20.5. An enormous army was brought together at Veii, which was to be the base for the campaign against the Gauls; further afield they would not go, lest the enemy, advancing upon the City, might slip by them on another road. a few days it became quite evident that no disturbance on the part of the Gauls was to be apprehended at that time, whereupon the whole array was directed against Privernum.
20.5. longius discedi, ne alio itinere hostis falleret ad urbem incedens, non placuit. deinde post dies satis explorata temporis eius quiete a Gallis Privernum omnis conversa vis.
20.6. this point there is a twofold tradition: some say that the city was carried by storm, and that Vitruvius was taken alive; others, that before the final assault was made, the people came out with a flag of truce to the consul and surrendered, and that Vitruvius was betrayed by his own followers.
20.6. inde fama est: alii vi captam urbem Vitruviumque vivum in potestatem venisse, alii priusquam ultima adhiberetur vis, ipsos se in deditionem consuli caduceum praeferentes permisisse auctores sunt Vitruviumque ab suis traditum.
20.7. The senate, being consulted regarding Vitruvius and the Privernates, commanded the consul Plautius to raze the walls of Privernum, and placing a strong garrison in the town, to come to Rome and triumph.
20.7. de Vitruvio Privernatibusque consultus consulem Plautium dirutis Priverni muris praesidioque valido imposito ad triumphum accersit: Vitruvium in carcere adservari iussit, quoad consul redisset, tum verberatum necari.
20.8. Vitruvius was to be held a prisoner till the consul should return, and then scourged and put to death; his house on the Palatine was to be pulled down, and his goods dedicated to Semo Sangus. of the bronze which his chattels realized were fashioned bronze disks, which were placed in the shrine of Sangus, over against the temple of Quirinus.
20.8. eius, quae essent in Palatio, diruendas, bona Semoni Sango censuerunt consecranda; quodque aeris ex eis redactum est, ex eo aenei orbes facti positi in sacello Sangus adversus aedem Quirini.
20.9. the senate of Privernum, it was decreed that any senator who had remained in Privernum after its defection from the Romans should dwell across the Tiber on the same terms as the Veliterni.
20.9. senatu Privernate ita decretum, ut qui senator Priverni post defectionem ab Romanis mansisset trans Tiberim lege eadem qua Veliterni habitaret.
20.10. These decrees having been promulgated, no more was said about the Privernates, until Plautius had triumphed. his triumph the consul caused Vitruvius and his associates in wrongdoing to be executed, and deeming it now safe to take up the question of the Privernates with men who were already sated with the punishment of the guilty, spoke as follows: “the authors of rebellion have now received the reward they merited, at the hands of the immortal gods, and at your own hands, Conscript Fathers, what is your pleasure regarding the ”
20.10. ita decretis usque ad triumphum Plauti silentium de Privernatibus fuit; post triumphum consul necato Vitruvio sociisque eius noxae apud satiatos iam suppliciis nocentium tutam mentionem de Privernatibus ratus, auctores defectionis inquit, meritas poenas et ab dis immortalibus et a vobis habent, patres conscripti, quid placet de innoxia multitudine fieri?
20.12. “innocent multitude? my own part, though it becomes me rather to ask opinions than to offer one, yet when I see that the Privernates are neighbours to the Samnites, whose peaceful relations with ourselves are at this time most precarious, I could wish that as little bad feeling as possible might be left between them and us.”
20.12. , etsi meae partes exquirendae magis sententiae quam dandae sunt, tamen, cum videam Privernates vicinos Samnitibus esse, unde nunc nobis incertissima pax est, quam minimum irarum inter nos illosque relinqui velim. ipsa per se res anceps esset, prout cuiusque ingenium erat atrocius mitiusve suadentibus, tum incertiora omnia unus ex Privernatibus legatis fecit, magis condicionis in qua natus esset quam praesentis necessitatis memor;
21.2. The question was of itself a hard one to decide, and every senator argued, as his own nature prompted him, for severity or mercy; but the whole situation was rendered even more uncertain by one of the deputation from Privernum, who possessed a livelier sense of the condition in which he had been born than of the exigencies of the actual crisis. man, on being asked by a certain advocate of harsher measures what punishment he thought the Privernates merited, replied, “punishment which is merited by those who deem themselves worthy to be free.” The consul perceived that this proud answer had increased the hostility of those who were before assailing the cause of the Privernates.
21.2. qui interrogatus a quodam tristioris sententiae auctore quam poenam meritos Privernates censeret, inquit quam merentur qui se libertate dignos censent. cum feroci responso infestiores factos videret consul eos qui ante Privernatium causam impugnabant, ut ipse benigna interrogatione mitius responsum eliceret, si poenam inquit remittimus vobis?
21.4. the hope that he might himself, by putting a more kindly question, elicit a friendlier response, “,” said lie, “if we remit your punishment? sort of peace may we hope to have with you?”
21.4. nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus? bonam dederitis inquit, et fidam et perpetuam; si malam, haud diuturnam.
21.5. “you grant us a good one,” was the answer, “you may look to find it faithfully and permanently kept; if a bad one, you must not expect that it will long endure.”
21.5. vero minari, nec id ambigue, Privernatem quidam, et illis vocibus ad rebellandum incitari pacatos populos;
21.6. some cried out that the Privernate was threatening them, and in no ambiguous terms, and asserted that by such words as those pacified peoples were roused up to rebellion. the more merciful party in the senate put a better construction on his answer, and pronounced it the utterance of a man, and a man free —born. it credible, they asked, that any nation, or for that matter any man, should abide longer than he must in a condition that was painful?
21.6. pars mitior senatus ad meliora responsum trahere et dicere viri et liberi vocem auditam: an credi posse ullum populum aut hominem denique in ea condicione cuius eum paeniteat diutius quam necesse sit mansurum?
21.7. peace, they asserted, was faithfully observed where the terms were willingly accepted; they must not hope for loyalty in a quarter where they sought to impose servitude.
21.7. pacem esse fidam ubi voluntarii pacati sint, neque eo loco ubi servitutem esse velint, fidem sperandam esse.
21.8. The consul himself did the most to bring about the adoption of these views, by remarking repeatedly to the consulars, who led in the expression of opinion, in a voice loud enough for many to overhear, that only those who took no thought for anything save.
21.8. hanc sententiam maxime consul ipse inclinavit animos, identidem ad principes sententiarum consulares, uti exaudiri posset a pluribus, dicendo eos demum qui nihil praeterquam de libertate cogitent dignos esse qui Romani fiant.
