerum, et ipsi aut suarum rerum aut partium in re publica magis quam patriae memores.
12.5. These men had no such opportunities, and were, besides, more concerned for their own or their party's interests than for the country. The Latins took up arms again, being incensed at the confiscation of their land, and suffered a defeat and the loss of their camp, in the Fenectane Plains. Publilius, under whose command and auspices the campaign had been conducted, was receiving the surrender of the Latin peoples whose soldiers had fallen there, Aemilius led his army against Pedum. The Pedani were supported by the people of Tibur, Praeneste, and Velitrae, and auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and Antium.
12.5. Latinos ob iram agri amissi rebellantes in campis Fenectanis fuderunt castrisque exuerunt. Publilio, cuius ductu auspicioque res gestae erant erait, in deditionem accipiente Latinos populos, quorum ibi iuventus caesa erat, Aemilius ad Pedum exercitus duxit.
12.7. the Romans proved superior in certain engagements, yet the town of Pedum and the camp of the allied nations, which adjoined it, still remained intact to be dealt with, when suddenly the consul, hearing that his colleague had been decreed a triumph, left the war unfinished and returned to Rome to demand a triumph for himself as well, without staying to obtain a victory. self —seeking disgusted the Fathers, who denied him a triumph, unless he should capture Pedum or receive its surrender.
12.7. tuebatur Tiburs Praenestinus Veliternusque populus; venerant et ab Lanuvio Antioque auxilia. cum proeliis quidem superior Romanus esset, ad urbem ipsam Pedum castraque sociorum populorum, quae urbi adiuncta erant, integer labor restaret, bello infecto repente omisso consul, quia collegae decretum triumphum audivit, ipse quoque triumphi ante victoriam flagitator Romam rediit.
12.10. from the senate by this rebuff, Aemilius thereafter administered his consulship in the spirit of a seditious tribune.
12.10. cupiditate offensis patribus negantibusque nisi Pedo capto aut dedito triumphum, hinc alienatus ab senatu Aemilius seditiosis tribunatibus similem deinde consulatum gessit.
12.11. , all the time that he was consul, he ceased not to accuse the senators to the people, while his colleague. since he too was of the plebs, offered not the smallest opposition. The ground of his accusations was the niggardly apportionment of land to the plebeians in the Latin and Falernian districts. when the senate, desiring to put an end to the authority of the consuls, ordered that a dictator should be appointed to oppose the rebellious Latins, Aemilius, who then had the rods, named his colleague dictator, by whom Junius Brutus was designated master of the horse.
12.11. neque, quoad fuit consul, criminari apud populum patres destitit collega haudquaquam adversante, quia et ipse de plebe erat—materiam autem praebebat criminibus ager in Latino Falernoque maligne plebei divisus—et postquam senatus finire imperium consulibus cupiens dictatorem adversus rebellantes Latinos dici iussit, Aemilius, cuius tum fasces erant, collegam dictatorem dixit; ab eo magister equitum Iunius Brutus dictus.
12.14. Publilius was a popular dictator, both because of his denunciation of the senate and because he carried through three laws very advantageous to the plebs and prejudicial to the nobles:
12.14. popularis et orationibus in patres criminosis fuit, et quod tres leges secundissimas plebei, adversas nobilitati tulit:
12.15. one, that the decisions of the plebs should be binding on all the Quirites; another, that the Fathers should ratify the measures proposed at the centuriate comitia before they were voted on; and a third, that at least one censor should be chosen from the plebs —since they had gone so far as to make it lawful for both to be plebeians.
12.15. unam, ut plebiscita omnes Quirites tenerent; alteram, ut legum, quae comitiis centuriatis ferrentur, ante initum suffragium patres auctores fierent; tertiam, ut alter utique ex plebe —cum eo ventum sit ut utrumque plebeium fieri liceret—censor crearetur.
12.17. The harm that was wrought at home in that year by the consuls and the dictator outweighed —in the belief of the patricians —the increase in empire that resulted from their victory and their management of the war. the following year, when Lucius Furius Camillus and Gaius Maenius were consuls, the senators, in order to render more conspicuous the negligence of Aemilius in the year before, insisted angrily that men and arms and every kind of force must be employed to capture Pedum and destroy it; and the new consuls were forced to put aside all other matters and set out for that place. The Latins were now come to such a pass that they could endure neither war nor peace; for war they lacked the means, and they scorned peace, for they still smarted under the confiscation of their land.
12.17. eo anno domi acceptum cladis ab consulibus ac dictatore quam ex victoria eorum bellicisque rebus foris auctum imperium patres credebant. insequenti, L. Furio Camillo C. Maenio consulibus, quo insignitius omissa res Aemilio, superioris anni consuli, exprobraretur, Pedum armis virisque et omni vi expugnandum ac delendum senatus fremit; coactique novi consules omnibus eam rem praeverti proficiscuntur. Latio is status erat rerum ut neque bellum neque pacem pati possent. bellum opes deerant; pacem ob agri adempti dolorem aspernabantur.
