1.2. IN the consulship of Lucius Genucius and Servius Cornelius there was in general a respite from foreign wars. were established at Sora and Alba. thousand settlers were enrolled for Alba, in the Aequian country. Sora had belonged to the territory of the Volsci, but the Samnites had got possession of it; to this place were sent four thousand men. this year also the Arpinates and Trebulani were granted citizenship. The Frusinates were mulcted in one —third of their land, because it was discovered that they had tampered with the Hernici; the ringleaders of the conspiracy, after the consuls, at the instance of the senate, had conducted an investigation, were scourged and beheaded.
1.2. Sora agri Volsci fuerat, sed possederant Samnites; eo quattuor milia hominum missa. anno Arpinatibus Trebulanisque civitas data. Frusinates tertia parte agri damnati, quod Hernicos ab eis sollicitatos compertum, capitaque coniurationis eius quaestione ab consulibus ex senatus consulto habita virgis caesi ac securi percussi.
1.4. , that their year might not go by without any war whatever, the consuls made a little expedition into Umbria, because of a report that armed men issuing from a certain cave were making raids upon the farms.
1.4. ne prorsus imbellem agerent annum, parva expeditio in Umbriam facta est, quod nuntiabatur ex spelunca quadam excursiones armatorum in agros fieri.
1.5. The soldiers carried their standards into the cave, and there in the murk received many wounds, particularly from stones that were thrown at them; until, having found the other mouth of the cavern —for there was a way of going through it —they heaped up faggots at both openings and set them afire.
1.5. eam earn speluncam penetratum cum signis est, et ex loco obscuro multa volnera accepta maximeque lapidum ictu, donec altero specus eius ore—nam pervius erat— invento utraeque fauces congestis lignis accensae.
1.6. this way about two thousand armed men perished in the cave from the smoke and heat, for they finally rushed into the very flames in their efforts to escape.
1.6. intus fumo ac vapore ad duo milia armatorum, ruentia novissime in ipsas flammas, dum evadere tendunt, absumpta.
1.7. Marcus Livius Denter and Marcus Aemilius were consuls, the Aequi resumed hostilities. that a colony had been established, like a citadel, within their borders, they attacked it with great fury.
1.7. M. Livio Dentre M. Aemilio consulibus redintegratum Aequicum bellum. aegre patientes velut arcem suis finibus impositam summa vi expugnare adorti ab ipsis colonis pelluntur.
1.8. were beaten off by the colonists themselves, but occasioned such dismay at Rome —since it was scarce to be believed that the Aequi when in so weakened a condition should have begun a war relying solely on their own resources —that a dictator was appointed to cope with the outbreak, in the person of Gaius Junius Bubulcus.
1.8. tantum Romae terrorem fecere, quia vix credibile erat tam adfectis rebus solos per se Aequos ad bellum coortos, ut tumultus eius causa dictator diceretur C. iunius lunius Bubulcus.
1.9. out with Marcus Titinius, his master of the horse, he reduced the Aequi to submission at the first encounter, and having returned in triumph to the City eight days later, dedicated as dictator the temple of Safety which he had vowed as consul and for which as censor he had let the contract.
1.9. M. Titinio magistro equitum profectus primo congressu Aequos subegit, ac die octavo triumphans in urbem cum redisset, aedem Salutis, quam consul voverat censor locaverat, dictator dedicavit. anno classis Graecorum Cleonymo duce Lacedaemonio ad Italiae litora adpulsa Thurias urbem in Sallentinis cepit.
2.2. the same year a Greek fleet commanded by Cleonymus the Lacedaemonian put in to the shores of Italy and seized the city of Thuriae in the country of the Sallentini. The consul Aemilius was dispatched against this enemy, whom he routed in a single engagement and drove to his ships.
2.2. hunc hostem consul Aemilius missus proelio uno fugatum compulit in naves. Thuriae redditae veteri cultori, Sallentinoque agro pax parta.
2.3. Thuriae was restored to its old inhabitants, and peace was established in the Sallentine territory. find in some annals that Junius Bubulcus the dictator was sent among the Sallentini, and that Cleonymus withdrew from Italy before it became necessary to fight the Romans.
2.3. Iunium Bubulcum dictatorem missum in Sallentinos in quibusdam annalibus invenio et Cleonymum, priusquam confligendum esset cum Romanis, Italia excessisse.
2.4. then the promontory of Brundisium, he was swept on by the winds in the mid gulf of the Adriatic, and dreading the harbourless coasts of Italy on his left and on his right the Illyrians, Liburnians, and Histrians, —savage tribes and notorious most of them for their piracies —kept straight on until he reached the coasts of the Veneti.