21.10. liberty were worthy of becoming Romans. they gained their cause in the senate, and on the authorization of the Fathers a measure was brought before the people conferring citizenship on the Privernates.
21.10. et in senatu causam obtinuere, et ex auctoritate patrum latum ad populum est ut Privernatibus civitas daretur.
21.11. that same year three hundred colonists were sent to Anxur, where they received each two iugera of land. The following year, when Publius Plautius Proculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula were consuls, was not signalised by any military or domestic event, except that a colony was sent out to Fregellae —the territory had belonged to the people of Signia, and afterwards to the Volsci —and a dole of meat was given to the people by Marcus Flavius, at the funeral of his mother.
21.11. anno Anxur trecenti in coloniam missi sunt; bina iugera agri acceperunt. est annus nulla re belli domive insignis, P. Plautio Proculo P. Cornelio Scapula consulibus, praeterquam quod Fregellas-Signinorum is ager, deinde Volscorum fuerat—colonia deducta et populo visceratio data a M. Flavio in funere matris.
22.3. thought that under colour of honouring his mother he had paid a price that he owed the people, because they had acquitted him, when brought to trial by the aediles, of the charge of corrupting a married woman.
22.3. qui per speciem honorandae parentis meritam mercedem populo solutam interpretarentur, quod eum die dicta ab aedilibus crimine stupratae matris familiae absolvisset.
22.4. the dole was made for the past favour shown him in the trial, it was also the cause of his receiving an office; and at the next election he was chosen tribune of the plebs in his absence, in preference to some who canvassed.
22.4. visceratio in praeteritam iudicii gratiam honoris etiam ei causa fuit. plebei proximis comitiis absens petentibus praefertur.
22.5. was a city called Palaepolis, not far from the spot where Neapolis is now, and the two cities were inhabited by one people. Cumae was their mother city, and the Cumani derive their origin from Chalcis in Euboea.
22.5. Palaepolis fuit haud baud procul inde ubi nunc Neapolis sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat.
22.6. to the fleet in which they had sailed from their home, they enjoyed much power on the coast of that sea by which they dwell; having landed first on the island of Aenaria and the Pithecusae, they afterwards ventured to transfer their seat to the mainland.
22.6. erant oriundi; Cumani Chalcide Euboica originem trahunt., qua advecti ab domo fuerant, multum in ora maris eius quod accolunt potuere, primo in insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes transferre.
22.7. nation, relying in part on its own strength, in part on the faithlessness shown by the Samnites in their alliance with the Romans, or perhaps on the plague which was reported as having assailed the City of Rome, committed many hostile acts against the Romans dwelling in the districts of Campania and Falerii.
22.7. civitas cum suis viribus tum Samnitium infidae adversus Romanos societati freta, sive pestilentiae quae Romanam urbem adorta nuntiabatur fidens, multa hostilia adversus Romanos agrum Campanum Falernumque incolentes fecit.
22.8. therefore Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Quintus Publilius Philo (for the second time) were consuls, fetials were dispatched to Palaepolis to demand redress; and on their bringing back a spirited answer from the Greeks — a race more valiant in words than in deeds —the people acted upon a resolution of the senate and commanded that war be made upon Palaepolis.
22.8. L. Cornelio Lentulo Q. Publilio Philone iterum consulibus, fetialibus Palaepolim ad res repetendas missis, cum relatum esset a Graecis, gente lingua magis strenua quam factis, ferox responsum, ex auctoritate patrum populus Palaepolitanis bellum fieri iussit.
22.9. the division of the commands between the consuls, the war with the Greeks fell to Publilius; Cornelius, with another army, was ordered to be ready for the Samnites, in case they should take the field;
22.9. consules provinciis comparatis bello Graeci persequendi Publilio evenerunt; Cornelius altero exercitu Samnitibus, si qua se moverent, oppositus—fama autem erat defectioni Campanorum imminentes admoturos castra—ibi optimum visum Cornelio stativa habere.
22.10. and since it was rumoured that they were only waiting to bring up their army the moment the Campanians began a revolt, that seemed to be the best place for the permanent encampment of Cornelius.
22.10. utroque consule exiguam spem pacis cum Samnitibus esse certior fit senatus: Publilius duo milia Nolanorum militum et quattuor Samnitium magis Nolanis cogentibus quam voluntate Graecorum recepta Palaepoli;
23.2. consuls informed the senate that there was very little hope of peace with the Samnites: Publilius reported that two thousand soldiers from Nola and four thousand Samnites had been received into Palaepolis, —rather under compulsion from the Nolani than by the good —will of the Greeks; Cornelius, that the Samnite magistrates had proclaimed a levy, and that all Samnium was up, while the neighbouring cities of Privernum, Fundi, and Formiae were being openly solicited to join.
23.2. Cornelius dilectum indictum a magistratibus universumque Samnium erectum ac vicinos populos, Privernatem Fundanumque et Formianum, haud ambigue sollicitari.
23.3. The senate having, in view of these facts, voted to send ambassadors to the Samnites before declaring war, received a defiant answer from them.
23.3. haec cum legatos mitti placuisset prius ad Samnites quam bellum fieret, responsum redditur ab Samnitibus ferox.
23.4. they actually accused the Romans of improper conduct, yet without neglecting to clear their own skirts —if they could —of the charges brought against them:
23.4. incusabant iniurias Romanorum, neque eo neglegentius ea quaeipsis obicerentur purgabant:
23.5. the Greeks, they said, were receiving no public counsel or support from them, nor had they asked the Fundani or Formiani to revolt; indeed they were quite strong enough to look out for themselves, if they chose to fight;
23.5. haud ullo publico consilio auxiliove iuvari Graecos nec Fundanum Formianumve a se sollicitatos; quippe minime paenitere se virium suarum, si bellum placeat.
23.6. on the other hand, they could not dissemble the chagrin of the Samnite nation that Fregellae, which they had captured from the Volsci and destroyed, should have been restored by the Roman People, and a colony planted in the territory of the Samnites which the Roman settlers called by that name;
23.6. non posse dissimulare aegre pati civitatem Samnitium quod Fregellas ex Volscis captas dirutasque ab se restituerit Romanus populus, coloniamque in Samnitium agro imposuerint, quam coloni eorum Fregellas appellent;
23.7. this was an insult and an injury, which, if its authors did not themselves recall it, they proposed to resist with might and main.
