30.2. so the consuls of the following year, Gaius Junius Bubulcus (for the third time) and Quintus Aemilius Barbula (for the second), complained to the people, at the outset of their administration, that the senatorial order had been depraved by the improper choice of members, in which better men had been passed over than some that had been appointed. then gave notice that they should ignore that list, which had been drawn up with no distinction of right and wrong, in a spirit of favouritism and caprice; and proceeded to call the roll of the senate in the order which had been in use before Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius were censors. that year, also, two commands —both military —began to be conferred by the people; for it was enacted, first, that sixteen tribunes of the soldiers should be chosen by popular vote for the four legions, whereas previously these places had been for the most part in the gift of dictators and consuls, very few being left to popular suffrage; secondly, that the people should likewise elect two naval commissioners to have charge of equipping and refitting the fleet.
30.2. Claudium et C. Plautium fuerat. duo imperia eo anno dari coepta per populum, utraque pertinentia ad rem militarem: unum, ut tribuni militum seni deni in quattuor legiones a populo crearentur, quae antea perquam paucis suffragio populi relictis locis dictatorum et consulum ferme fuerant beneficia—tulere eam earn rogationem tribuni plebei L. Atilius C. Marcius;— alterum, ut duumviros navales classis ornandae reficiendaeque causa idem populus iuberet;
30.4. The former of these measures was proposed by the tribunes of the plebs Lucius Atilius and Gaius Marcius; the latter by Marcus Decius, another tribune of the plebs.
30.4. lator huius plebi sciti fuit M. Decius tribunus plebis.
30.5. should omit, as an incident hardly worth narrating, a little thing that happened in that same year, but that it seemed to concern religion. The flute —players, angry at having been forbidden by the last censors to hold their feast, according to old custom, in the temple of Jupiter, went off to Tibur in a body, so that there was no one in the City to pipe at sacrifices.
30.5. anni rem dictu parvam praeterirem, ni ad religionem visa esset pertinere., quia prohibiti a proximis censoribus erant in aede Iovis vesci quod traditum antiquitus erat, aegre passi Tibur uno agmine abierunt, adeo ut nemo in urbe esset qui sacrificiis praecineret.
30.6. by the religious aspect of the case, the senate dispatched representatives to the Tiburtines, requesting them to use their best endeavours to restore these men to Rome.
30.6. rei religio tenuit senatum, legatosque Tibur miserunt darent operam, ut ii homines Romanis restituerentur.
30.7. The Tiburtines courteously undertook to do so; and sending for the pipers to their senate —house, urged them to return. they found it impossible to persuade them, they employed a ruse, not ill —adapted to the nature of the men.
30.7. benigne polliciti primum accitos eos in curiam hortati sunt uti reverterentur Romam; postquam perpelli nequibant, consilio haud abhorrente ab ingeniis hominum eos adgrediuntur.
30.8. a holiday various citizens invited parties of the pipers to their houses, on the pretext of celebrating the feast with music. they plied them with wine, which people of that profession are generally greedy of, until they got them stupefied.
30.8. festo alii alios per speciem celebrandarum cantu epularum invitant et vino, cuius avidum ferme id genus est, oneratos sopiunt atque ita in plaustra somno vinctos coniciunt ac Romam deportant.
30.9. this condition they threw them, fast asleep, into waggons and carried them away to Rome; nor did the pipers perceive what had taken place until daylight found them —still suffering from the debauch —in the waggons, which had been left standing in the Forum. The people then flocked about them and prevailed with them to remain. were permitted on three days in every year to roam the City in festal robes, making music and enjoying the licence that is now customary, and to such as should play at sacrifices was given again the privilege of banqueting in the temple. These incidents occurred while men were preoccupied with two mighty wars.
30.9. prius sensere quam plaustris in foro relictis plenos crapulae eos lux oppressit. concursus populi factus, impetratoque ut manerent, datum ut triduum quotannis ornati cum cantu atque hac quae nunc sollemnis est licentia per urbem vagarentur, restitutumque in aede vescendi ius iis qui sacris praecinerent. inter duorum ingentium bellorum curam gerebantur. inter se provincias partiti: iunio lunio Samnites, Aemilio novum bellum Etruria sorte obvenit.
31.2. The consuls divided the commands between them: to Junius the lot assigned the Samnites, to Aemilius the new war with Etruria. Samnium the Roman garrison at Cluviae, which had defended itself successfully against assault, was starved into submission. The Samnites, having scourged their prisoners in brutal fashion, put them to death, although they had surrendered.
31.2. Samnio Cluviarum praesidium Romanum, quia nequiverat vi capi, obsessum fame in deditionem acceperant Samnites verberibusque foedum in modum laceratos lacerates occiderant deditos.
31.3. by this act of cruelty, Junius felt that nothing should take precedence over an attack on Cluviae. carried the place by storm on the day he arrived before it, and slew all the grown —up males.
31.3. infensus crudelitati Iunius, nihil antiquius oppugnatione Cluviana ratus, quo die adgressus est moenia vi cepit atque omnes puberes interfecit.
31.4. there he led his victorious army to Bovianum. was the capital of the Pentrian Samnites, a very wealthy city and very rich in arms and men.
31.4. victor exercitus Bovianum ductus. hoc erat Pentrorum Samnitium, longe ditissimum atque opulentissimum armis virisque.
31.5. this town the soldiers were not so exasperated, but the hope of plunder spurred them on to capture it. so there was less severity shown to the enemy, but there was almost more booty carried out than was ever collected from all the rest of Samnium, and the whole of it was generously made over to the soldiers.
31.5. quia haud tantum irarum erat, spe praedae milites accensi oppido potiuntur. itaque saevitum in hostes est; praedae plus paene quam ex omni Samnio unquam egestum benigneque omnis militi concessa.
31.6. the conquering arms of the Romans might now no longer be withstood by any embattled host or camp or city, the leaders of the Samnites all eagerly directed their attention to the seeking out a place for an ambush, on the chance that the army might somehow be permitted to disperse for plundering, and so be surprised and surrounded.