2.4. inde Brundisii promunturium medioque sinu Hadriatico ventis latus, cum laeva importuosa Italiae litora, dextra Illyrii Liburnique et Histri, gentes ferae et magna ex parte latrociniis maritimis infames, terrerent, penitus ad litora Venetorum pervenit.
2.5. sent a small party ashore to explore the country, and learning that it was a narrow beach that extended in front of them, on crossing which one found behind it lagoons which were flooded by the tides; that not far off level fields could be made out, and that hills were seen rising beyond them, and that a river of great depth —the Mediacus —debouched there, into which they could bring round their ships to a safe anchorage —having learned all this, I say, he ordered the fleet to sail in and make its way up stream.
2.5. paucis qui loca explorarent, cum audisset tenue praetentum litus esse, quod transgressis stagna ab tergo sint inrigua aestibus maritimis; agros haud procul proximos capestres cerni, ulteriora colles videri; esse ostium fluminis praealti, quo circumagi naves in stationem tutam possint — Meduacus amnis erat—: eo invectam classem subire flumine adverso iussit.
2.7. the channel would not admit the heaviest ships, and the multitude of armed men, passing over into the lighter vessels, kept on till they came to thickly inhabited fields; for three maritime villages of the Patavini were situated there along the river —bank.
2.7. navium non pertulit alveus fluminis; in leviora navigia transgressa multitudo multitude armatorum ad frequentes agros, tribus maritimis Patavinorum vicis colentibus eam oram, pervenit.
2.8. there they left a small body of men to defend the boats, burnt the houses, made spoil of men and cattle, and, lured on by the sweets of pillage, advanced to a greater and greater distance from their ships.
2.8. egressi praesidio levi navibus relicto vicos expugnant, inflammant tecta, hominum pecudumque praedas agunt et dulcedine praedandi longius usque a navibus procedunt.
2.9. word of these events was brought to the Patavians, whom the vicinity of the Gauls kept always under arms, they divided their young men into two divisions. of these marched into the region where the scattered marauding was reported; the other, taking a different road, to avoid falling in with any of the marauders, proceeded to the place where the ships were moored, fourteen miles from the town.
2.9. ubi Patavium sunt nuntiata—semper autem eos in armis accolae Galli habebant—in duas partes iuventutem dividunt. in regionem, qua effusa populatio nuntiabatur, altera, ne cui praedonum obvia fieret, alio itinere ad stationem navium—milia autem quattuordecim ab oppido aberat—ducta.
2.10. The latter party, slaying the guards, who were unaware of their approach, made a rush for the ships, and the terrified sailors were forced to get them over to the other side of the stream., too, the battle waged against the straggling plunderers was equally successful, and when the Greeks would have fled back to their station, the Veneti stood in their way. the enemy were caught between two parties and were cut to pieces.
2.10. naves ignaris custodibus interemptis impetus factus, territique nautae coguntur naves in alteram ripam amnis traicere. in terra prosperum aeque in palatos praedatores proelium fuerat refugientibusque ad stationem Graecis Veneti obsistunt;
2.11. of them, being taken prisoners, told how the fleet and King Cleonymus were three miles off.
2.11. ita in medio circumventi hostes caesique; pars capti classem indicant regemque Cleonymum tria milia abesse.
2.12. the captives were consigned to the next village for safe —keeping, and armed men filling the river boats —suitably constructed with flat bottoms, to enable them to cross the shallow lagoons —and others manning the craft they had captured from the invaders, they descended upon the fleet and surrounded the unwieldy ships;
2.12. captivis proximo vico in custodiam datis pars fluviatiles naves, ad superanda vada stagnorum apte planis alveis fabricatas, pars captiva navigia armatis complent profectique ad classem immobiles naves et loca ignota plus quam hostem timentes circumvadunt;
2.13. which, being more fearful of the unknown waters than of the enemy, and more bent on escaping to the deep sea than on resisting, they pursued clear to the river's mouth, and having captured some of them and burnt them, after they had been run aground in the confusion, returned victorious.
2.13. fugientesque in altum acrius quam repugnantes usque ad ostium amnis persecuti captis quibusdam incensisque navibus hostium, quas trepidatio in vada intulerat, victores revertuntur.
2.14. Cleonymus sailed off with barely a fifth part of his ships intact. no quarter of the Adriatic had his attempts succeeded. are many now living in Patavium who have seen the beaks of the ships and the spoils of the Laconians which were fastened up in the old temple of Juno.
2.14. Cleonymus vix quinta parte navium incolumi, nulla regione maris Hadriatici prospere adita, discessit. Rostra navium spoliaque Laconum in aede iunonis lunonis veteri fixa multi supersunt qui viderunt Patavi.