23.7. eam se contumeliam iniuriamque, ni sibi ab iis qui fecerint dematur, ipsos omni vi depulsuros esse.
23.8. the Roman legate invited them to discuss the question with the common allies and friends of both, the Samnite spokesman said, “do we beat about the bush? differences, Romans, will be decided, not by the words of envoys nor by any man's arbitration, but by the Campanian plain —where we must meet in battle, —by the sword, and by the common chance of war.”
23.8. Romanus legatus ad disceptandum eos ad communes socios atque amicos vocaret, perplexe agimus? inquit; certamina, Romani, non verba legatorum nec hominum quisquam disceptator, sed campus Campanus, in quo concurrendum est, et arma et communis Mars belli decernet.
23.9. “us encamp then face to face betwixt Suessula and Capua, and settle the question whether Samnite or Roman is to govern Italy.”
23.9. inter Capuam Suessulamque castra castris conferamus, et Samnis Romanusne imperio Italiam regat decernamus.
23.10. The Roman legates having replied that they should go, not where the enemy summoned them, but where their generals led then... taking up a favourable position between Palaepolis and Neapolis, Publilius had already deprived the enemy of that mutual exchange of assistance which they had made use of, as one place after another was hard pressed.
23.10. Romanorum cum se non quo hostis vocasset sed quo imperatores sui duxissent ituros esse respondissent.. Publilius inter Palaepolim Neapolimque loco opportune capto diremerat hostibus societatem auxilii mutui qua, ut quisque locus premeretur, inter se usi fuerant.
23.11. , since the time drew near for the elections, and it was not for the advantage of the state that Publilius, who was threatening the enemy's walls, should be called away from the prospective capture of their city, which might happen any day, the senate got the tribunes to propose a popular enactment, providing that Quintus Publilius Philo should, on the expiration of his consulship, conduct the campaign as proconsul until the Greeks should have been conquered.
23.11. cum et comitiorum dies instaret et Publilium imminentem hostium muris avocari ab spe capiendae in dies urbis haud e re publica esset, actum cum tribunis est, ad populum ferrent ut, cum Q. Publilius Philo consulatu abisset, pro consule rem gereret quoad debellatum cum Graecis esset.
23.13. Lucius Cornelius, who had already entered Samnium, and whom they were equally unwilling to withdraw from the vigorous prosecution of the war, they sent a letter directing him to name a dictator for conducting the elections.
23.13. L. Cornelio, quia ne eum quidem in Samnium iam ingressum revocari ab impetu belli placebat, litterae missae ut dictatorem comitiorum causa diceret. M. Claudium Marcellum;
23.14. named Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who named Spurius Postumius master of the horse. the comitia were not held by the dictator, inasmuch as the regularity of his appointment was called in question. The augurs were consulted, and announced that the procedure appeared faulty.
23.14. ab eo magister equitum dictus Sp. Postumius. tamen ab dictatore comitia sunt habita, quia vitione creatus esset in disquisitionem venit. augures vitiosum videri dictatorem pronuntiaverunt.
23.15. sentence the tribunes by their accusations made suspect and infamous; for the flaw, as they pointed out, could not easily have been discovered, since the consul rose in the night and appointed the dictator in silence, neither had the consul written to anyone regarding the transaction, whether officially or privately, nor was there a single mortal living who could say that he had seen or heard a thing that would bring to naught the auspices;
23.15. rem tribuni suspectam infamemque criminando fecerunt: nam neque facile fuisse id vitium nosci, cum consul oriens de nocte silentio diceret dictatorem, neque ab consule cuiquam publice privatimve de ea re scriptum esse nec quemquam mortalium exstare qui se vidisse aut audisse quid dicat quod auspicium dirimeret, neque augures divinare Romae sedentes potuisse quid in castris consuli vitii obvenisset;
23.16. nor yet could the augurs have divined, as they sat in Rome, what obstacle the consul had met with in the camp. there anyone, they would like to know, who could not see that the plebeian standing of the dictator was the thing which had seemed irregular to the augurs?
23.16. cui non apparere, quod plebeius dictator sit, id vitium auguribus visum? aliaque ab tribunis nequiquam iactata;
23.17. These and other objections were made by the tribunes to no purpose; the state at length reverted to an interregnum, and after the comitia had been again and again postponed, on one pretext or another, at last the fourteenth interrex, Lucius Aemilius, procured the election of consuls, viz. Gaius Poetelius and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus —in other annals I find the name of Cursor.
23.17. tandem ad interregnum res redit, dilatisque alia atque alia de causa comitiis quartus decimus demum interrex L. Aemilius consules creat C. Poetelium L. Papirium Mugillanum; Cursorem in aliis annalibus invenio. anno Alexandream in Aegypto proditum conditam, Alexandrumque Epiri regem ab exsule Lucano interfectum sortes Dodonaei iouis lovis eventu adfirmasse.
24.2. is recorded that in that same year Alexandria in Egypt was founded, and that Alexander, king of Epirus, being murdered by a Lucanian exile, fulfilled by his death the oracle of Jupiter at Dodona. his being summoned to Italy by the Tarentines, the oracle had warned him to beware of the Acherusian water and the city Pandosia, for there he was destined to end his days. this account he had passed over with the more speed into Italy, that he might be as far removed as possible from the city of Pandosia in Epirus and from the river Acheron, which, debouching from Molossis into the Infernal Marshes, discharges its waters into the Thesprotian Gulf.
24.2. ab Tarentinis in Italiam data dictio erat, caveret Acherusiam aquam Pandosiamque urbem: ibi fatis eius terminum dari. ocius transmisit in Italiam ut quam maxime procul abesset urbe Pandosia in Epiro et Acheronte amni, quem ex Molosside fluentem in Stagna Inferna accipit Thesprotius sinus.
24.4. , as generally happens, in seeking to escape his doom he ran full upon it. repeatedly defeated the Bruttian and Lucanian levies; having taken Heraclea, a Tarentine colony, from the Lucanians, and Sipontum belonging to the Apulians, and the Bruttian towns Consentia and Terina, and after that other towns of the Messapians and Lucanians; and having sent to Epirus three hundred illustrious families, to be held as hostages, he took up his station not far from the city Pandosia, which looks down upon the borders of Lucania and Bruttium, on three hills that stand some little distance apart from one another, that he might thence make incursions into every quarter of the enemy's country.