31.6. postquam praepotentem armis Romanum nec acies subsistere ullae nec castra nec urbes poterant, omnium principum in Samnio eo curae sunt intentae ut insidiis quaereretur locus, si qua licentia populando effusus exercitus excipi ac circumveniri posset.
31.7. rustic deserters and prisoners, some falling into the consul's hands by accident and some on purpose, by giving all the same account —and a true one, too —of enormous flocks that had been brought together in an inaccessible mountain meadow, persuaded him to lead thither his legions in light marching order to seize the booty.
31.7. agrestes et captivi quidam, pars forte, pars consilio oblati, congruentia ad consulem adferentes—quae et vera erant—pecoris vim ingentem in saltum avium compulsam esse, perpulerunt ut praedatum eo expeditae ducerentur legiones.
31.8. a great army of the enemy had secretly beset the ways, and seeing that the Romans had entered the pass, rose up suddenly with much din and shouting and fell upon them unawares.
31.8. ingens hostium exercitus itinera occultus insederat, et postquam intrasse Romanos vidit saltum, repente exortus cum clamore ac tumultu incautos invadit.
31.9. first the unexpectedness of the attack occasioned some trepidation, while the soldiers were putting on their armour and piling their packs in the midst., when everyone had got rid of his encumbrance and had armed himself, they began to assemble from every side about their standards. the course of a long training in the army they had become familiar with their places, and formed a line of their own accord, without anyone's direction. The consul, riding up to the place where the fighting was most critical, leaped down from his horse, and called on Jupiter and Mars and the other gods to witness that he had come there seeking no glory for himself, but only booty for his soldiers:
31.9. primo nova res trepidationem fecit, dum arma capiunt, sarcinas congerunt in medium; dein postquam, ut quisque liberaverat se onere aptaveratque arma, ad signa undique coibant et notis ordinibus in vetere disciplina militiae iam sine praecepto ullius sua sponte struebatur acies, consul ad ancipitem maxime pugnam advectus desilit ex equo et iovem lovem Martemque atque alios testatur deos se nullam suam gloriam inde sed praedam militi
31.11. his sole fault, he said, was a too great desire to enrich his men; from this disgrace nothing could save him but their courage.
31.11. quaerentem in eum locum devenisse neque in se aliud quam nimiam ditandi ex hoste militis curam reprehendi posse; ab eo se dedecore nullam rem aliam quam virtutem militum vindicaturam.
31.12. let them all unite in singleness of purpose to assail an enemy conquered in battle, stripped of his camp, deprived of his cities, and pinning his last hopes to the treachery of an ambuscade, were his trust was in his position, not in arms. what position was there now, he demanded, too strong for Roman valour to overwhelm?
31.12. modo uno animo omnes invadere hostem victum acie, castris exutum, nudatum urbibus, ultimam spem furto insidiarum temptantem et loco non armis fretum.
31.13. reminded them of Fregellae's citadel and Sora's, and all the places where they had triumphed over disadvantage of ground.
31.13. quem esse iam virtuti Romanae inexpugnabilem locum? arx Soranaque et ubicumque iniquo successum erat loco memorabantur.
31.14. by these words, the soldiers disregarded every obstacle and advanced against the battle —line which their enemies had formed above them. was a little hard fighting there, while the column was mounting the slope;
31.14. accensus miles, omnium immemor difficultatium, vadit adversus imminentem hostium aciem. paulum laboris fuit, dum in adversum clivum erigitur agmen;
31.15. but as soon as the foremost companies had reached the plateau at the top, and the soldiers perceived that their line was now established on level ground, the panic was straightway turned upon the waylayers, who fled, dispersing and throwing down their arms, in search of those very lurking —places where a little while before they had concealed themselves.
31.15. ceterum postquam prima signa planitiem summam ceperunt sensitque acies aequo se iam institisse loco, versus extemplo est terror in insidiatores easdemque latebras quibus se paulo ante texerant palati atque inermes fuga repetebant.
31.16. the ground which they had sought out for the difficulties it presented to an enemy caught the Samnites themselves in a trap of their own devising. so, very few were able to get off; about twenty thousand men were slain; and the victorious Romans struck out this way and that to collect the booty of cattle which the enemy had thrown in their way.
31.16. loca difficilia diflicilia hosti quaesita ipsos tum sua fraude impediebant. ergo perpaucis effugium patuit; caesa ad viginti milia hominum victorque Romanus ad oblatam ab hoste praedam pecorum discurrit. haec geruntur in Samnio, iam omnes Etruriae populi praeter Arretinos ad arma ierant, ab oppugnando Sutrio, quae urbs socia Romanis velut claustra Etruriae erat, ingens orsi bellum.
32.2. these events were taking place in Samnium, all the peoples of Etruria, except the Arretini, had already armed, and beginning with the siege of Sutrium, a city in alliance with the Romans, and forming as it were the key to Etruria, had set on foot a tremendous war. the other consul, Aemilius, came with an army, to relieve the blockade of the allies. the Romans came up, the Sutrini obligingly brought provisions to their camp, which was formed before the city. The Etruscans spent the first day in deliberating whether to accelerate the war or to draw it out.
32.2. alter consul Aemilius cum exercitu ad liberandos obsidione socios venit. Romanis Sutrini commeatus benigne in castra ante urbem posita advexere. Etrusci diem primum consultando maturarent traherentne bellum traduxerunt. die, ubi celeriora quam tutiora consilia magis placuere ducibus, sole orto signum pugnae propositum est armatique in aciem procedunt.
32.4. the following day, their generals having decided on the swifter plan in preference to the safer, the signal for battle was displayed at sunrise and their men in fighting array marched out upon the field.
32.4. postquam consuli nuntiatum est, extemplo tesseram dari iubet ut prandeat miles firmatisque cibo viribus arma capiat.
32.5. this was reported to the consul, he at once commanded the word to be passed round that the men should breakfast, and having recruited their strength with food, should then arm. The order was obeyed; and the consul, seeing them equipped and ready, bade advance the standards beyond the rampart, and drew up his troops a little way off from the enemy.