2.15. commemoration of the naval battle a contest of ships is held regularly, on the anniversary of the engagement, in the river that flows through the town.
2.15. navalis pugnae eo die quo pugnatum est quotannis sollemne certamen navium in flumine oppidi medio exercetur. anno Romae cum Vestinis petentibus amicitiam ictum est foedus. deinde exortus terror.
3.2. treaty was entered into at Rome this year with the Vestini, who solicited friendship. there were alarms in several quarters. was reported that Etruria was up in arms, in consequence of an outbreak that had its origin in dissensions at Arretium, where a movement was begun to drive out the Cilnii —a very powerful family —because of the envy occasioned by their wealth. the same time the Marsi forcibly resisted the confiscation of their land, where the colony of Carscoli had been planted with an enrolment of four thousand men.
3.2. Etruriam rebellare ab Arretinorum seditionibus motu orto nuntiabatur, ubi Cilnium genus praepotens divitiarum invidia pelli armis coeptum; simul Marsos agrum vi tueri, in quem quern colonia Carseoli deducta erat quattuor milibus hominum scriptis.
3.3. view, therefore, of these tumults, Marcus Valerius Maximus was appointed dictator and named Marcus Aemilius Paulus to be his master of the horse.
3.3. propter eos tumultus dictus M. Valerius Maximus dictator magistrum equitum sibi legit M. Aemilium Paulum.
3.4. I choose rather to believe than that Quintus Fabius, at his time of life and after the offices he had held, was made subordinate to Valerius; but I would not deny that the error might have originated in the surname of Maximus.
3.4. —Id magis credo quam Q. Fabium ea aetate atque eis honoribus Valerio subiectum; ceterum ex Maximi cognomine ortum errorem haud baud abnuerim.
3.5. —Setting out with his army, the dictator overthrew the Marsi in a single battle; then shutting them up in their walled cities, he captured Milionia, Plestina, and Fresilia, in the course of a few days, and having fined the Marsi in a part of their territory, renewed the treaty with them.
3.5. —Profectus dictator cum exercitu proelio uno Marsos fundit; compulsis deinde in urbes munitas, Milioniam, Plestinam, Fresiliam intra dies paucos cepit et parte agri multatis Marsis foedus restituit.
3.6. The campaign was then directed against the Etruscans; the dictator having set out for Rome, to take the auspices over again, the master of the horse went out to forage, and being ambushed, lost a number of standards and was driven back into his camp, with a shameful rout and slaughter of his soldiers.
3.6. in Etruscos versum bellum; et cum dictator auspiciorum repetendorum causa profectus Romam esset, magister equitum pabulatum egressus ex insidiis circumvenitur signisque aliquot amissis foeda militum caede ac fuga in castra est compulsus. —Qui terror non eo tantum a Fabio abhorret quod, si qua alia arte cognomen suum aequavit tum maxime bellicis laudibus, sed etiam quod memor Papirianae saevitiae nunquam ut dictatoris iniussu dimicaret adduci potuisset.
3.8. —This discomfiture is very unlikely to have befallen Fabius, not only because if in any quality he came up to his surname, he assuredly did so in the glory of a soldier, but also because, remembering the severity of Papirius, he could never have been brought to engage in battle without the orders of the dictator. The news of this reverse gave rise in Rome to a greater alarm than the situation warranted., as though the army had been destroyed, a cessation of legal business was proclaimed, guards were called into service at the gates, and night —watches in the several streets, arms and missiles being heaped upon the walls. summoning all of military age to take the oath, the dictator was dispatched to the army, and there found everything more tranquil than he had expected and reduced to order by the careful measures of the master of the horse. The camp had been withdrawn to a safer site, the cohorts that had lost their standards had been left outside the rampart without tents, and the army was eager for battle, that it might the sooner wipe out its disgrace.
3.8. ea clades Romam maiorem quam res erat terrorem excivit. ut exercitu deleto ita iustitium indictum, custodiae in portis, vigiliae vicatim exactae, arma tela in muros congesta. iunioribus sacramento adactis dictator ad exercitum missus omnia spe tranquilliora et composita magistri equitum cura, castra in tutiorem locum redacta, cohortes quae signa amiserant extra vallum sine tentoriis destitutas invenit, exercitum avidum pugnae, quo maturius ignominia aboleretur. confestim castra inde in agrum Rusellanum promovit.
4.6. he advanced without delay into the district of Rusellae. this place the enemy followed him; and although in consequence of their success they had every confidence in their ability to cope with the Romans even in the open field, yet they also attempted an ambuscade, which they had successfully essayed before.