24.4. ut ferme fugiendo in media fata ruitur, cum saepe Bruttias Lucanasque legiones fudisset, Heracleam Tarentinorum coloniam ex Lucanis, Sipontum Apulorum, Consentiamque Bruttiorum ac Terinam, alias inde Messapiorum ac Lucanorum cepisset urbes et trecentas familias illustres in Epirum, quas obsidum numero haberet, misisset, haud procul Pandosia urbe, imminente Lucanis ac Bruttiis finibus, tres tumulos aliquantum inter se distantes insedit, ex quibus incursiones in omnem partem parterm agri hostilis faceret;
24.6. had about him some two hundred Lucanian exiles, whom he trusted; but their loyalty, like that of most men of that nation, was prone to change with the change of fortune.
24.6. et ducentos ferme Lucanorum exsules circa se pro fidis habebat, ut pleraque eius generis ingenia sunt, cum fortuna mutabilem gerentes fidem.
24.7. rains, which flooded all the fields, having isolated the three divisions of the army and cut them off from mutual assistance, the two bodies other than the king's were surprised and overpowered by the enemy, who, after putting them all to the sword, proceeded with their entire strength to blockade Alexander himself.
24.7. continui campis omnibus inundatis cum interclusissent trifariam exercitum a mutuo inter se auxilio, duo praesidia, quae sine rege erant, improviso hostium adventu opprimuntur; deletisque eis ad ipsius obsidionem omnes conversi.
24.8. the Lucanian exiles sent messengers to their countrymen, and promised that, if assured of restoration, they would give up the king, alive or dead, into their hands.
24.8. ab Lucanis exsulibus ad suos nuntii missi sunt, pactoque reditu promissum est regem aut vivum aut mortuum in potestatem daturos.
24.9. Alexander, with a chosen band, made a daring attempt, and broke out through the midst of his foes, cutting down the Lucanian general in a hand —to —hand encounter.
24.9. cum delectis ipse egregium facinus ausus per medios erumpit hostes, et ducem Lucanorum comminus congressum obtruncat;
24.10. , rallying his followers, who had become scattered in the flight, he came to a river, where the fresh ruins of a bridge, which the violence of the current had swept away, pointed out the road.
24.10. contrahensque suos ex fuga palatos pervenit ad amnem, ruinis recentibus pontis, quem vis aquae abstulerat, indicantem iter.
24.11. his company were making their way across the stream by a treacherous ford, a discouraged and exhausted soldier cried out, cursing the river's ill —omened name, “are rightly called the Acheros!” When the king heard this, he at once bethought him of the oracle, and stopped, undecided whether he should cross or not.
24.11. cum incerto vado transiret agmen, fessus metu ac labore miles, increpans nomen abominandum fluminis, Acheros vocaris inquit. ubi ad aures accidit regis, adiecit extemplo animum fatis suis substititque, dubius an transiret.
24.12. Sotimus, one of the young nobles who attended him, asked why he hesitated in so dangerous a crisis, and pointed out the Lucanians, who were looking for a chance to waylay him.
24.12. Sotimus, minister ex regiis pueris, quid in tanto discrimine periculi cunctaretur interrogans, indicat Lucanos insidiis quaerere locum.
24.13. a backward glance the king perceived them at a little distance coming towards him in a body, and drawing his sword, urged his horse through the middle of the stream. had already gained the shallow water, when a Lucanian exile cast a javelin that transfixed him.
24.13. ubi respexit rex procul grege facto venientes, stringit gladium, et per medium amnem transmittit equum; iamque in vadum egressum eminus veruto Lucanus exsul transfigit.
24.14. fell with the javelin in his lifeless body, and the current carried him down to the enemy's guard. them his corpse was barbarously mangled, for they cut it in two through the middle, and sending a half to Consentia, kept the other half to make sport for themselves.
24.14. inde cum inhaerente telo corpus exanime detulit amnis in hostium praesidia. foeda laceratio corporis facta. praeciso medio partem Consentiam misere, pars ipsis retenta ad ludibrium. cum iaculis saxisque procul incesseretur, mulier una ultra humanarum irarum fidem saevienti turbae immixta, ut parumper sustinerent precata, flens ait virum sibi liberosque captos apud hostes esse;
24.15. were standing off and pelting it with javelins and stones, when a solitary woman, exposing herself to the inhuman savagery of the raging crowd, besought them to forbear a little, and with many tears declared that her husband and children were prisoners in the hands of the enemy, and that she hoped that with the body of the king, however much disfigured, she might redeem them. ended the mutilation. was left of the corpse was cremated at Consentia by the care of none other than the woman, and the bones sent back to Metapontum, to the enemy; whence they were conveyed by ship to Epirus, to his wife Cleopatra and his sister Olympias, of whom the latter was mother, the former sister, to Alexander the
24.15. sperare corpore regio utcumque mulcato se suos redempturam. finis lacerationi fuit, sepultumque Consentiae quod membrorum reliquum fuit cura mulieris unius, ossaque Metapontum ad hostes remissa, inde Epirum devecta ad Cleopatram uxorem sororemque Olympiadem, quarum mater magni Alexandri altera, soror altera fuit.
24.18. Great. brief account of the sad end of Alexander may be excused on the score of his having warred in Italy, albeit Fortune held him back from attacking the Romans.
24.18. de Alexandri Epirensis tristi eventu, quamquam Romano bello fortuna eum abstinuit, tamen, quia in Italia bella gessit, paucis dixisse satis sit. anno lectisternium Romae, quintum post conditam urbem, iisdem quibus ante placandis habitum est deis.
25.2. lectisternium, the fifth since the founding of the City, was held this year, to propitiate the same deities as before. the new consuls, having sent fetials, as commanded by the people, to declare war on the Samnites, not only began themselves to make ready for it, on a much greater scale in every respect than they had done against the Greeks, but received new and at that time quite unlooked for help.
25.2. deinde consules iussu populi cum misissent qui indicerent Samnitibus bellum, ipsi maiore conatu quam adversus Graecos cuncta parabant; et alia nova nihil tum animo tale agitantibus accesserunt auxilia.
25.3. the Lucanians and Apulians, nations which until then had had no dealings with the Roman People, put themselves under their protection and promised arms and men for the war, and were accordingly received into a treaty of friendship.
25.3. Lucani atque Apuli, quibus gentibus nihil ad eam diem cum Romano populo fuerat, in fidem venerunt, arma virosque ad bellum pollicentes; foedere ergo in amicitiam accepti. tempore etiam in Samnio res prospere gesta.