32.5. paretur. Consul ubi armatos paratosque vidit, signa extra vallum proferri iussit et haud baud procul hoste instruxit aciem. intenti utrimque steterunt exspectantes, ut ab adversariis clamor et pugna inciperet;
32.6. some time both sides stood fast, observing one another closely, each waiting for the other to give a cheer and begin to fight, and the sun had begun his downward course in the heavens ere a missile was hurled on either side.
32.6. et prius sol meridie se inclinavit quam telum hinc aut illinc emissum est., ne infecta re abiretur, clamor ab Etruscis oritur concinuntque tubae et signa inferuntur. segnius a Romanis pugna initur.
32.7. the Etruscans, that they might not withdraw without accomplishing their purpose, set up a shout, and with sound of trumpets advanced their ensigns.
32.7. infensis animis; numero hostis, virtute Romanus superat;
32.8. The Romans were equally prompt to begin the battle. The two armies rushed together with great fury, the enemy having a superiority in numbers, the Romans in bravery. Victory hung in the balance and many perished on both sides, including all the bravest, and the event was not decided until the Roman second line came up with undiminished vigour to relieve their exhausted comrades in the first; and the Etruscans, whose fighting line was supported by no fresh reserves, all fell in front of their standards and around them.
32.8. anceps proelium multos utrimque et fortissimum quemque absumit, nec prius inclinata res est quam secunda acies Romana ad prima signa, integri fessis, successerunt, Etrusci, quia nullis recentibus subsidiis fulta prima acies fuit, ante signa circaque omnes ceciderunt. unquam proelio fugae minus nec plus caedis fuisset, ni obstinatos mori Tuscos nox texisset, ita ut victores prius quam victi pugnandi finem facerent.
32.10. would never in any battle have been more bloodshed or less running away, but when the Etruscans were resolved to die, the darkness shielded them, so that the victors gave over fighting before the vanquished.
32.10. occasum solis signum receptui datum est; nocte utroque in castra reditum.
32.11. The sun had set when the recall was sounded, and in the night both armies retired to their camps. there was nothing done that year at Sutrium worth recording. The enemy had lost their whole first line in a single engagement, and had only their reserves remaining, who barely sufficed to garrison their camp; whilst the Romans had so many wounded that more died of their hurts after the battle than had fallen on the field.
32.11. deinde quicquam eo anno rei memoria dignae apud Sutrium gestum est, quia et ex hostium exercitu prima tota acies deleta uno proelio fuerat subsidiariis modo relictis, vix quod satis esset ad castrorum praesidium, et apud Romanos tantum volnerum fuit ut plures post proelium saucii decesserint quam ceciderant in acie. Q. Fabius, insequentis anni consul, bellum ad Sutrium excepit, collega Fabio C. Marcius Rutulus datus est.
33.2. Quintus Fabius, consul in the following year, took over the campaign at Sutrium. colleague he was given Gaius Marcius Rutulus. Fabius brought up replacements from Rome, and a new army came from Etruria to reinforce the enemy.
33.2. et Fabius supplementum ab Roma adduxit et novus exercitus domo accitus Etruscis venit.
33.3. a great many years now there had been no contests between the patrician magistrates and the tribunes, when a dispute —arose through that family which was fated, as it seemed, to wrangle with the tribunes and with the plebs.
33.3. anni iam erant cum inter patricios magistratus tribunosque nulla certamina fuerant, cum ex ea familia cui velut fato lis cum tribunis ac plebe erat certamen oritur.
33.4. Appius Claudius the censor, on the expiration of the eighteen months which had been fixed by the Aemilian law as the limit of the censorship, although his colleague Gaius Plautius had abdicated, could himself by no compulsion be prevailed upon to do likewise.
33.4. Ap. Claudius censor circumactis decem et octo mensibus quod Aemilia lege finitum censurae spatium temporis erat, cum C. Plautius collega eius magistratu se abdicasset, nulla vi compelli ut abdicaret potuit.
33.5. was Publius Sempronius, a tribune of the people, who commenced an action to confine the censorship to its legal limits —an action no less just than popular, and as welcome to every aristocrat as to the common people.
33.5. P. Sempronius erat tribunus plebis, qui finiendae censurae intra legitimum tempus actionem susceperat, non popularem magis quam iustam nec in volgus quam optimo cuique gratiorem.
33.6. repeatedly read out the Aemilian law, and praised its author, Mamercus Aemilius the dictator, for confining the censorship —which had until then been tenable for five years and was proving despotic by reason of the long continuance of its authority —within the space of a year and a half, he said, “, tell us, Appius Claudius, what you would have done had you been censor at the time when Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius were censors.”
33.6. cum identidem legem Aemiliam recitaret auctoremque eius Mam. Aemilium dictatorem laudibus ferret, qui quinquennalem ante censuram et longinquitate potestatis dominantem intra sex mensum et anni coegisset spatium, agedum inquit, Appi Claudi, quidnam facturus fueris, si eo tempore quo C. Furius et M. Geganius censores fuerunt censor fuisses.
33.8. Appius replied that the tribune's question had no particular bearing upon his own case;
33.8. Appius interrogationem tribuni magno opere ad causam pertinere suam;
33.9. for even though the Aemilian law had bound those censors in whose term of office it had been passed, because the people had enacted the law after their election to the censorship and their latest enactment was always the effective law, yet neither himself nor any one of those who had been chosen censors subsequently to the passage of that law could have been bound by it. Appius raised these quibbles, but found no one to support him, “, Quirites,” said Sempronius, "the descendant of that Appius, who having been elected decemvir for one year, himself declared his own election for a second year, and in the third, although a private citizen, with neither his own nor another's warrant of election, retained the fasces and authority, and relinquished not his hold on the magistracy until he was overwhelmed by his ill —gotten, ill —administered, and ill —continued powers. was this same family, Quirites, under compulsion of whose violence and abuse you banished yourselves from your native City and occupied the Sacred Mount; the same against which you provided yourselves with the help of tribunes; the same, because of which two armies of you encamped upon the Aventine; the same that has ever attacked the laws restricting usury and throwing open the public
33.9. nam etsi tenuerit lex Aemilia eos censores quorum in magistratu lata esset, quia post illos censores creatos eam legem populus iussisset quodque postremum iussisset id ius ratumque esset, non tamen aut se aut eorum quemquam qui post eam legem latam creati censores essent teneri ea lege potuisse. sine ullius adsensu cavillante Appio inquit, "Quirites, illius Appi progenies, qui decemvir in annum creatus altero anno se ipse creavit, tertio nec ab se nec ab ullo creatus privatus fasces et imperium obtinuit, nec ante continuando abstitit magistratu quam obruerent eum male parta, male gesta, male retenta imperia. est eadem familia, Quirites, cuius vi atque iniuriis compulsi extorres patria Sacrum montem cepistis; haec adversus quam tribunicium auxilium vobis comparastis;
34.4. lands. same family broke off marriages between patricians and plebeians; this same family blocked the path of the plebeians to curule offices.