4.6. et hostes secuti, quamquam ex bene gesta re summam summram et in aperto certamine virium spem habebant, tamen insidiis quoque, quas feliciter experti erant, hostem temptant.
4.7. far from the Roman camp stood the half —ruined buildings of a village which had been burned when the country was laid waste.
4.7. semiruta vici per vastationem agrorum deusti haud procul castris Romanorum aberant. abditis armatis pecus in conspectu praesidii Romani, cui praeerat Cn. Fulvius legatus, propulsum.
4.8. armed men in these ruins, they drove out some cattle in full sight of a Roman outpost, which was under the command of the lieutenant Gnaeus Fulvius. when this tempting bait failed to lure any of the Romans from their post, one of the shepherds came up under the very works and called out to the others, who were hesitating to drive out their flock from amongst the tumble —down buildings, asking why they were so slow, for they could safely drive them through the midst of the Roman camp.
4.8. quam inlecebram cum moveretur nemo ab Romana statione, pastorum unus progressus sub ipsas munitiones inclamat alios, cunctanter ab ruinis vici pecus propellentes, quid cessarent cum per media castra Romana tuto agere possent.
4.9. men from Caere interpreted these words to the lieutenant, and great was the indignation aroused through all the maniples of soldiers; yet they dared not stir without the orders of their leader, who commanded those familiar with the language to mark whether the shepherds' speech were more like that of rustics or of city —folk.
4.9. cum legato Caerites quidam interpretarentur et per omnes manipulos militum indignatio ingens esset nec tamen iniussu movere auderent, iubet peritos linguae attendere animum, pastorum sermo agresti an urbano propior esset.
4.10. their reporting that in accent, in carriage, and in complexion they were too refined for shepherds, “then,” said he, “and bid them uncover the ambuscade they have laid in vain; for the Romans know all, and can now no more be entrapped than they can be conquered by force of arms.”
4.10. referrent sonum linguae et corporum habitum et nitorem cultiora quam pastoralia esse, igitur, dicite, inquit, detegant nequiquam conditas insidias: omnia scire Romanum nec magis iam dolo capi quam armis vinci posse.
4.11. These words were no sooner heard and repeated to those who lay in ambush than they suddenly all rose up from their hiding —places and advanced in martial array into the plain which was spread open to the view on every side.
4.11. ubi audita sunt et ad eos qui consederant in insidiis perlata, consurrectum repente ex latebris est et in patentem ad conspectum undique campum prolata signa.
4.12. army seemed to the lieutenant to be greater than his own detachment could withstand, and he therefore sent in all haste to the dictator to summon help, in the meantime resisting by himself the enemy's charges.
4.12. legato maior acies quam quae ab suo praesidio sustineri posset itaque propere ad dictatorem auxilia accitum mittit; interea ipse impetus hostium sustinet. allato dictator signa ferri ac sequi iubet armatos. celeriora prope omnia imperio erant;
5.2. receiving his message the dictator bade advance the standards, and commanded his men to arm and follow them. everything was almost sooner done than ordered; standards and arms were hurriedly caught up, and the soldiers could hardly be restrained from pushing forward at a run. was not anger alone that spurred them on, as they thought of the defeat they had recently sustained, but the shouts, as well, that fell faster on their hearing as the fight waxed more hot.
5.2. rapta extemplo signa armaque, et vix ab impetu et cursu tenebantur. ira ab accepta nuper clade stimulabat, tum concitatior accidens clamor ab increscente certamine.
5.3. they urged one another forward and exhorted the standard —bearers to a faster pace. the more haste the dictator saw them make, the more earnest was he to hold them in, and commanded them to slow down their march.
5.3. itaque alii alios hortanturque signiferos ut ocius eant. magis festinantes videt dictator, eo impensius retentat agmen ac sensim incedere iubet.
5.4. The Etruscans, on the contrary, having been called out at the beginning of the battle, had taken the field with all their troops. messenger after another informed the dictator that all the Etruscan legions were engaged and that his own men could hold out no longer; and looking down from the higher ground, he could see for himself the perilous situation of his people.
5.4. Etrusci contra, principio exciti pugnae, omnibus copiis aderant; et super alios alii nuntiant dictatori omnes legiones Etruscorum capessisse pugnam nec iam ab suis resisti posse, et ipse cernit ex superiore loco in quanto discrimine praesidium esset.
5.5. , feeling fairly confident that his lieutenant was capable, even then, of maintaining the fight, and that he was himself not too far off to rescue him from danger, he desired the enemy to become completely exhausted, that he might fall upon them with undiminished vigour when their strength was spent.
5.5. satis fretus esse etiam nunc tolerando certamini legatum nec se procul abesse periculi vindicem, quam maxime volt fatigari hostem, ut integris adoriatur viribus fessos.