25.4. the same time, the Romans conducted a successful campaign in Samnium. towns —Allifae, Callifae, and Rufrium —fell into their hands, and the rest of the country was devastated far and wide at the first coming of the consuls.
25.4. oppida in potestatem venerunt, Allifae Callifae Rufrium, aliusque ager primo adventu consulum longe lateque est pervastatus.
25.5. this war was beginning in so prosperous a fashion, the other, against the Greeks, was in a fair way to be concluded. not only were a part of the besieged cut off from the rest by the intervening entrenchments of the Romans, but things were going on within their walls much more dreadful than the perils with which the enemy threatened them; and as though the inhabitants had been made prisoners by their own defenders, they were subjected to outrage even in the persons of their children and their wives, and suffered all the horrors of captured cities.
25.5. bello tam prospere commisso, alteri quoque bello, quo Graeci obsidebantur, iam finis aderat. praeterquam quod intersaeptis munimentis hostium pars parti abscisa erat, foediora aliquanto intra muros iis quibus hostis territabat fiebant, et velut capti a suismet ipsi praesidiis indigna in liberis quoque ac coniugibus et quae captarum urbium extrema sunt patiebantur.
25.7. so, on a report that reinforcements were on their way, both from Tarentum and from the Samnites, they felt that they had within their city more Samnites than they wanted, but being Greeks, looked forward to the coming of their fellow Greeks, the young men of Tarentum, to enable them to resist the Samnites and the Nolani, no less than their enemies, the Romans.
25.7. cum et a Tarento et a Samnitibus fama esset nova auxilia ventura, Samnitium plus quam vellent intra moenia esse rebantur, Tarentinorum iuventutem, Graeci Graecos, haud minus per quos Samniti Nolanoque quam ut Romanis hostibus resisterent, exspectabant;
25.8. the end it appeared to them that surrender to the Romans was the least intolerable evil. Charilaus and Nymphius, their principal citizens, took counsel together, and arranged the part that each should play in order to bring this about. was to go over to the Roman general, the other to remain behind and make the city ready for the accomplishment of their design.
25.8. postremo levissimum malorum deditio ad Romanos visa: Charilaus et Nymphius, principes civitatis, communicato inter se consilio partes ad rem agendam divisere, ut alter ad imperatorem Romanorum transfugeret, alter subsisteret ad praebendam opportunam consilio urbem.
25.10. was Charilaus who went to Publilius Philo, and praying that it might tum out a good and favourable and fortunate thing for Palaepolis and for the Roman People, announced that he had resolved to deliver up the walls.
25.10. Charilaus fuit qui ad Publilium Philonem venit, et quod bonum faustum felix Palaepolitanis populoque Romano esset, tradere se ait moenia statuisse;
25.11. depended, he said, upon the honour of the Romans whether, having accomplished his intention, he should appear to have betrayed his country or to have saved it. himself in particular he neither stipulated nor requested anything; for his people he requested — though he did not stipulate —that if the enterprise succeeded, the Roman People should consider with what eagerness they had resumed the friendship, and the hazard which they ran, rather than the folly and temerity which had led them to forget their duty.
25.11. eo facto, utrum ab se prodita an servata patria videatur, in fide Romana positum esse; sibi privatim nec pacisci quicquam nec petere; publice petere quam pacisci magis ut, si successisset inceptum, cogitaret populus Romanus potius cum quanto studio periculoque reditum in amicitiam suam esset, quam qua stultitia et temeritate de officio decessum.
25.13. The general commended him, and gave him three thousand soldiers to seize that part of the city where the Samnites were established, appointing Lucius Quinctius, a military tribune, to command the force. the same time Nymphius for his part had gone craftily to work with the Samnite commander, and pointing out that all the forces of the Romans were either about Palaepolis or in Samnium, got him to consent that he should take a fleet and sail round them to the Roman seaboard, where he proposed, so he said, to ravage not only the coastal region, but the vicinity of Rome itself; it would however be necessary, in order to slip past the enemy unobserved, to put out at night, and the ships must be drawn down at once.
25.13. ab imperatore tria trial milia militum ad occupandam eam partem urbis: quam Samnites insidebant accepit; praesidio ei L. Quinctius tribunus militum praepositus. tempore et Nymphius praetorem Samnitium arte adgressus perpulerat, ut, quoniam omnis Romanus exercitus aut circa Palaepolim aut in Samnio esset, sineret se classe circumvehi ad Romanum agrum, non oram modo maris sed ipsi urbi propinqua loca depopulaturum. ut falleret, nocte proficiscendum esse extemploque naves deducendas. quo maturius fieret, omnis iuventus Samnitium praeter necessarium urbis praesidium ad litus missa.
26.3. this might be accomplished the more expeditiously, all the Samnite soldiers, except the few who were needed to mount guard in the city, were sent down to the shore. Nymphius was killing time there in the darkness, purposely issuing contradictory orders to confuse the throng, which was so large as to get in its own way, Charilaus, having been received into the city, as agreed upon by the conspirators, had occupied the highest part of it with Roman soldiers, whom he now commanded to give a cheer.
26.3. dum Nymphius in tenebris et multitudine semet ipsa impediente, sedulo aliis alia imperia turbans, terit tempus, Charilaus ex composito ab sociis in urbem receptus, cum summa urbis Romano milite implesset, tolli clamorem iussit: ad quem Graeci signo accepto a principibus quievere, Nolani per aversam partem urbis via Nolam ferente effugiunt.
26.4. hearing this, the Greeks, who had received a signal from their leaders, remained still, but the Nolani fled through the opposite quarter of the city by the road that leads to Nola. The Samnites, being shut out from the town, enjoyed a momentary advantage in the ease with which they fled, but appeared in a more disgraceful light, when the danger had been left behind. —for they had abandoned everything to the enemy —they returned to their homes despoiled and destitute, a laughingstock not only to strangers but to their own countrymen.
26.4. Samnitibus exclusis ab urbe, ut expeditior in praesentia fuga, ita foedior, postquam periculo evaserunt, visa, quippe qui inermes nulla rerum suarum non relicta inter hostes, ludibrium non externis modo sed etiam popularibus, spoliati atque egentes domos rediere.
26.6. am not unaware of the other tradition which ascribes the capture to betrayal by the Samnites, but have followed the authorities who are more deserving of credence; moreover, the treaty with Neapolis —to which place the Greeks now transferred the seat of government —makes it more likely that they renewed the friendship voluntarily. Publilius was decreed a triumph, in consequence of a belief that the enemy had surrendered because they were forced to do so by the siege. was the first to enjoy these two distinctions: an extension of his command, never before granted to any, and a triumph after the expiration of his term.