13.3. seemed necessary to adopt a compromise, and keep to their towns —lest they might provoke the Romans and afford them a pretext for hostilities —and if tidings were brought that any town was beleaguered, to send in help to the besieged from all the surrounding peoples.
13.3. consiliis standum videbatur—ut oppidis se tenerent, ne lacessitus Romanus causam belli haberet—et si cuius oppidi obsidio nuntiata esset, undique ex omnibus populis auxilium obsessis ferretur.
13.4. all that, the cities that aided Pedum were very few. The Tiburtes and Praenestini, whose territories lay near by, reached Pedum; the Aricini, Lanuvini, and Veliterni, as they were effecting a juncture with the Antiate Volsci at the river Astura, were suddenly attacked by Maenius and routed. Camillus dealt with the very powerful army of the Tiburtes in the vincinity of Pedum; the struggle was harder, but the issue was equally successful.
13.4. tamen nisi admodum a paucis populis Pedani adiuti sunt. Tiburtes Praenestinique, quorum ager propior erat, Pedum pervenere; Lanuvinosque et Veliternos Antiatibus Volscis se coniungentes ad Asturae flumen Maenius improviso adortus fudit. Camillus ad Pedum cum Tiburtibus, maxime valido exercitu, maiore mole quamquam aeque prospero eventu pugnat.
13.7. The greatest confusion was occasioned by a sudden sally of the townsfolk during the battle; but Camillus, sending a part of his army against them, not only drove them back into their city, but having discomfited both them and their allies, even took the place by escalade that very day.
13.7. maxime repentina inter proelium eruptio oppidanorum fecit; in quos parte exercitus conversa Camillus non compulit solum eos intra moenia, sed eodem etiam die, cum ipsos auxiliaque eorum perculisset, oppidum scalis cepit.
13.8. The consuls then resolved, with the added energy and courage that came with the capture of one city, to proceed with their victorious army to the thorough conquest of the Latins; nor did they rest until, by storming every city or receiving its surrender, they had brought all Latium under their dominion.
13.8. inde iam maiore conatu animoque ab unius expugnatione urbis ad perdomandum Latium victorem circumducere exercitum. quievere antequam expugnando aut in deditionem accipiendo singulas urbes Latium omne subegere.
13.9. , distributing garrisons amongst the recovered towns, they departed for Rome, to enjoy the triumph by general consent awarded them. addition to the triumph, they were granted the honour —a rare one in those days —of equestrian statues put up in the Forum.
13.9. inde dispositis per recepta oppida Romam ad destinatum omnium consensu triumphum decessere. triumpho honos, ut statuae equestres eis—rara illa aetate res—in foro ponerentur.
13.10. the consular elections for the following year were held, Camillus referred to the senate the disposition of the Latin peoples, and spoke as follows:
13.10. comitiis in insequentem annum consules rogarent, Camillus de Latinis populis ad senatum rettulit atque ita disseruit:
13.11. “Conscript Fathers, what was needful to be done in Latium in the way of war and arms has now by Heaven's favour and the valour of our troops been brought to a conclusion.”
13.11. conscripti, quod bello armisque in Latio agendum fuit, id iam deum benignitate ac virtute militum ad finem venit. ad Pedum Asturamque sunt exercitus hostium;
13.12. “The armies of our enemies have been cut to pieces at Pedum and on the Astura; all the Latin towns, and Antium in the land of the Volsci, have either been carried by storm or have made submission, and are in the keeping of your garrisons.”
13.12. oppida Latina omnia et Antium ex Volscis aut vi capta aut recepta in deditionem praesidiis tenentur vestris.
13.13. “remains to consider, since they so often occasion us anxiety by a renewal of hostilities, how we may hold them quietly to a lasting peace.”
13.13. consultatio est, quoniam rebellando saepius nos sollicitant, quonam modo perpetua pace quietos obtineamus.
13.14. “The immortal gods have given you such absolute control of the situation as to leave the decision in your hands whether Latium is henceforward to exist or not. are therefore able to assure yourselves of a permanent peace, in so far as the Latins are concerned, by the exercise of either cruelty or forgiveness, at your discretion.”
13.14. Di immortales ita vos potentes huius consilii fecerunt ut, sit Latium deinde an non sit, in vestra manu posuerint; itaque pacem vobis, quod ad Latinos attinet, parare in perpetuum vel saeviendo vel ignoscendo potestis.
13.15. “you adopt stern measures against those who have surrendered or been vanquished? may blot out all Latium, and make vast solitudes of those places where you have often raised a splendid army of allies and used it through many a momentous war.”
13.15. crudeliter consulere in deditos victosque? delere omne Latium, vastas inde solitudines facere, unde sociali egregio exercitu per multa bella magnaque saepe usi estis.