34.4. haec propter quam duo exercitus Aventinum insedistis; haec quae fenebres leges, haec quae agrarias semper impugnavit.
34.5. is a name that is far more hostile to your liberty than that of the Tarquinii., Appius Claudius! it is now a hundred years since Mamercus Aemilius was dictator, and in that time we have had all these censors, high —born and valiant men, has never one of them inspected the Twelve Tables?
34.5. conubia patrum et plebis interrupit; haec plebi ad curules magistratus iter obsaepsit. est nomen multo quam Tarquiniorum infestius vestrae libertati. tandem, Appi Claudi?
34.6. none of them known that the law was that which the people had last enacted?, all of them knew it; and they obeyed the Aemilian law in preference to that ancient ordinance which governed the first elections of censors, precisely because it was the latest which the people had enacted, and because in a conflict of two laws the old is ever superseded by the new.
34.6. centesimus iam annus sit ab Mam. Aemilio dictatore, tot censores fuerunt, nobilissimi fortissimique viri, nemo eorum duodecim tabulas legit? id ius esse, quod postremo populus iussisset, sciit? vero omnes scierunt et ideo Aemiliae potius legi paruerunt quam illi antiquae qua primum censores creati erant, quia hanc postremam iusserat populus, et quia, ubi duae contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova.
34.8. " will this be your contention, Appius, that the people is not bound by the Aemilian law? that the people is bound, but that you alone are exempt? The Aemilian law bound those violent censors Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius, who showed what mischief that magistracy could accomplish in the state, when, in their rage at the abridgment of their powers, they reduced Mamercus Aemilius, the foremost man of his time in war and peace, to the lowest class of citizens; it bound all the censors who succeeded them, for the period of a hundred years; it binds Gaius Plautius, your colleague, who was given the office under the same auspices and with the same rights as
34.8. " An hoc dicis, Appi, non teneri Aemilia lege populum? An populum teneri, te unum exlegem esse? Aemilia lex violentos illos censores C. Furium et M. Geganium, qui quid iste magistratus in re publica mali facere posset indicarunt, cum ira finitae potestatis Mam. Aemilium, principem aetatis suae belli domique, aerarium fecerunt;
34.10. yourself. did the people not make Plautius censor as one who had been elected with the fullest rights? you the sole exception in whose case this holds, as a unique and peculiar privilege?, pray, could men elect as king for sacrifice?
34.10. tenuit deinceps omnes censores intra centum annorum spatium; tenet C. Plautium, collegam tuum iisdem auspiciis, eodem iure creatum.
34.11. will seize on the title of sovereignty, and assert that he has been chosen as one elected with fullest rights to be king at Rome., think you, will be content with six months as dictator; who with five days as interrex?
34.11. An hunc non ut qui optimo iure censor creatus esset populus creavit? unus eximius es in quo hoc praecipuum ac singulare valeat?
34.12. would you be so rash as to make dictator for the purpose of driving the nail or celebrating games? dull and lumpish must those men seem to Appius, who after accomplishing great feats resigned the post of dictator within twenty days, or laid down the reins of office because of a flaw in their election!
34.12. tu regem sacrificiorum crees? regni nomen, ut qui optimo iure rex Romae creatus sit, creatum se dicet dicct. semestri dictatura, quem interregno quinque dierum contentum fore putes? clavi figendi aut ludorum causa dictatorem audacter crees?
34.13. should I cite antiquity?, within these ten years, Gaius Maenius the dictator, for conducting an inquisition with more severity than was safe for certain great men, was accused by his ill —wishers of being tainted with that very felony which he was searching out, and abdicated the dictatorship, that he might face the charge as a private citizen.
34.13. isti stolidos ac socordes videri creditis eos qui intra vicesimum diem ingentibus rebus gestis dictatura se abdicaverunt aut qui vitio creati abierunt magistratu!
34.14. be it from me to require such self —denial of you! not away from the most imperious and proud of families; quit not your magistracy one day, one hour, sooner than you must; only see that you overstep not the appointed limit.
34.14. ego antiqua repetam? intra decem annos C. Maenius dictator, quia, cum quaestiones severius quam quibusdam potentibus tutum erat exerceret, contagio eius quod quaerebat ipse criminis obiectata ab inimicis est, ut privatus obviam iret crimini, dictatura se abdicavit.
34.15. it enough to add a day, or a month, to his censorship? years,' quoth he, and six months beyond the time permitted by the Aemilian law will I administer the censorship, and administer it alone.' this begins to look like monarchy!
34.15. ego istam in te modestiam; ne degeneraveris a familia imperiosissima et superbissima; non die, non hora citius quam necesse est magistrate abieris, modo ne excedas finitum tempus.
34.16. " will you substitute a colleague for the other, though even in a dead man's place such substitution is forbidden by religion?
34.16. est aut diem aut mensem censurae adicere?, inquit, et sex menses ultra quam licet Aemilia lege censuram geram et solus geram. quidem iam regno simile est.