26.6. ignarus opinionis alterius, qua haec proditio ab Samnitibus facta traditur, cum auctoribus hoc dedi quibus dignius credi est, tum foedus Neapolitanum—eo enim deinde summa rei Graecorum venit—similius vero facit ipsos in amicitiam redisse. Publilio triumphus decretus, quod satis credebatur obsidione domitos hostes in fidem venisse. singularia haec ei viro primum contigere, prorogatio imperii imperil non ante in ullo facta et acto honore triumphus. subinde bellum cum alterius orae Graecis exortum.
27.2. war was immediately followed by the outbreak of another, with the Greeks of the eastern coast. the Tarentines, after sustaining the people of Palaepolis for some time with delusive hopes of succour, when they learned that the Romans had got possession of the city, inveighed against the Palaepolitans, as though, instead of deserting them, they themselves had been deserted, and were raging with hatred and envy against the Romans: the more so, because they learnt that the Lucanians and Apulians had made their submission to the Roman People —for an alliance was formed that year with both these nations.
27.2. Tarentini, cum rem Palaepolitanam vana spe auxilii aliquamdiu sustinuissent, postquam Romanos urbe potitos accepere, velut destituti ac non qui ipsi destituissent, increpare Palaepolitanos, ira atque invidia in Romanos furere, eo etiam magis, quod Lucanos et Apulos— nam utraque eo anno societas coepta est—in fidem populi Romani venisse allatum est:
27.3. The Romans, they said, were almost at the gates of Tarentum, and matters would soon be come to such a pass, that they must needs have them for enemies or masters;
27.3. quippe propemodum perventum ad se esse, iamque in eo rem fore, ut Romani aut hostes aut domini habendi sint.
27.4. it was clear that their own future hinged on the outcome of the war then being waged by the Samnites;
27.4. profecto rerum suarum in bello Samnitium eventuque eius verti; eam solam gentem restare, nec eam ipsam satis validam, quando Lucanus defecerit;
27.5. this was the only nation that continued to hold out, and indeed that nation was none too strong since the defection of the Lucanians; but the latter might even yet be brought back and induced to repudiate the Roman alliance, if a little art were employed in sowing discord.
27.5. quem revocari adhuc impellique ad abolendam societatem Romanam posse, si qua ars serendis discordiis adhibeatur.
27.6. These counsels having prevailed —for they were eager to fall in with novel schemes —they bribed certain young Lucanians, of greater prominence among their countrymen than respectability, who lacerated one another with rods and then exhibited their naked bodies before a concourse of their fellow citizens, crying out that for having dared to enter the Roman camp they had been ordered by the consuls to be scourged, and had narrowly escaped losing their heads.
27.6. consilia cum apud cupidos rerum novandarum valuissent, ex iuventute quidam Lucanorum pretio adsciti, clari magis inter populares quam honesti, inter se mulcati ipsi virgis, cum corpora nuda intulissent in civium coetum, vociferati sunt se, quod castra Romana ingredi ausi essent, a consulibus virgis caesos ac prope securi percussos esse.
27.8. spectacle, so hideous in itself, pointed clearly to injury and not to guile. an uproar of excitement, the people obliged their magistrates to convoke the senate.
27.8. suapte natura res cum speciem iniuriae magis quam doli prae se ferret, concitati homines cogunt count clamore suo magistratus senatum vocare;
27.9. the meeting some crowded round and clamoured for war against the Romans, while others hurriedly departed this way and that, to rouse the inhabitants of the countryside to arms, till even the prudent lost their heads in the tumult, and it was voted to renew the alliance with the Samnites; and ambassadors were sent off to arrange it.
27.9. et alii circumstantes concilium bellum in Romanos poscunt, alii ad concitandam in arma multitudinem agrestium discurrunt, tumultuque etiam sanos consternante animos decernitur ut societas cum Samnitibus renovaretur, legatique ad eam rem mittuntur.
27.10. impulsive action, as it had no cause, so it carried no conviction; they were forced by the Samnites both to give hostages and also to admit garrisons within their strongholds; but, blinded by the cheat and by resentment, they stuck at nothing.
27.10. res quia quam causam nullam tam ne fidem quidem habebat, coacti a Samnitibus et obsides dare et praesidia in loca munita accipere, caeci fraude et ira nihil recusarunt.
27.11. little later, when the false witnesses had retired to Tarentum, they began to see through the imposition; but having lost all power of independent action, they could only indulge in vain regrets. that year the liberty of the Roman plebs had as it were a new beginning; for men ceased to be imprisoned for debt. The change in the law was occasioned by the notable lust and cruelty of a single usurer, Lucius Papirius, to whom Gaius Publilius had given himself up for a debt owed by his father. The debtor's youth and beauty, which might well have stirred the creditor's compassion, did but inflame his heart to lust and contumely.
27.11. deinde brevi fraus coepit, postquam criminum falsorum auctores Tarentum commigravere; sed amissa omni de se potestate, nihil ultra quam ut paeniteret frustra restabat. anno plebei Romanae velut aliud initium libertatis factum est, quod necti desierunt; mutatum autem ius ob unius feneratoris simul libidinem simul crudelitatem insignem. L. Papirius is fuit, cui cum se C. Publilius ob aes alienum paternum nexum dedisset, quae aetas formaque misericordiam elicere poterant, ad libidinem et contumeliam animum accenderunt.
28.3. the lad's youthful prime as additional compensation for the loan, he sought at first to seduce him with lewd conversation; later, finding he turned a deaf ear to the base proposal, he began to threaten him and now and again to remind him of his condition;
28.3. aetatis eius fructum adventicium crediti ratus, primo perlicere adulescentem sermone incesto est conatus; dein, postquam aspernabantur flagitium aures, minis territare atque identidem admonere fortunae;
28.4. at last, when he saw that the youth had more regard to his honourable birth than to his present plight, he had him stripped and scourged.
28.4. postremo, cum ingenuitatis magis quam praesentis condicionis memorem videret, nudari iubet verberaque adferri.
28.5. The boy, all mangled with the stripes, broke forth into the street, crying out upon the money —lender's lust and cruelty; and a great throng of people, burning with pity for his tender years, and with rage for the shameful wrong he had undergone, and considering, too, their own condition and their children's, rushed down into the Forum, and from there in a solid throng to the Curia.