13.16. “you follow the example of your fathers, and augment the Roman state by receiving your conquered enemies as citizens? have at hand the means of waxing great and supremely glorious. government is certainly by far the strongest to which its subjects yield obedience gladly.”
13.16. exemplo maiorum augere rem Romanam victos in civitatem accipiendo? crescendi per summam gloriam suppeditat. id firmissimum longe imperium est quo oboedientes gaudent. maturato opus est quidquid statuere placet;
13.17. “whatever it pleases you to do, you must determine promptly; you are holding so many peoples in suspense betwixt hope and fear, that it behoves you both to resolve your own anxiety regarding them as soon as may be, and to be beforehand with them, whether in the way of punishment or kindness, while they are waiting in a dull amazement.”
13.17. tot populos inter spem metumque suspensos animi. habetis; et vestram itaque de eis curam quam primum absolvi, et illorum animos, dum exspectatione stupent, seu poena seu beneficio praeoccupari oportet.
13.18. “task has been to give you the power to decide regarding everything; it is yours to determine what is best for yourselves and for the state.” The leading senators praised the motion of Camillus on the national policy, but said that, since the Latins were not all in like case, his advice could best be carried out if the consuls would introduce proposals concerning the several peoples by name, as each should seem to merit. were therefore taken up and disposed of separately. The Lanuvini were given citizenship, and their worship was restored to them, with the stipulation that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be held in common by the burghers of Lanuvium and the Roman People.
13.18. fuit efficere ut omnium rerum vobis ad consulendum potestas esset; vestrum est decernere quod optimum vobis reique publicae sit. Principes senatus relationem consulis de summa rerum laudare, sed, cum aliorum causa alia esset, ita expediri posse consilium dicere, si, ut pro merito cuiusque statueretur, de singulis nominatim referrent populis. igitur de singulis decretumque. Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita, cum eo ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Iunonis communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo Romano esset.
14.3. The Aricini, Nomentani, and Pedani were received into citizenship on the same terns as the Lanuvini.
14.3. Aricini Nomentanique et Pedani eodem iure quo Lanuvini in civitatem accepti.
14.4. The Tusculans were allowed to retain the civic rights which they enjoyed, and the charge of renewing the war' was laid to a few ringleaders, without endamaging the community.
14.4. Tusculanis servata civitas quam habebant, crimenque rebellionis a publica fraude in paucos auctores versum.
14.5. The Veliterni, Roman citizens of old, were severely punished, because they had so often revolted: not only were their walls thrown down, but their senate was carried off and commanded to dwell across the Tiber, with this understanding: that if any should be caught on the hither side, his redemption should be set at a thousand pounds of bronze, and that he who had captured him might not release his prisoner from bondage until the fine was paid. were settled on the senators' lands, and on their enrolment Velitrae regained its former appearance of populousness.
14.5. Veliternos, veteres cives Romanos, quod totiens rebellassent, graviter saevitum: et muri deiecti et senatus inde abductus iussique trans Tiberim habitare, ut eius qui cis Tiberim deprehensus esset usque ad mille pondo assium clarigatio esset nec priusquam aere persoluto is qui cepisset extra vincula capture haberet.
14.7. Antium likewise a colony was dispatched, with an understanding that the Antiates might be permitted, if they liked, themselves to enroll as colonists; their war —ships were taken from them and their people were forbidden the sea; they were granted
14.7. agrum senatorum coloni missi, quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae frequentiae Velitrae receperunt. Antium nova colonia missa, cum eo ut Antiatibus permitteretur, si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent; naves inde longae abactae interdictumque mari Antiati populo est et civitas data.
14.9. citizenship. The Tiburtes and Praenestini were deprived of territory, not only because of the fresh charge of rebellion brought against them in common with the other Latins, but because they had once, in disgust at the power of Rome, united in arms with the Gauls, a race of savages. The rest of the Latin peoples were deprived of the rights of mutual trade and intermarriage and of holding common councils.
14.9. Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati, neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen, sed quod taedio imperii Romani cum Gallis, gente efferata, arma quondam consociassent.
14.10. The Campanians, out of compliment to their knights, because they had not consented to revolt along with the Latins, were granted citizenship without the suffrage; so too were the Fundani and Formiani, because they had always afforded a safe and peaceful passage through their territories. was voted to give the people of Cumae and Suessula the same rights and the same terms as the Capuans.
14.10. Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt. Campanis equitum honoris causa, quia cum Latinis rebellare noluissent, Fundanisque et Formianis, quod per fines eorum tuta pacataque semper fuisset via, civitas sine suffragio data.
14.11. The ships of the Antiates were some of them laid up in the Roman dockyards, and some were burnt and a motion passed to employ their beaks for the adornment of a platform erected in the Forum.