34.17. are not satisfied forsooth with having in your scrupulous exercise of a censor's powers diverted the service of our most ancient cult, the only one inaugurated by the god himself in whose honour it is observed, from the priesthood of the most exalted nobles to the ministry of slaves; it was not enough that a family more ancient than the beginnings of this City, and sanctified by the entertainment of the immortal gods, should through you and your censorship be within a year uprooted and destroyed; no, you must needs involve the entire state in such heinous guilt as even to name is an omen that fills my mind with dread.
34.17. " An collegam subrogabis, quem ne in demortui quidem locum subrogari fas est? enim, quod antiquissimum sollemne et solum ab ipso cui fit institutum deo ab nobilissimis antistitibus eius sacri ad servorum ministerium religiosus censor deduxisti, gens antiquior originibus urbis huius, hospitio deorum immortalium sancta, propter te ac tuam censuram intra annum ab stirpe exstincta est, nisi universam rem publicam eo nefario obstrinxeris quod ominari etiam reformidat animus.
34.20. The city was captured in that lustrum when, on the death of his colleague Gaius Julius, Lucius Papirius Cursor, to avoid having to vacate his office, caused Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis to be substituted in the room of the dead man. how much more moderate, Appius, was his ambition than yours!
34.20. eo lustro capta est quo demortuo collega C. Iulio L. Papirius Cursor, ne abiret magistratu, M. Cornelium Maluginensem collegam subrogavit.
34.21. The censorship of Lucius Papirius was neither a sole one nor one prolonged beyond the legally established term; yet he found none to follow his example; all succeeding censors have abdicated on the death of a colleague. you neither the expiration of your time restrains nor the fact that your colleague has resigned, nor the law, nor a sense of decency: you reckon worth in terms of pride, of recklessness, of contempt for gods and men.
34.21. quanto modestior illius cupiditas fuit quam tua, Appi! solus nec ultra finitum lege tempus L. Papirius censuram gessit; tamen neminem invenit qui se postea auctorem sequeretur; omnes deinceps censores post mortem collegae se magistratu abdicarunt.
34.22. “my own part, Appius Claudius, when I think of the dignity of that office you have held and the reverence attaching to it, I could wish that I might spare you not only personal violence but even an ungentle ” “word; but your stubbornness and pride have compelled me to say what I have so far said, and unless you obey the Aemilian law, I shall order you to ”
34.22. nec quod dies exiit censurae nec quod collega magistratu abiit nec lex nec pudor coercet: virtutem in superbia, in audacia, in contemptu deorum hominumque ponis. te, Appi Claudi, pro istius magistratus maiestate ac verecundia quem gessisti non modo manu violatum sed ne verbo quidem inclementiori a me appellatum vellem;
34.24. “prison; nor, seeing that our forefathers have ordained that in the election of censors, if either fall short of the legal vote, the election shall be put off and the other not be declared elected, will I now suffer you, who cannot be elected as sole censor, to administer the censorship alone.”
34.24. sed et haec quae adhuc egi pervicacia tua et superbia coegit me loqui, et nisi Aemiliae legi parueris, in vincula duci iubebo, nec cum ita comparatum a maioribus sit ut comitiis censoriis, nisi duo confecerint legitima suffragia, non renuntiato altero comitia differantur, ego te, qui solus censor creari non possis, solum censuram gerere nunc patiar.
34.25. uttered these and similar remonstrances, he ordered the censor to be arrested and carried off to prison. tribunes approved the action of their colleague: three protected Appius on his appeal, and, greatly to the indignation of all classes, he continued as sole censor.
34.25. taliaque cum dixisset, prendi censorem et in vincula duci iussit. sex tribunis actionem collegae tres appellanti Appio auxilio fuerunt; summaque invidia omnium ordinum solus censuram gessit. ea Romae geruntur, iam Sutrium ab Etruscis obsidebatur consulique Fabio imis montibus ducenti ad ferendam opem sociis temptandasque munitiones, si qua posset, acies hostium instructa occurrit;
35.2. the progress of this affair in Rome, the Etruscans were already laying siege to Sutrium; and the consul Fabius, leading his army along the foot of the mountains to relieve the allies, and, if in any way practicable, to attack the works of the besiegers, encountered the enemy drawn up in line of battle. The plain spreading out below him revealed to the consul their exceeding strength; and in order to make up for his own deficiency in numbers by the advantage of position, he altered slightly his line of march, so as to mount the hills —which were rough and covered with stones —and there turned and faced the enemy.
35.2. quorum ingentem multitudinem cum ostenderet subiecta late planities, consul, ut loco paucitatem suorum adiuvaret, flectit Hectit paululum in clivos agmen—aspreta erant strata saxis—inde signa in hostem obvertit.
35.3. The Etruscans, forgetting everything but their numbers, in which alone they trusted, entered the combat with such haste and eagerness that they cast away their missiles in order to come the sooner to close quarters, and drawing their swords rushed at the enemy.
35.3. Etrusci omnium praeterquam multitudinis suae, qua sola freti erant, immemores proelium ineunt adeo raptim et avide ut abiectis missilibus,quo celerius manus consererent, stringerent gladios vadentes in hostem;
35.4. The Romans, on the contrary, fell to pelting them, now with javelins and now with stones, of which latter the ground itself provided a good supply;
35.4. Romanus contra nunc tela, nunc saxa, quibus eos adfatim locus ipse armabat, ingerere.
35.5. and even such of the Etruscans as were not wounded were confused by the blows that rattled down on their helms and shields. was no easy matter to get close enough for fighting hand to hand, and they had no javelins for long —range work. they stood, exposed to missiles, with no adequate cover of any sort, and as some of them gave ground and the line began to waver and be unsteady, the Roman first and second lines, giving a fresh cheer, charged them, sword in hand.