28.5. laceratus iuvenis cum se in publicum proripuisset, libidinem crudelitatemque conquerens feneratoris, ingens vis hominum cum aetatis miseratione atque indignitate iniuriae accensa, tum suae condicionis liberumque suorum respectu, in forum atque inde agmine facto ad curiam concurrit;
28.7. The consuls were forced by the sudden tumult to convene the senate; and as the Fathers entered the Curia, the people threw themselves at the feet of each, and pointed to the young lad's mutilated back.
28.7. et cum consules tumultu repentino coacti senatum vocarent, introeuntibus in curiam patribus laceratum iuvenis tergum, procumbentes ad singulorum pedes, ostentabant.
28.8. that day, owing to one man's outrageous injury, was broken a strong bond of credit, and the consuls were ordered to carry a proposal to the people that none should be confined in shackles or in the stocks, save those who, having been guilty of some crime, were waiting to pay the penalty; and that for money lent, the debtor's goods, but not his person, should be distrainable.
28.8. eo die ob impotentem iniuriam unius ingens vinculum fidei; iussique consules ferre ad populum ne quis, nisi qui noxam meruisset, donec poenam lueret, in compedibus aut in nervo teneretur;
28.9. those in confinement were released, and it was forbidden that any should be confined thereafter. that same year, though the Samnite war and the sudden revolt of the Lucanians, together with the Tarentines their abettors, were enough of themselves to fill the senators with concern, yet the Vestini added to their cares by uniting with the Samnites. action was widely discussed in private conversations, without being made the subject, in that year, of any public deliberations; but the consuls of the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus (for the second time) and Junius Brutus Scaeva, deemed it a matter that should take precedence over all other business to come before the senate.
28.9. pecuniae creditae bona debitoris, non corpus obnoxium esset. nexi soluti, cautumque in posterum ne necterentur. anno, cum satis per se ipsum Samnitium bellum et defectio repens Lucanorum auctoresque defectionis, Tarentini, sollicitos haberent patres, accessit ut et Vestinus populus Samnitibus sese coniungeret. res sicut eo anno sermonibus magis passim hominum iactata quam in publico ullo concilio est, ita insequentis anni consulibus, L. Furio Camillo iterum Iunio Bruto Scaevae, nulla prior potiorque visa est, de qua ad senatum referrent.
29.3. , notwithstanding it was no news to them, the situation occasioned the Fathers so great anxiety as to make them equally afraid to deal with it or to let it alone, lest the impunity of the Vestini might inspire the neighbouring tribes with licence and insolence, or a punitive war inflame them with apprehensions of imminent danger and with resentment;
29.3. quamquam non nova res erat, tamen tanta cura patres incessit, ut pariter eam earn susceptam neglectamque timerent, ne aut impunitas eorum lascivia superbiaque aut bello poenae expetitae metu propinquo atque ira concirent finitimos populos;
29.4. moreover the race as a whole was fully equal to the Samnites in military power, comprising, as it did, the Marsi, and the Paeligni and Marrucini, —all of whom must be had for enemies, should the Vestini be molested.
29.4. et erat genus omne abunde bello Samnitibus par, Marsi Paelignique et Marrucini, quos, si Vestinus attingeretur, omnes habendos hostes.
29.5. The day, however, was carried by that party which might have seemed at the moment to have on its side a greater share of courage than of wisdom; but the sequel showed that Fortune favours the brave.
29.5. tamen pars quae in praesentia videri potuit maioris animi quam consilii; sed eventus docuit fortes fortunam iuvare.
29.6. authorized by the senate, the people voted a war against the Vestini.
29.6. ex auctoritate patrum populus adversus Vestinos iussit. ea Bruto, Samnium Camillo sorte evenit.
29.7. command was assigned by lot to Brutus, that against the Samnites to Camillus. were dispatched in both directions, and the enemy, concerned to protect their borders, were kept from joining forces.
29.7. utroque ducti, et cura tuendorum tuendorun finium hostes prohibiti coniungere arma.
29.8. one of the consuls, Lucius Furius, on whom the heavier burden had been laid, had the misfortune to fall dangerously ill and was compelled to relinquish his command;
29.8. alterum consulem L. Furium, cui maior moles rerum imposita erat, morbo gravi implicitum fortuna bello subtraxit;
29.9. being ordered to nominate a dictator for the purpose of carrying on the war, he named by far the most distinguished soldier of that time, Lucius Papirius Cursor, by whom Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus was appointed master of the horse. were a pair famous for the victories won while they were magistrates; but their quarrelling, which almost went the length of a mortal feud, made them more famous still.
29.9. iussusque dictatorem dicere rei gerendae causa, longe clarissimum bello ea tempestate dixit, L. Papirium Cursorem, a quo Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus magister equitum est dictus, par nobile rebus in eo magistratu gestis, discordia tamen, qua prope ad ultimum dimicationis ventum est, nobilius.
29.11. The other consul, in the country of the Vestini, carried on a war of many phases, but of unvarying success at every point. he ravaged their farms, and by pillaging and burning their houses and their crops, compelled them against their will to take the field; and then in a single battle wrought such havoc with the Vestinian power —though his own troops came off by no means scatheless —that the enemy not only retreated to their camp, but, no longer trusting to their parapet and trenches, slipped away to their several towns, seeking protection in the situation of the places and their walls.
29.11. altero consule in Vestinis multiplex bellum nec usquam vario eventu gestum est. et pervastavit agros et populando atque urendo tecta hostium sataque in aciem invitos extraxit, et ita proelio uno accidit Vestinorum res, haudquaquam tamen incruento milite suo, ut non in castra solum refugerent hostes, sed iam ne vallo quidem ac fossis freti dilaberentur in oppida, situ urbium moenibusque se defensuri.
29.13. , the consul addressed himself to the capture of these towns. The soldiers fought with great fury to revenge their wounds, for hardly a man had come unhurt out of the battle; and first Cutina was carried by escalade, and then Cingilia.
29.13. oppida quoque vi expugnare adortus, primo Cutinam ingenti ardore militum a volnerum ira, quod haud fere quisquam integer proelio excesserat, scalis cepit, deinde Cingiliam.
29.14. The consul gave the booty of both these cities to his men, because neither the gates nor the walls of the enemy had held them back. The expedition into Samnium was attended with ambiguous auspices; but the flaw in them took effect, not in the outcome of the war, which was waged successfully, but in the animosities and madness of the generals. Papirius, the dictator, as he was setting out for Rome, on the advice of the keeper of the sacred chickens, to take the auspices afresh, warned the master of the horse to remain in his position, and not to engage in battle with the enemy while he himself was absent.