14.11. Suessulanosque eiusdem iuris condicionisque cuius Capuam esse placuit.
14.12. place was dedicated with augural ceremonies and given the name of Rostra or The Beaks. the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius Longus and Publius Aelius Paetus the good —will which their generous conduct had procured for the Romans had been no less efficacious than their power in maintaining a general peace, when a war broke out between the Sidicini and the Aurunci. The Aurunci had surrendered in the consulship of Titus Manlius and had given no trouble since that time, for which reason they had the better right to expect assistance from the Romans.
14.12. Antiatium partim in navalia Romae subductae, partim incensae, rostrisque earum suggestum in foro exstructum adornari placuit, Rostraque id templum appellatum. C. Sulpicio Longo P. Aelio Paeto consulibus cum omnia non opes magis Romanae quam beneficiis parta gratia bona pace obtineret, inter Sidicinos Auruncosque bellum ortum. Aurunci, T. Manlio consule in deditionem accepti, nihil deinde moverant; eo petendi auxilii ab Romanis causa iustior fuit.
15.3. before the consuls marched from Rome —for the Senate had directed them to defend the Aurunci —tidings were brought that the Aurunci had abandoned their town, in their alarm, and had taken refuge, with their wives and children, in Suessa —now called Aurunca —which they had fortified: and that their ancient walls and their city had been destroyed by the Sidicini.
15.3. priusquam consules ab urbe—iusserat enim senatus defendi Auruncos—exercitum educerent, fama adfertur Auruncos metu oppidum deseruisse profugosque cum coniugibus ac liberis Suessam communisse, quae nunc Aurunca appellatur, moenia antiqua eorum urbemque ab Sidicinis deletam.
15.5. news made the senate angry with the consuls, by whose tardiness the allies had been betrayed, and they ordered a dictator to be appointed. The nomination fell to Gaius Claudius Inregillensis, who named as his master of horse Gaius Claudius Hortator.
15.5. ea infensus consulibus senatus, quorum cunctatione proditi socii essent, dictatorem dici iussit. C. Claudius Inregillensis magistrum equitum C. Claudium Hortatorem dixit.
15.6. A religious difficulty was then raised about the dictator, and on the augurs' reporting that there seemed to have been a flaw in his appointment, the dictator and his master of the horse resigned.
15.6. inde iniecta de dictatore, et cum augures vitio creatum videri dixissent, dictator magisterque equitum se magistratu abdicarunt.
15.7. that year the Vestal Minucia, suspected in the first instance because of her dress, which was more ornate than became her station, was subsequently accused before the pontiffs on the testimony of a slave, and having been by their decree commanded to keep aloof from the sacred rites and to retain her slaves in her own power, was convicted and buried alive near the Colline Gate, to the right of the paved road in the Polluted Field —so called, I believe, on account of her unchastity.
15.7. anno Minucia Vestalis suspecta primo propter mundiorem iusto cultum, insimulata deinde apud pontifices ab indice servo, cum decreto eorum iussa esset sacris abstinere familiamque in potestate habere, facto iudicio viva sub terram ad portam Collinam dextra viam stratam defossa Scelerato campo; credo ab incesto id ei loco nomen factum.
15.9. the same year Quintus Publilius Philo was made praetor, —the first to be chosen from the plebs. Sulpicius the Consul opposed his election and declared that he would receive no votes for him; but the senate, having failed in its opposition to plebeian candidates for the highest magistracies, was less obstinate in the matter of the praetorship.
15.9. anno Q. Publilius Philo praetor primum de plebe adversante Sulpicio consule, qui negabat rationem eius se habiturum, est factus, senatu, cum in summis imperiis id non obtinuisset, minus in praetura tendente. annus, L. Papirio Crasso K. Duillio consulibus, Ausonum magis novo quam magno bello fuit insignis.
16.2. The following year, being the consulship of Lucius Papirius Crassus and Caeso Duillius, was remarkable for a war more novel than important, to wit with the Ausonians, who inhabited the city of Cales.
16.2. gens Cales urbem incolebat; Sidicinis finitimis arma coniunxerat, unoque proelio haud sane memorabili duorum populorum exercitus fusus propinquitate urbium et ad fugam pronior et in fuga ipsa tutior fuit.
16.3. had joined forces with their neighbours, the Sidicini, and the army of the two peoples having suffered a defeat in one —by no means memorable — battle, was by the nearness of their cities not only the more disposed to flight, but found in that same flight the readier safety. The senators, however, did not cease to be concerned over this war, so many times before had the Sidicini either drawn the sword themselves, or lent aid to those who were drawing it, or been the occasion of hostilities. accordingly bent every effort to elect to his fourth consulship the greatest soldier of that age, Marcus Valerius Corvus.