35.5. scuta galeaeque ictae cum etiam quos non volneraverant turbarent neque subire erat facile ad propiorem pugnam neque missilia habebant, quibus eminus rem gererent—stantes et expositos ad ictus cum iam satis nihil tegeret, quosdam etiam pedem referentes fluctuantemque et instabilem aciem redintegrato clamore strictis gladiis hastati et principes invadunt. impetum non tulerunt Etrusci versisque signis fuga effusa castra repetunt. equites Romani praevecti per obliqua campi cum se fugientibus obtulissent, omisso ad castra itinere montes petunt;
35.7. onset was too much for the Etruscans, who faced about and fled headlong towards their camp. the Roman cavalry, riding obliquely across the plain, presented themselves in front of the fugitives, who then abandoned the attempt to reach their camp and sought the mountains; from which they made their way in a body, unarmed and suffering from their wounds, to the Ciminian Forest. The Romans, having slain many thousand Etruscans and captured eight —and —thirty standards, took possession also of the enemy's camp, with a very large booty. then began to consider the feasibility of a pursuit.
35.7. inde inermi paene agmine ac vexato volneribus in silvam Ciminiam penetratum. Romanus multis milibus Etruscorum caesis, duodequadraginta signis militaribus captis, castris etiam hostium cum praeda ingenti potitur. de persequendo hoste agitari coeptum. erat Ciminia magis tum invia atque horrenda quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus, nulli ad eam diem ne mercatorum quidem adita. intrare haud fere quisquam praeter ducem ipsum audebat; aliis omnibus cladis Caudinae nondum memoria aboleverat.
36.2. those days the Ciminian Forest was more impassable and appalling than were lately the wooded defiles of Germany, and no one —not even a trader —had up to that time visited it. enter it was a thing that hardly anyone but the general himself was bold enough to do: with all the rest the recollection of the Caudine Forks was still too vivid. one of those present, the consul's brother Marcus Fabius, —some say that it was Caeso Fabius, others Gaius Claudius, a son of the same mother as the consul —offered to explore and return in a short time with definite information about everything. had been educated at Caere in the house of family friends, and from this circumstance was learned in Etruscan writings and knew the Etruscan language well. have authority for believing that in that age Roman boys were regularly wont to be schooled in Etruscan literature, as nowadays they are trained in Greek; but it seems more probable that this man possessed some exceptional qualification to induce him to venture amongst enemies in so daring a disguise.
36.2. ex iis qui aderant, consulis frater M. Fabius —Caesonem alii, C. Claudium quidam, matre eadem qua consulem genitum, tradunt—speculatum se iturum professus brevique omnia certa allaturum. Caere educatus apud hospites, Etruscis inde litteris eruditus erat linguamque Etruscam probe noverat. auctores volgo tum Romanos pueros, sicut nunc Graecis, ita Etruscis litteris erudiri solitos;
36.4. is said that his only companion was a slave, brought up with him, and hence acquainted, like his master, with the language.
36.4. sed propius est vero praecipuum aliquid fuisse in eo qui se tam audaci simulatione hostibus immiscuerit. ei dicitur comes unus fuisse, nutritus una eoque haud ignarus linguae eiusdem;
36.5. set out, after acquiring no more than a summary knowledge of the nature of the region they must enter and the names of the chief men in those tribes, to save them from being detected in conversation by boggling at any well —known fact.
36.5. nec quicquam aliud proficiscentes quam summatim regionis quae intranda erat naturam natural ac nomina principum in populis accepere, ne qua inter conloquia insigni nota haesitantes deprendi possent.
36.6. went dressed as shepherds and armed with rustic weapons, namely billhooks and a brace of javelins apiece. neither their familiarity with the tongue nor the fashion of their dress and weapons was so great a protection to them as the fact that it was repugnant to belief that any stranger would enter the Ciminian defiles.
36.6. pastorali habitu, agrestibus telis, falcibus gaesisque binis, armati. neque commercium linguae nec vestis armorumve habitus sic eos texit quam quod abhorrebat ab fide quemquam externum Ciminios saltus intraturum.
36.7. are said to have penetrated as far as Camerinum in Umbria, where the Roman, having ventured to tell who they were, was introduced into the senate, and treated with them in the consul's name for friendship and an alliance. then been hospitably entertained, lie was bidden to carry word back to the Romans that thirty days' provisions for their army would be waiting for them, if they came into that region, and that the young men of the Umbrian Camertes would be armed and ready to obey their orders.
36.7. ad Camertes Umbros penetrasse dicuntur. qui essent fateri Romanum ausum; introductumque in senatum consulis verbis egisse de societate amicitiaque atque inde comi hospitio acceptum nuntiare Romanis iussum commeatum exercitui dierum triginta praesto fore, si ea loca intrasset, iuventutemque Camertium Umbrorum in armis paratam imperio futuram futurarm.
36.9. their success being made known to the consul, he sent the baggage ahead, in the first watch, and directed the legions to follow the baggage. himself stopped behind with the cavalry, and at dawn of the following day made a demonstration against the enemy's outposts, which had been stationed at the entrance to the pass. kept the enemy in play for a sufficient time, he retired within his camp, and emerging from it by the opposite gate overtook the column before night.
36.9. cum relata consuli essent, impedimentis prima vigilia praemissis, legionibus post impedimenta ire iussis ipse substitit cum equitatu et luce orta postero die obequitavit stationibus hostium, quae extra saltum dispositae erant; et cum satis diu tenuisset hostem, in castra sese recepit portaque altera egressus ante noctem agmen adsequitur. die luce prima iuga Ciminii montis tenebat; inde contemplatus opulenta Etruriae arva milites emittit.
36.11. day, with the first rays of light, he was on the crest of the Ciminian mountain and, looking thence over the rich ploughlands of Etruria, sent his soldiers to plunder.
36.11. iam abacta praeda tumultuariae agrestium Etruscorum cohortes repente a principibus regionis eius concitatae Romanis occurrunt, adeo incompositae ut vindices praedarum prope ipsi praedae fuerint.
36.12. The Romans had already brought away out enormous booty when certain improvised bands of Etruscan peasants, called together in hot haste by the chief men of that country, encountered them, but with so little discipline that in seeking to regain the spoils they had nearly been made a spoil themselves.
36.12. fugatisque his, late depopulato agro victor Romanus opulentusque rerum omnium copia in castra rediit.