29.14. urbis praedam militibus, quod eos neque portae nec muri hostium arcuerant, concessit. Samnium incertis itum auspiciis est; cuius rei vitium non in belli eventum, quod prospere gestum est, sed in rabiem atque iras imperatorum vertit. Papirius dictator a pullario monitus, cum ad auspicium repetendum Romam proficisceretur, magistro equitum denuntiavit ut sese loco teneret, neu absente se cum hoste manum consereret.
30.3. Quintus Fabius had ascertained from his scouts —after the departure of the dictator —that the enemy were in all respects as careless and unguarded as if there had been not a single Roman in Samnium, whether it was that the spirited young man felt aggrieved that all power should seem to be vested in the dictator, or that lie was tempted by the opportunity of striking a successful blow, he put the army in fighting trim, and advancing upon a place they call Imbrinium, engaged in a pitched battle with the Samnites.
30.3. Q. Fabius cum post profectionem dictatoris per exploratores comperisset perinde omnia soluta apud hostes esse ac si nemo Romanus in Samnio esset, seu ferox adulescens indignitate accensus, quod omnia in dictatore viderentur reposita esse, seu occasione bene gerendae rei inductus, exercitu instructo paratoque profectus ad Imbrinium—ita vocant locum—acie cum Samnitibus conflixit.
30.5. engagement was so fortunate that no greater success could have been gained, had the dictator been present; the general failed not his men, nor the men their general.
30.5. fortuna pugnae fuit ut nihil relictum sit quo, si adfuisset dictator, res melius geri potuerit; non dux militi, non miles duci defuit;
30.6. The cavalry, too —at the suggestion of Lucius Cominius, a tribune of the soldiers —after charging a number of times without being able to break the enemy's lines, pulled the bridles off their horses and spurred them on so hotly that nothing could resist the shock, and arms and men went down before them over a wide front.
30.6. eques etiam auctore L. Cominio tribuno militum, qui aliquotiens impetu capto perrumpere non poterat hostium agmen, detraxit frenos equis, atque ita concitatos calcaribus permisit ut sustinere eos nulla vis posset; per arma, per viros late stragem dedere;
30.7. The foot soldiers, following up the cavalry charge, advanced on the disordered enemy, of whom it is said that twenty thousand were slain that day. find it stated by certain writers that Quintus Fabius twice fought the enemy while the dictator was absent, and twice gained a brilliant victory. The oldest historians give but this one battle, and in certain annals the story is omitted altogether.
30.7. secutus pedes impetum equitum turbatis hostibus intulit signa. milia hostium caesa eo die traduntur. habeo bis cum hoste signa conlata dictatore absente, bis rem egregie gestam; apud antiquissimos scriptores una haec pugna invenitur; in quibusdam annalibus tota res praetermissa est.
30.8. The master of the horse found himself, after so great a slaughter, in possession of extensive spoils. piled the enemy's arms in a great heap, applied a torch to them, and burnt them. may have been done in fulfilment of a vow to one of the gods, or —if one chooses to accept the account of Fabius —to prevent the dictator reaping the harvest of his glory and inscribing his name on the arms, or having them carried in his triumph.
30.8. equitum, ut ex tanta caede multis potitus spoliis, congesta in ingentem acervum hostilia arma subdito igne concremavit, seu votum id deorum cuipiam fuit, seu credere libet Fabio auctori eo factum, ne suae gloriae fructum dictator caperet nomenque ibi scriberet aut spolia in triumpho ferret.
30.10. dispatch, too, reporting the victory, which Fabius sent to the senate and not to the dictator, argues that he had no mind to share the credit with him. all events, the dictator so received the news, that while everyone else was rejoicing at the victory, he showed no uncertain signs of anger and discontent.
30.10. quoque de re prospere gesta ad senatum, non ad dictatorem, missae argumentum fuere minime cum eo communicantis laudes. certe dictator id factum accepit, ut laetis aliis victoria parta prae se ferret iram tristitiamque.
30.11. so, having hastily dismissed the senate, he rushed out of the Curia, repeatedly asserting that in that battle the master of the horse had defeated and overthrown the prestige of the dictatorship and military discipline not less decisively than the Samnite legions, should it end in his having flouted orders with impunity.
30.11. itaque repente senatu se ex curia proripuit, tum vero non Samnitium Samnitiu m magis legiones quam maiestatem dictatoriam et disciplinam militarem a magistro equitum victam et eversam dictitans, si illi impune spretum imperium fuisset.
30.12. so lie set out for the camp, breathing wrath and menaces; but though he travelled by exceedingly long stages, he was unable to arrive before the report of his being on the way.
30.12. plenus minarum iraeque profectus in castra, cum maximis itineribus isset, non tamen praevenire famam adventus sui potuit;
30.13. couriers had hastened from the City, bringing word that the dictator was coming, athirst for vengeance and praising with almost every other word the deed of Titus Manlius. Fabius at once convened an assembly of the soldiers, and reminding them how their bravery had saved the state from the most determined of enemies, conjured them to be no less brave in defending him —under whose command and auspices they had gained the victory —from the ungovernable wrath of the dictator. was coming, said Fabius, crazed with jealousy, and exasperated that another should have been both brave and fortunate; it enraged him that the state should have won a glorious victory in his absence; he would prefer —could he effect a change of fortune —that the Samnites and not the Romans had been the victors; he repeatedly declared that his authority had been despised, as though his orders against fighting had not been inspired by the same motive as was his grief over the battle!
30.13. praecucurrerant enim ab urbe qui nuntiarent dictatorem avidum poenae venire, alternis paene verbis T. Manli factum laudantem. Fabius contione extemplo advocata obtestatus milites est ut, qua virtute rem publicam ab infestissimis hostibus defendissent, eadem se, cuius ductu auspicioque vicissent, ab impotenti crudelitate dictatoris tutarentur: venire amentem invidia, iratum virtuti alienae felicitatique; furere quod se absente res publica egregie gesta esset; malle, si mutare fortunam posset, apud Samnites quam Romanos victoriam esse; imperium dictitare spretum, tamquam non eadem mente pugnari vetuerit qua pugnatum doleat. tunc tune invidia impedire virtutem alienam voluisse cupidissimisque arma ablaturum fuisse militibus, ne se absente moveri possent;