16.3. tamen omissa eius belli cura patribus, quia totiens iam Sidicini aut ipsi moverant bellum aut moventibus auxilium tulerant aut causa armorum fuerant. omni ope adnisi sunt, ut maximum ea tempestate imperatorem M. Valerium Corvum consulem quartum facerent;
16.5. be his colleague, they gave him Marcus Atilius Regulus; and lest there should by chance be some miscarriage, they requested of the consuls that Corvus be given the command, without the drawing of lots.
16.5. collega additus Corvo M. Atilius Regulus; et ne forte casu erraretur, petitum ab consulibus ut extra sortem Corvi ea provincia esset.
16.6. over the victorious army from the previous consuls, he marched on Cales, where the war had originated, and routing the enemy —who had as yet not even recovered from the panic of the earlier encounter —at the first cheer and onset, he attacked the town itself.
16.6. victore a superioribus consulibus accepto, ad Cales, unde bellum ortum erat, profectus, cum hostes ab superioris etiam certaminis memoria pavidos clamore atque impetu primo fudisset, moenia ipsa oppugnare est adgressus.
16.7. The soldiers, for their part, were so eager that they wished to attempt the walls at once with scaling —ladders, and insisted that they could carry the place; but Corvus, since this would have been an arduous achievement, preferred to accomplish his purpose at the cost of labour rather than of danger to his men.
16.7. militum quidem is erat ardor ut iam inde cum scalis succedere ad muros vellent evasurosque contenderent;
16.8. therefore constructed a terrace and brought up mantlets, and moved his towers close to the walls, but a fortunate circumstance made it unnecessary to employ them. Marcus Fabius, a Roman prisoner, being neglected by his guards on a day of merrymaking, broke his bonds, let himself down by the wall, hand over hand, into the Roman works, by a rope which he had made fast to a battlement, and induced the general to attack the enemy while they were overcome with feasting and drinking.
16.8. Corvus, quia id arduum factu erat, labore militum potius quam periculo peragere inceptum voluit. aggerem et vineas egit turresque muro admovit, quarum usum forte oblata opportunitas praevertit. M. Fabius, captivus Romanus, cum per neglegentiam custodum festo die vinculis ruptis per murum inter opera Romanorum, religata ad pinnam muri reste suspensus,
16.10. The result was that the Ausonians and their city were captured with no greater effort than they had been defeated in the field. spoils were taken, a garrison was established in the town, and the legions were led back to Rome.
16.10. manibus se demisisset, perpulit imperatorem ut vino epulisque sopitos hostes adgrederetur; nec maiore certamine capti cum urbe Ausones sunt quam acie fusi erant. capta ingens est, praesidioque imposito Calibus reductae Romam legiones.
16.11. The consul triumphed, in pursuance of a senatorial decree, and lest Atilius should go without his meed of glory, both consuls were directed to march against the Sidicini.
16.11. Consul ex senatus consulto triumphavit, et, ne Atilius expers gloriae esset, iussi ambo consules adversus Sidicinos ducere exercitum.
16.12. first —being so instructed by the senate —they named a dictator to preside at the elections, their choice falling on Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus, who selected Quintus Publilius Philo to be master of the horse. the presidency of the dictator, Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius were chosen consuls.
16.12. ante ex senatus consulto comitiorum habendorum causa dixerunt L. Aemilium Mamercinum; is magistrum equitum Q. Publilium Philonem dixit. comitia habente consules creati sunt T. Veturius Sp. Postumius.
16.13. These men, although a half of the war —with the Sidicini —yet remained, nevertheless, in order to anticipate the desires of the plebs by doing them a service, brought in a proposal for sending out a colony to Cales.
16.13. , etsi belli pars cum Sidicinis restabat, tamen, ut beneficio praevenirent desiderium plebis, de colonia deducenda Cales rettulerunt;
16.14. The senate resolved that twenty —five hundred men should be enrolled for it, and appointed Caeso Duillius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius a commission of three to conduct the settlers to the land and apportion it amongst them.
16.14. factoque senatus consulto ut duo milia quingenti homines eo scriberentur, tres viros coloniae deducendae agroque dividundo creaverunt K. Duillium T. Quinctium M. Fabium. deinde consules a veteribus exercitu accepto ingressi hostium fines populando usque ad moenia atque urbem pervenerunt.
17.2. The new consuls then took over the army from their predecessors, and entering the enemy's territory laid it waste as far as their city walls. this juncture, since the Sidicini had themselves raised an enormous army and seemed likely to make a desperate struggle in behalf of their last hope, and since the rumour went that Samnium was arming, the senate authorized the consuls to nominate a dictator.
17.2. quia ingenti exercitu comparato Sidicini et ipsi pro extrema spe dimicaturi enixe videbantur et Samnium fama erat conciri ad bellum, dictator ab consulibus ex auctoritate senatus dictus P.
17.3. appointed Publius Cornelius Rufinus, and Marcus Antonius was made master of the horse.