5.6. although the Romans advanced but slowly, they had now but a little space to charge in, especially the horse. the van were the standards of the legions, lest the enemy should be apprehensive of any concealed or rapid movement; but the dictator had left intervals between the files of the infantry, to allow ample room for the horses to go through.
5.6. lente procedunt, iam tamen ad impetum capiundum, equiti utique, modicum erat spatium. incedebant signa legionum, ne quid occultum aut repentinum hostis timeret; sed reliquerat intervalla inter ordines peditum, qua satis laxo spatio equi permitti possent.
5.7. The legionaries gave a cheer, and simultaneously the horsemen were let loose and with a free course galloped straight upon the enemy, who were not prepared to resist a shock of cavalry and were overwhelmed with a sudden panic.
5.7. sustulit clamorem acies et emissus eques libero cum in hostem invehitur incompositisque adversus equestrem procellam subitum pavorem offundit.
5.8. so, though the help had nearly come too late for men who were already well —nigh surrounded, yet they were now all given a respite, and the battle was taken over by fresh troops —a battle of no long duration nor of doubtful issue.
5.8. , ut prope serum auxilium iam paene circumventis, ita universa requies data est. accepere pugnam, nec ea ipsa longa aut anceps fuit.
5.9. The routed enemy fled back to their camp, and when the Roman standard —bearers pressed in after them, they gave way and huddled up together in the farthest part of the enclosure.
5.9. hostes castra repetunt inferentibusque iam signa Romanis cedunt et in ultimam castrorum partem conglobantur.
5.10. The narrow gates became choked with fugitives and a great part of them climbed upon the mound and palisade, in hopes that from that elevation they might be able either to defend themselves, or to climb over somewhere and escape.
5.10. fugientes in angustiis portarum; pars magna aggerem vallumque conscendit, si aut ex superiore loco tueri se aut superare aliqua et evadere posset.
5.11. chanced that in a certain place the mound had not been solidly rammed down, and this, overburdened with the weight of those who stood upon it, slid over into the trench.
5.11. quodam loco male densatus agger pondere superstantium in fossam procubuit; atque ea, cum deos pandere viam fugae conclamassent, plures inermes quam armati evadunt.
5.12. that opening —crying out that the gods were providing them a means of flight —they saved themselves, but more got away without their arms than with them. this battle the might of the Etruscans was broken for the second time. promising a year's pay for the soldiers, with two months' corn, they obtained permission from the dictator to send envoys to Rome to negotiate a peace.
5.12. proelio fractae iterum Etruscorum vires, et pacto annuo stipendio et duum mensum frumento permissum ab dictatore ut de pace legatos mitterent Romam. negata, indutiae biennii datae. triumphans in urbem rediit.
5.13. Peace was denied them, but they were granted a truce of two years. The dictator returned to Rome and triumphed. —I find historians who say that Etruria was pacified by the dictator without any memorable battle, only by settling the dissensions of the Arretini and reconciling the Cilnian family with the plebs. —Marcus. Valerius resigned as dictator, to enter immediately upon the consulship.
5.13. —Habeo auctores sine ullo memorabili proelio pacatam ab dictatore Etruriam esse seditionibus tantum Aretinorum compositis et Cilnio genere cum plebe in gratiam reducto.
5.14. authors have recorded that he was elected without seeking the office, indeed without even being present, and that the election was presided over by an interrex; this only is not disputed, that he held the consulship in company with Apuleius Pansa.
5.14. —Consul ex dictatura factus M. Valerius. petentem atque adeo etiam absentem creature tradidere quidam et per interregem ea comitia facta; id unum non ambigitur, consulatum cum Apuleio Pansa gessisse. M. Valerio et Q. Apuleio consulibus satis pacatae foris res fuere:
6.2. their year of administration the foreign relations of the state were fairly peaceful: the Etruscans were kept quiet by their failure in war and by the truce; the Samnites, tamed by the defeats of many years, had not wearied as yet of the new covenant.
6.2. Etruscum adversae belli res et indutiae quietum tenebant; Samnitem multorum annorum cladibus domitum hauddum foederis novi paenitebat. Romae quoque plebem quietam exonerata in colonias multitudo praestabat.