36.13. slain or driven off these men and wasted the country far and wide, the Romans returned to their camp, victorious and enriched with all manner of supplies., as it happened, they found five legates, with two tribunes of the plebs, who had come to order Fabius in the name of the senate not to cross the Ciminian Forest. that they had come too late to be able to hinder the campaign, they returned to Rome with tidings of victory.
36.13. forte quinque legati cum duobus tribunis plebis venerant denuntiatum Fabio senatus verbis ne saltum Ciminium transiret. serius se quam ut impedire bellum possent venisse, nuntii victoriae Romam revertuntur. expeditione consulis motum latius erat quam profligatum bellum; vastationem namque sub Ciminii montis radicibus iacens ora senserat, conciveratque indignatione non Etruriae modo populos sed Umbriae finitima.
37.2. expedition of the consul's, instead of putting an end to the war, only gave it a wider range. the district lying about the base of Mount Ciminius had felt the devastation, and had aroused not only Etruria to resentment but the neighbouring parts of Umbria also. an army came to Sutrium that was larger than any they had raised before; and not only did they move forward their camp, out of the woods, but even, in their eagerness for combat, came down into the plain at the earliest opportunity in battle formation. first, after forming up, they stood still in their positions, having left their enemies room to draw up opposite., finding the Romans in no haste to engage them, they advanced up to the rampart.
37.2. quantus non unquam antea exercitus ad Sutrium venit; neque e silvis tantummodo promota castra sed etiam aviditate dimicandi quam primum in campos delata acies. instructa primo suo stare loco, relicto hostibus ad instruendum contra spatio; dein, postquam detractare hostem sensere pugnam, ad vallum subeunt.
37.4. they saw that even the outguards had retired within the works, they began shouting to their generals, to have their rations for the day sent out to them from the camp; they would wait under arms, they said, and either that night, or at daybreak at the latest, attack the enemy's stockade. The Roman army was every whit as restless, but was restrained by the general's authority.
37.4. postquam stationes quoque receptas intra munimenta sensere, clamor repente circa duces ortus, ut eo sibi e castris cibaria eius diei deferri iuberent: mansuros se sub armis et aut nocte aut certe luce prima castra hostium invasuros.
37.5. was about the tenth hour of the day when the consul bade the soldiers sup, and commanded them to be armed and ready at whatever hour of the day or night he might give the signal.
37.5. quietior Romanus exercitus imperio ducis continetur. erat fere diei hora, cum cibum capere consul milites iubet; praecipit ut in armis sint quacumque diei noctisve hora signum dederit;
37.6. a brief address he magnified the Samnite wars and belittled the Etruscans: there was no comparison, he said, between the two enemies, or between their numbers; moreover, he had an additional weapon in concealment; they should know about it when the time came; until then it must remain a secret.
37.6. paucis milites adloquitur, Samnitium bella extollit, elevat Etruscos; nec hostem hosti nec multitudinem multitudini comparandam ait; esse praeterea telum aliud occultum; scituros in tempore; interea taceri opus esse.
37.7. these obscure hints he sought to engender a belief that the enemy were being betrayed, in order to revive the spirits of his men, which were damped by the numbers of their enemies; and the fact that the Etruscans had thrown up no breastworks where they lay lent colour to the insinuation. with food, the soldiers gave themselves up to sleep, and at about the fourth watch were awakened without noise and put on their armour.
37.7. ambagibus prodi simulabat hostes, quo animus militum multitudine territus restitueretur; et, quod sine munimento consederant, veri similius erat quod simulabatur. cibo corpora quieti dant et quarta fere vigilia sine tumultu excitati arma capiunt.
37.8. were issued to the soldiers' servants, that they might level the rampart and fill up the trenches.
37.8. calonibus dividuntur ad vallum proruendum fossasque implendas. munimenta instruitur acies, delectae cohortes ad portarum exitus conlocantur.
37.9. The line was drawn up inside the fortifications, and selected cohorts were posted at the exits., on the signal being given a little before dawn, which on summer nights is the time of deepest sleep, the rampart was thrown down, and the Romans, rushing out in battle —formation, fell upon their enemies, who were lying all about the field.
37.9. deinde signo paulo ante lucem, quod aestivis noctibus sopitae maxime quietis tempus est, proruto vallo erupit acies, stratos passim invadit hostes; alios immobiles, alios semisomnos in cubilibus suis, maximam partem ad arma trepidantes caedes oppressit; paucis armandi se datum spatium est;
37.10. were slain without even stirring in their sleep, some were but half awake, the greatest number were reaching in terror for their weapons. a few were given time to arm themselves; and even these, with no definite standard to follow and no leader, the Romans routed and chased from the field. made for the camp and others for the mountains, as they fled this way and that. The forests afforded the surer refuge; for the camp, being situated in the plain, was captured the same day.
37.10. eos ipsos non signum certum, non ducem sequentes fundit Romanus fugatosque persequitur. castra, ad silvas diversi tendebant. tutius dedere refugium; nam castra in campis sita eodem die capiuntur. argentumque iussum referri ad consulem; cetera praeda militis fuit. aut capta eo die hostium milia ad sexaginta.
37.11. were issued that all gold and silver be brought to the consul; the rest of the booty went to the soldiers. that day the enemy lost sixty thousand slain or captured. historians relate that this famous battle was fought on the other side of the Ciminian Forest, near Perusia, and that Rome was in a panic lest the army should be surrounded and cut off in that dangerous defile by the Tuscans and Umbrians rising up on every hand.
37.11. tam claram pugnam trans Ciminiam silvam ad Perusiam pugnatam quidam auctores sunt metuque in magno civitatem fuisse ne interclusus exercitus tam infesto saltu coortis undique Tuscis Umbrisque Vmbrisque opprimeretur.
37.12. , wherever it was fought, the Romans were the victors. so from Perusia and Cortona and Arretium, which at that time might be the chief cities of the nations of Etruria, ambassadors came to Rome to sue for peace and an alliance. obtained a truce for thirty years.