17.3. Cornelius Rufinus, magister equitum M.
17.4. was subsequently raised about the regularity of their appointment, and they resigned their office; and when a pestilence ensued, it was supposed that all the auspices were affected by that irregularity, and the state reverted to an interregnum.
17.4. Antonius. Religio deinde incessit vitio eos creatos, magistratuque se abdicaverunt; et quia pestilentia insecuta est, velut omnibus eo vitio contactis auspiciis, res ad interregnum rediit.
17.5. Marcus Valerius Corvus, the fifth interrex from the beginning of the interregnum, achieved the election to the consulship of Aulus Cornelius (for the second time) and Gnaeus Domitius.
17.5. interregno inito per quintum demum interregem, M. Valerium Corvum, creati consules A. Cornelius iterum et Cn. Domitius.
17.6. , as it did, when all was tranquil, the rumour of a Gallic war worked like an actual rising, and caused the senate to have recourse to a dictator. Marcus Papirius Crassus was the man, and he named Publius Valerius Publicola master of the horse.
17.6. rebus fama Gallici belli pro tumultu valuit ut dictatorem dici placeret. M. Papirius Crassus et magister equitum P. Valerius Publicola.
17.7. they were conducting their levy, more strenuously than they would have done for a war against a neighbouring state, scouts were sent out, and returned with the report that all was quiet amongst the Gauls.
17.7. quibus cum dilectus intentius quam adversus finitima bella haberetur, exploratores missi attulerunt quieta omnia apud Gallos esse.
17.8. Samnium likewise had now for two years been suspected of hatching revolutionary schemes, for which reason the Roman army was not withdrawn from the Sidicine country.
17.8. Samnium quoque iam alterum annum turbari novis consiliis suspectum erat; eo ex agro Sidicino exercitus Romanus non deductus.
17.9. an invasion by Alexander of Epirus drew the Samnites off into Lucania, and these two peoples engaged in a pitched battle with the King, as he was marching up from Paestum.
17.9. Samnites bellum Alexandri Epirensis in Lucanos traxit; qui duo populi adversus regem escensionem a Paesto facientem signis conlatis pugnaverunt.
17.10. The victory remained with Alexander, who then made a treaty of peace with the Romans; with what faith he intended to keep it, had the rest of his campaign been equally successful, is a question.
17.10. certamine superior Alexander, incertum qua fide culturus, si perinde cetera processissent, pacem cum Romanis fecit.
17.11. this same year the census was taken and new citizens were assessed. their account the Maecian and Scaptian tribes were added. The censors who added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and Spurius Postumius.
17.11. anno census actus novique cives censi. propter eos additae Maecia et Scaptia; censores addiderunt Q. Publilius Philo Sp. Postumius.
17.12. The people of Acerra became Romans under a statute, proposed by the praetor Lucius Papirius, which granted them citizenship without the suffrage. were the events of this year at home and in the field.
17.12. Romani facti Acerrani lege ab L. Papirio praetore lata, qua civitas sine suffragio data. eo anno domi militiaeque gesta. insequens annus seu intemperie caeli seu humana fraude fuit, M. Claudio Marcello C. Valerio consulibus.
18.2. terrible year succeeded, whether owing to the unseasonable weather or to man's depravity. The consuls were Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gaius Valerius. find Flaccus and Potitus severally given in the annals, as the surname of Valerius; but it does not greatly signify where the truth lies in regard to this.
18.2. Potitumque varie in annalibus cognomen consulis invenio; ceterum in eo parvi refert quid veri sit; illud pervelim—nec omnes auctores sunt—proditum falso esse, venenis absumptos quorum mors infamem annum pestilentia fecerit;
18.3. thing, however, I should be glad to believe had been falsely handed down —and indeed not all the authorities avouch it —namely, that those whose deaths made the year notorious for pestilence were in reality destroyed by poison; still, I must set forth the story as it comes to us, that I may not deprive any writer of his credit. the leading citizens were falling ill with the same kind of malady, which had, in almost every case the same fatal termination, a certain serving —woman came to Quintus Fabius Maximus, the curule aedile, and declared that she would reveal the cause of the general calamity, if he would give her a pledge that she should not suffer for her testimony.
18.3. sicut proditur tamen res, ne cui auctorum fidem abrogaverim, exponenda est. primores civitatis similibus morbis eodemque ferme omnes eventu morerentur, ancilla quaedam ad Q. Fabium Maximum aedilem curulem indicaturam se causam publicae pestis professa est, si ab eo fides sibi data esset haud futurum noxae indicium.
18.5. Fabius at once referred the matter to the consuls, and the consuls to the senate, and a pledge was given to the witness with the unanimous approval of that body.
18.5. Fabius confestim rem ad consules, consules ad senatum referunt, consensuque ordinis fides indici data. patefactum muliebri fraude civitatem premi matronasque ea venena coquere, et si sequi extemplo velint, manifesto deprehendi posse.