6.3. Rome also the relief afforded by the emigration of large numbers to the colonies had quieted the commons Nevertheless, that tranquillity might not be found everywhere, the plebeian tribunes Quintus and Gnaeus Ogulnius stirred up a quarrel among the first men of the state, both patrician and plebeian. had sought in every quarter occasions for maligning the Fathers to the plebs; and having tried everything else in vain, they set on foot a project by which they might inflame, not the lowest of the rabble, but the very leaders of the plebs —the commones, namely, who had enjoyed consulships and triumphs, an who lacked nothing but priesthoods, which were not yet open to all, to complete their list of
6.3. ne undique tranquillae res essent, certamen iniectum inter primores civitatis, patricios plebeiosque, ab tribunis plebis Q. et Cn. Ogulniis, qui undique criminandorum patrum apud plebem occasionibus quaesitis, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, eam actionem susceperunt qua non infimam plebem accenderent sed ipsa capita plebis, consulares triumphalesque plebeios, quorum honoribus nihil praeter sacerdotia, quae nondum promiscua erant, deesset.
6.6. honours. The Ogulnii accordingly proposed a law, that whereas there were then four augurs and four pontiffs and it was desired to augment the number of priests, four pontiffs and five augurs should be added, and should all be taken from the plebs.
6.6. ergo promulgarunt ut, cum quattuor augures, quattuor pontifices ea tempestate essent placeretque augeri sacerdotum numerum, quattuor pontifices, quinque augures, de plebe omnes, adlegerentur.
6.7. —How this college could have been reduced to four augurs, unless by the death of two, I cannot discover; since it is a settled principle amongst the augurs that their number should be uneven, to the end that the three ancient tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses and Luceres, should each have its augur, or else —if a larger number should be needed —that they should increase the priests in the same proportion; as in fact they were increased when five were added to the four, and, making up the number of nine, gave each tribe
6.7. —Quemadmodum ad quattuor augurum numerum nisi morte duorum id redigi collegium potuerit, non invenio, cum inter augures constet imparem numerum debere esse, ut tres antiquae tribus, Ramnes Titienses Luceres, suum quaeque augurem habeant aut, si pluribus sit opus, pari inter se numero sacerdotes multiplicent, sicut multiplicati sunt cum ad quattuor quinque adiecti novem numerum, ut terni in singulas essent, expleverunt.
6.9. three. —But since they were to be added from the plebs, the patricians were as distressed by the proposal as they had been when they saw the consulship thrown open.
6.9. , quia de plebe adlegebantur, iuxta eam rem aegre passi patres quam cum consulatum volgari viderent.
6.10. pretended that' the gods were more concerned than they themselves were: the gods would see to it that their rites should not be contaminated; for their own part they only hoped that no disaster might come upon the state.
6.10. ad deos id magis quam ad se pertinere: ipsos visuros ne sacra sua polluantur; id se optare tantum, ne qua in rem publicam clades veniat.
6.11. made, however, no great struggle, accustomed as they now were to being worsted in contests of this kind; and they beheld their adversaries no longer reaching out after great honours which they had formerly scarce any hopes of attaining, but in full possession of all the things for which they had striven with dubious prospects of success —repeated consulships, censorships, and triumphs.
6.11. autem tetendere, adsueti iam tali genere certaminum vinci; et cernebant adversarios non, id quod olim vix speraverint, adfectantes magnos honores sed omnia iam in quorum spem dubiam erat certatum adeptos, multiplices consulatus censurasque et triumphos. tamen suadenda dissuadendaque lege inter Ap. Claudium maxime ferunt et inter P. Decium Murem.
7.2. is said, however, to have been a vigorous discussion as to the passage or rejection of the bill, in which Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus were the principal speakers. they had brought up nearly the same arguments concerning the rights of patricians and plebeians as had formerly been employed in behalf of and against the Licinian Law, when the plebeians sought access to the consulship, it is related that Decius evoked the image of his father as he had been seen by many who were then present in the assembly, wearing his toga with the Gabine cincture, and standing over his weapon, as he had done when offering himself a sacrifice for the Roman People and the legions.
7.2. cum eadem ferme de iure patrum ac plebis quae pro lege Licinia quondam contraque eam dicta erant cum plebeiis consulatus rogabatur disseruissent, rettulisse dicitur Decius parentis sui speciem, qualem eum multi qui in contione erant viderant, incinctum Gabino cultu super telum stantem, quo se habitu pro populo ac legionibus Romanis devovisset:
7.4. Publius Decius the consul had on that occasion seemed to the immortal gods an oblation no less pure and holy than if his colleague Titus Manlius had been offered up; could not then this same Publius Decius —he asked —have been duly chosen to solemnize the public sacrifices of the Roman People?
7.4. tum P. Decium consulem purum piumque deis immortalibus visum aeque ac si T. Manlius collega eius devoveretur:
7.5. was it to be feared that the gods would hearken less readily to the speaker's prayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Appius perform with more devotion the rites of domestic religion, and worship the gods more scrupulously than he did himself?