37.12. ubicumque pugnatum est, res Romana superior fuit. a Perusia et Cortona et Arretio, quae ferme capita Etruriae populorum ea tempestate erant, legati pacem foedusque ab Romanis petentes indutias in triginta annos impetraverunt. haec in Etruria geruntur, consul alter C. Marcius Rutulus Allifas de Samnitibus vi cepit. alia castella vicique aut deleta hostiliter aut integra in potestatem venere.
38.2. these things were going on in Etruria, the other consul, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, captured Allifae from the Samnites by assault. forts and villages besides were either wiped out in the course of hostilities or came intact into the hands of the Romans. about this time a Roman fleet, commanded by Publius Cornelius, whom the senate had placed in charge of the coast, sailed for Campania and put into Pompeii. there the sailors and rowers set out to pillage the territory of Nuceria. quickly ravaged the nearest fields, from which they might have returned in safety to their ships, they were lured on, as often happens, by the love of booty, and going too far abroad aroused the enemy.
38.2. idem tempus et classis Romana a P. Cornelio, quem senatus maritimae orae praefecerat, in Campaniam acta cum adpulsa Pompeios esset, socii inde navales ad depopulandum agrum Nucerinum profecti, proximis raptim vastatis unde reditus tutus ad naves esset, dulcedine, ut fit, praedae longius progressi excivere hostes.
38.3. they roamed through the fields, nobody interfered with them, though they might have been utterly annihilated; but as they came trooping back, without a thought of danger, the country —folk overtook them not far from the ships, stripped them of their plunder, and even slew a part of them; those who escaped the massacre were driven, a disordered rabble, to their ships.
38.3. per agros nemo obvius fuit, cum occidione occidi possent; redeuntes agmine incauto haud procul navibus adsecuti agrestes exuerunt praeda, partem etiam occiderunt; quae superfuit caedi trepida multitudo multitude ad naves compulsa est.
38.4. Great as had been the fears excited in Rome when Quintus Fabius marched through the Ciminian Forest, the rejoicings that took place in Samnium amongst the enemy were no less on their hearing a report that the Roman army was intercepted and besieged.
38.4. Q. Fabi trans Ciminiam silvam quantum Romae terrorem fecerat, tam laetam famam in Samnium ad hostes tulerat interclusum Romanum exercitum obsideri, cladisque imaginem Furculas Caudinas memorabant:
38.5. recalled the Caudine Forks as showing what the disaster would be like; with the same temerity, they said, a race that was ever reaching out for what lay beyond had been led into pathless forests and there hemmed in, more by the difficulties of the ground than by the arms of their
38.5. eadem temeritate avidam ulteriorum semper gentem in saltus invios deductam, saeptam non hostium magis armis quam locorum iniquitatibus esse. gaudium invidia quadam miscebatur, quod belli Romani decus ab Samnitibus fortuna ad Etruscos avertisset. armis virisque ad opprimendum C. Marcium consulem concurrunt, protinus inde Etruriam per Marsos ac Sabinos petituri, si Marcius dimicandi potestatem non faciat. iis consul fuit.
38.7. enemy. their joy began to be mixed with a kind of envy, that Fortune should have transferred the glory of the Roman war from Samnites to Etruscans. they hastened to bring all their strength to bear upon crushing Gaius Marcius, the consul; and resolved, if Marcius should avoid an encounter, to march forthwith into Etruria, through the countries of the Marsi and the Sabines. The consul met them, and the battle was fiercely contested on both sides, but without a decision being reached., doubtful though it was which side had suffered most, the report gained ground that the Romans had been worsted: they had lost certain members of the equestrian order, certain military tribunes, and one lieutenant, and —most conspicuous of their misfortunes —the consul himself was wounded.
38.7. proelio utrimque atroci atque incerto eventu est, et cum anceps caedes fuisset, adversae tamen rei fama in Romanos vertit ob amissos quosdam equestris ordinis tribunosque militum atque unum legatum, et quod insigne maxime fuit, consulis ipsius volnus. haec etiam aucta fama, ut solet, ingens terror patres invasit dictatoremque dici placebat; nec quin Cursor Papirius diceretur in quo tum summa rei bellicae ponebatur, dubium cuiquam erat. nec in Samnium nuntium perferri omnibus infestis tuto posse nec vivere Marcium consulem satis fidebant.
38.9. These reverses as usual were further exaggerated in the telling, and the senate in great dismay determined on the appointment of a dictator. could doubt that Papirius Cursor, who was regarded as the foremost soldier of his time, would be designated.
38.9. consul Fabius infestus privatim Papirio erat; quae ne ira obstaret bono publico, legatos ex consularium numero mittendos ad eum senatus censuit, qui sua quoque eum,
38.11. the senators were not certain that a messenger could be got through in safety to Samnium, where all was hostile, nor that the consul Marcius was alive. The other consul, Fabius, had a private grudge against Papirius; and lest this enmity might hinder the general welfare, the senate decided to send a deputation of former consuls, in the hope that their personal influence, when added to the wishes of the government, might induce him to forget those quarrels for the good of the
38.11. non publica solum auctoritate moverent ut memoriam simultatium patriae remitteret. legati ad Fabium cum senatus consultum tradidissent adiecissentque orationem convenientem mandatis, consul demissis in terram oculis tacitus ab incertis quidnam acturus esset legatis recessit; nocte deinde silentio, ut mos est, L. Papirium dictatorem dixit. cum ob animum egregie victum legati gratias agerent, obstinatum silentium obtinuit ac sine responso ac mentione facti sui legatos dimisit, ut appareret insignem dolorem ingenti comprimi animo.
38.13. country. The ambassadors went to Fabius and delivered the resolution of the senate, with a discourse that suited their instructions. The consul, his eyes fixed on the ground, retired without a word, leaving the ambassadors uncertain what he proposed to do.
38.13. Papirius C. Iunium Bubulcum magistrum equitum dixit; atque ei legem curiatam de imperio ferenti triste omen diem diffidit, quod Faucia curia fuit principium, duabus insignis cladibus, captae urbis et Caudinae pacis, quod utroque anno eiusdem curiae fuerat principium.