18.7. then disclosed the fact that the City was afflicted by the criminal practices of the women; that they who prepared these poisons were matrons, whom, if they would instantly attend her, they might take in the very act.
18.7. indicem et coquentes quasdam medicamenta et recondita alia invenerunt.
18.8. followed the informer and found certain women brewing poisons, and other poisons stored away. These concoctions were brought into the Forum, and some twenty matrons, in whose houses they had been discovered, were summoned thither by an apparitor. of their number, Cornelia and Sergia, of patrician houses both, asserted that these drugs were salutary. the informer giving them the lie, and bidding them drink and prove her charges false in the sight of all, they took time to confer, and after the crowd had been dismissed they referred the question to the rest, and finding that they, like themselves, would not refuse the draught, they all drank off the poison and perished by their own wicked practices.
18.8. in forum delatis et ad viginti matronis, apud quas deprehensa erant, per viatorem accitis, duae ex eis, Cornelia ac Sergia, patriciae utraque gentis, cum ea medicamenta salubria esse contenderent, ab confutante indice bibere iussae, ut se falsum commentam in conspectu omnium arguerent, spatio ad conloquendum sumpto, cum submoto populo rem ad ceteras rettulissent, haud abnuentibus et illis bibere, epoto medicamento suamet ipsae fraude omnes interierunt.
18.10. attendants being instantly arrested informed against a large number of matrons, of whom one hundred and seventy were found guilty;
18.10. extemplo earum comites magnum numerum matronarum indicaverunt; ex quibus ad centum septuaginta damnatae.
18.11. yet until that day there had never been a trial for poisoning in Rome. act was regarded as a prodigy, and suggested madness rather than felonious intent.
18.11. de veneficiis ante eam diem Romae quaesitum est. ea res loco habita captisque magis mentibus quam consceleratis similis visa;
18.12. when a tradition was revived from the annals how formerly in secessions of the plebs a nail had been driven by the dictator, and how men's minds, which had been distracted by dissension, had by virtue of that expiation regained their self —control, they resolved on the appointment of a dictator to drive the nail.
18.12. itaque memoria ex annalibus repetita in secessionibus quondam plebis clavum ab dictatore fixum alienatasque discordia mentes hominum eo piaculo compotes sui fuisse, dictatorem clavi figendi causa creari placuit.
18.13. The appointment went to Gnaeus Quinctilius, who named Lucius Valerius master of the horse. The nail was driven and they resigned their posts. The consular election resulted in the choice of Lucius Papirius Crassus (for the second time) and Lucius Plautius Venox. the outset of this year Volscian ambassadors from Fabrateria and Luca came to Rome asking protection, and promising that, if defended from Samnite aggressions, they would be loyal and obedient subjects of the Roman People. The senate thereupon sent envoys to the Samnites and warned them to do no violence to the territories of those cities.
18.13. Cn. Quinctilius magistrum equitum L. Valerium dixit, qui fixo clavo magistratu se abdicaverunt. consules L. Papirius Crassus iterum L. Plautius Venox; cuius principio anni legati ex Volscis Fabraterni et Lucani Romam venerunt, orantes ut in fidem reciperentur: si a Samnitium armis defensi essent, se sub imperio populi Romani fideliter atque oboedienter futuros.
19.3. The embassy was effective, not so much because the Samnites desired peace, as because they were unprepared, as yet, for war. The same year saw the beginning of the war with Privernum.
19.3. tum ab senatu legati denuntiatumque Samnitibus ut eorum populorum finibus vim abstinerent; valuitque ea legatio, non tam quia pacem volebant Samnites quam quia nondum parati erant ad bellum.
19.4. The enemy had the Fundanians for allies, and even a Fundanian general, by the name of Vitruvius Vaccus. was a man of distinction, not only in his own city, but in Rome as well, where he had a house on the Palatine, at the place which, after the building had been demolished and the area confiscated, was known as the Meadows of Vaccus.
19.4. anno Privernas bellum initum, cuius socii Fundani, dux etiam fuit Fundanus, Vitruvius Vaccus, vir non domi solum sed etiam Romae clarus; aedes fuere in Palatio eius, quae Vacci prata diruto aedificio publicatoque solo appellata.
19.5. was spoiling, far and wide, the territories of Setia, Norba, and Cora, when Lucius Papirius marched out to confront him, and took up a position not far from the other's camp.
19.5. hunc vastantem effuse Setinum Norbanumque et Coranum agrum L. Papirius profectus haud procul castris eius consedit.
19.6. Vitruvius had neither the strength of mind to remain behind his rampart in the face of a more powerful opponent, nor the courage to fight at a distance from his works.
19.6. Vitruvio nec ut vallo se teneret adversus validiorem hostem hosted sana constare mens, nec ut longius a castris dimicaret animus suppetere;
19.7. The last of his troops were scarcely clear of the camp gates and his line deployed, and the soldiers were thinking more of flight than of battle or the enemy, when he began, without showing either prudence or audacity, a critical engagement.