7.5. eundem P. Decium qui sacra publica populi Romani faceret legi rite non potuisse? esse periculum, ne suas preces minus audirent di quam Ap. Claudi? eum sacra privata facere et religiosius deos colere quam se?
7.6. was there that repented him of the vows that had been uttered in the state's behalf by so many plebeian consuls and so many dictators, either on going to their armies or in the midst of their campaigns?
7.6. paenitere votorum quae pro re publica nuncupaverint tot consules plebeii, tot dictatores, aut ad exercitus euntes aut inter ipsa bella?
7.7. them enumerate the generals of those years that had elapsed since campaigns were first conducted under the leadership and auspices of plebeians; let them enumerate the triumphs; even on the score of their nobility, the plebeians had now nothing to regret.
7.7. duces eorum annorum, quibus plebeiorum ductu et auspicio res geri coeptae sint; numerarentur triumphi: iam ne nobilitatis quidem suae plebeios paenitere.
7.8. felt quite sure that if suddenly some war should arise, the senate and the Roman People would rest their hopes no more on patrician than on plebeian generals.
7.8. certo habere, si quod repens bellum oriatur non plus spei fore senatui populoque Romano in patriciis quam in plebeiis ducibus.
7.9. “this is so,” he proceeded, "what god or man can deem it inappropriate that those heroes whom you have honoured with curule chairs, with the purple —bordered robe, with the tunic adorned with palms, and with the embroidered toga, the triumphal crown and the laurel wreath, whose houses you have made conspicuous amongst the rest with the spoils of your enemies which you have fastened to their walls, —who, I say, can object if such men add thereto the insignia of the pontiffs and the augurs?
7.9. cum ita se habeat, cui deorum hominumve indignum videri potest inquit, "eos viros, quos vos sellis curulibus, toga praetexta, tunica palmata et toga picta et corona triumphali laureaque honoraritis, quorum domos spoliis hostium adfixis insignes inter alias feceritis, pontificalia atque auguralia insignia adicere?
7.10. the man who, decked with the robes of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, has been borne through the City in a gilded chariot and has mounted the Capitol —may that man not be seen with chalice and crook, when, covering his head, he offers up the victim, or receives an augury from the Citadel?
7.10. iovis lovis optimi maximi ornatu decoratus curru aurato per urbem vectus in Capitolium ascenderit, is non conspiciatur cum capide ac lituo, cum capite velato victimam caedet auguriumve ex arce capiet?
7.11. men shall read with equanimity, in the inscription that accompanies his portrait, of consulship, censorship, and triumph, will their eyes be unable to endure the brightness, if you add to these the augurate or pontificate?
7.11. in imaginis titulo consulatus censuraque et triumphus aequo animo legetur, si auguratum aut pontificatum adieceritis, non sustinebunt legentium oculi?
7.12. my own part —under Heaven's favour be it spoken —I trust that we are now, thanks to the Roman People, in a position to reflect upon the priesthoods —in consequence of our recognized fitness for office —no less credit than we shall receive from them, and to seek, more for the service of the gods than for ourselves, that those whom we worship privately we may also worship in the name of the state.
7.12. —pace dixerim deum—eos nos iam populi Romani beneficio esse spero, qui sacerdotiis non minus reddamus dignatione nostra honoris quam quain acceperimus et deorum inagis quam nostra causa expetamus ut quos privatim colimus publice colamus.
8.1. “why have I been reasoning hitherto as if the patrician claim on the priesthoods were intact, and we were not already in possession of the one supremely honourable priesthood?”
8.1. autem ego sic adhuc egi, tamquam integra sit causa patriciorum de sacerdotiis et non iam in possessione unius amplissimi simus sacerdotii?
8.2. “see that plebeians are members of the Ten charged with the sacred rites, interpreters of the Sibylline oracles and the destinies of this people, the same being also overseers of Apollo's ritual and of other ceremonies.”
8.2. sacris faciundis, carminum Sibyllae ac fatorum populi huius interpretes, antistites eosdem Apollinaris sacri caerimoniarumque aliarum plebeios videmus.
8.3. “yet the patricians were in no way wronged at the time when the two commissioners in charge of sacred rites were increased in number on account of the plebeians;” “and our brave and vigorous tribune, in proposing at the present time to add five augurs' places and four pontiffs', to which plebeians may be named, has not desired to oust you patricians, Appius, from your places, but that men of the plebs may help you in the administration also of divine affairs, even as they help you in other and human matters, to the measure of their strength.”
8.3. aut tum patriciis ulla iniuria facta est, cum duumviris sacris faciundis adiectus est propter plebeios numerus, et nunc tribunus, vir fortis ac strenuus, quinque augurum loca, quattuor pontificum adicit, in quae plebeii nominentur, non ut vos, Appi, vestro loco pellant sed ut adiuvent vos homines plebeii divinis quoque rebus procurandis, sicut in ceteris humanis pro parte virili adiuvant.