19.7. vix tota extra portam castrorum explicata acie, fugam magis retro quam proelium aut hostem spectante milite, sine consilio, sine audacia depugnat.
19.8. was easily and decisively defeated; yet, because his camp was so near and so readily accessible, he was able without great difficulty to save his men from heavy losses; indeed, there were hardly any slain in the battle itself, and in the flight only a few amongst the stragglers, as they rushed into the camp.
19.8. et levi momento nec ambigue est victus, ita brevitate ipsa loci facilique receptu in tam propinqua castra haud aegre militem a multa caede est tutatus;
19.9. cover of the earliest dusk they sought Privernum in a panic —stricken throng, to obtain for themselves the protection of walls in place of a rampart. Privernum the other consul Plautius, after everywhere pillaging the fields and driving off the cattle, led his army into the domain of Fundi.
19.9. nec fere quisquam in ipso certamine, pauci in turba fugae extremae, cum in castra ruerent, caesi; primisque tenebris Privernum inde petitum agmine trepido, ut muris potius quam vallo sese tutarentur. Priverno Plautius alter consul pervastatis passim agris praedaque abacta in agrum Fundanum exercitum inducit.
19.10. he crossed the border he was met by the Fundanian senate, who said that they had come to plead, not for Vitruvius and his followers, but for the people of Fundi, whom even Vitruvius himself had cleared of responsibility for the war, when he sought refuge in Privernum and not in his native city.
19.10. fines senatus Fundanorum occurrit; negant se pro Vitruvio sectamque eius secutis precatum venisse, sed pro Fundano populo, quem extra culpam belli esse ipsum Vitruvium iudicasse, cum receptaculum fugae Privernum habuerit, non patriam.
19.11. was therefore in Privernum that the Roman People should seek out and punish its enemies, who had fallen away at the same time from Fundi and from Rome, unmindful of either allegiance: the Fundani were peaceful, their sympathies were Roman, and they held in grateful recollection the gift of citizenship.
19.11. Priverni igitur hostes populi Romani quaerendos persequendosque esse, qui simul a Fundanis ac Romanis utriusque patriae immemores defecerint: Fundanis pace esse et animos Romanos et gratam memoriam acceptae civitatis.
19.12. begged the consul to make no war upon an innocent people, and declared that their lands, their city, their persons, and those of their wives and children were subject to the dominion of the Roman People and would so remain.
19.12. se consulem ut bellum ab innoxio populo abstineat; agros urbem corpora ipsorum coniugumque ac liberorum suorum in potestate populi Romani esse futuraque.
19.13. The consul heartily commended them, and announcing in a dispatch to Rome that the Fundanians were loyal, turned aside and marched against Privernum.
19.13. Fundanis consul litterisque Romam missis in officio Fundanos esse ad Privernum flexit iter. animadversum in eos qui capita coniurationis fuerant a consule scribit Claudius;
19.14. Claudius writes that before he set out, the consul executed the leaders of the plot, and sent some three hundred and fifty of the conspirators in chains to Rome; but that the senate would not accept of their surrender, being persuaded that the people of Fundi sought to escape with the punishment of their poor and lowly.
19.14. ad trecentos quinquaginta ex coniuratis vinctos Romam missos, eamque deditionem ab senatu non acceptam, quod egentium atque humilium poena defungi velle Fundanum populum censuerint. Privernum duobus consularibus exercitibus cum obsideretur, alter consul comitiorum causa Romam revocatus.
20.2. the two consular armies were laying siege to Privernum, the other consul was recalled to Rome to hold the elections. cells were built this year for the first time in the Circus. The war with Privernum was not yet out of the way, when there came an alarming report of a Gallic rising, a warning which the senate almost never disregarded.
20.2. eo anno in circo primum statuti. perfunctos cura Privernatis belli tumultus Gallici fama atrox invasit, haud ferme unquam neglecta patribus.
20.3. , without a moment's hesitation, the new consuls, Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus and Gaius Plautius, were directed, on the very day on which they entered office —the Kalends of July —to divide the commands between them, and Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war had fallen, was bidden to enlist an army without granting a single exemption;
20.3. igitur consules novi L. Aemilius Mamercinus et C. Plautius, eo ipso die, Kalendis Quinctilibus, quo magistratum inierunt, comparare inter se provincias iussi, et Mamercinus, cui Gallicum bellum evenerat, scribere exercitum sine ulla vacationis venia;
20.4. indeed it is said that a rabble of craftsmen even, and sedentary mechanics, was called out —a type the least qualified of all for military service.
20.4. quin opificum quoque volgus et sellularii, minime militiae idoneum genus, exciti dicuntur; Veiosque ingens exercitus contractus, ut inde obviam Gallis iretur;