8.5. “not, Appius, to have a colleague in the priesthood whom you might have had in the censorship or consulship. is quite as possible that he should be dictator and you his master of the horse as that it should be the other way about.”
8.5. erubescere, Appi, collegam in sacerdotio habere quem in censura quem in consulatu collegam habere potuisti, cuius tam dictatoris magister equitum quam magistri equitum dictator esse potes.
8.6. “Sabine immigrant, the first of your house to be ennobled —call him Attius Clausus or Appius Claudius, as you will —was admitted to their number by the patricians of that olden time: be not too proud to admit us into the number of the priests.”
8.6. advenam, principem nobilitatis vestrae, seu Attium Clausum seu Ap. Claudium mavoltis, illi antiqui patricii in suum numerum acceperunt: tu ne fastidieris nos in sacerdotum numerum accipere.
8.7. “bring many distinctions with us, aye, every one of those same distinctions that have made you so high and mighty.”
8.7. nobiscum decora adferimus, immo omnia eadem quae vos superbos fecerunt:
8.8. “Lucius Sextius was the first plebeian consul, Gaius Licinius Stolo the first master of the horse; Gaius Marcius Rutulus the first dictator and censor, Quintus Publilius Philo the first praetor.”
8.8. L. Sextius primus de plebe consul est factus, C. Licinius Stolo primus magister equitum, C. Marcius Rutulus primus et dictator et censor, Q. Publilius Philo primus praetor.
8.9. “you we have heard always the same song —that the auspices belong to you, that you alone are of noble birth, that you alone have the full imperium and right to divination, both at home and in the field. the authority and divination of plebeian and patrician have prospered in equal measure until now, and so they shall do in the future.”
8.9. ista audita sunt eadem, penes vos auspicia esse, vos solos gentem habere, vos solos iustum imperium et auspicium domi militiaeque;
8.10. “, has it ever been wafted to your ears that those who were first appointed to be patricians were not beings descended from celestial regions, but were such as could name their fathers —were free —born men, that is, and nothing more?”
8.10. aeque adhuc prosperum plebeium et patricium fuit porroque erit. umquam fando audistis patricios primo esse factos non de caelo demissos sed qui patrem ciere possent, id est nihil ultra quam ingenuos?
8.11. “can already name a consul for my father, and my son will presently be able to name one for his grandfather. truth the matter is simply, Quirites, that we must always be first denied, and yet have our way in the end. struggle is all that the patricians ask: they care not what may be the outcome of the struggle.”
8.11. iam patrem ciere possum, avumque iam poterit filius meus. est aliud in re, Quirites, nisi ut omnia negata adipiscamur; certamen tantum patricii petunt nec curant quem eventum certaminum habeant.
8.12. “hold that this law —and may good come of it and favour and prosperity, to yourselves and to the state! —should be ordered, as proposed.”
8.12. hanc legem, quod bonum faustum felixque sit vobis ac rei publicae, uti rogas, iubendam censeo." tribus extemplo populus iubebat, apparebatque accipi legem; ille tamen dies intercessione est sublatus.
9.2. The people straightway commanded the tribes to be called, and it seemed that the measure would be accepted; nevertheless it was put off for that day on account of a veto. the following day the tribunes were cowed and the law was passed with acclamation. be pontiffs were chosen the advocate of the law, Publius Decius Mus, with Publius Sempronius Sophus, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, and Marcus Livius Denter; the five augurs were likewise of the plebs, Gaius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, Marcus Minucius Faesus, Gaius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. the number of pontiffs became eight and of augurs nine.
9.2. die deterritis tribunis ingenti consensu accepta est. creantur suasor legis P. Decius Mus P. Sempronius Sophus C. Marcius Rutulus M. Livius Denter; quinque augures item de plebe, C. Genucius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minucius Faesus C. Marcius T. Publilius. octo pontificum, novem augurum numerus factus.
9.3. the same year Marcus Valerius the consul proposed a law of appeal with stricter sanctions. was the third time since the expulsion of the kings that such a law had been introduced, by the same family in every instance.
9.3. anno M. Valerius consul de provocatione legem tulit diligentius sanctam. ea tum post reges exactos lata est, semper a familia eadem.
9.4. The reason for renewing it more than once was, I think, simply this, that the wealth of a few carried more power than the liberty of the plebs. the Porcian law alone seems to have been passed to protect the persons of the citizens, imposing, as it did, a heavy penalty if anyone should scourge or put to death a Roman citizen.
9.4. renovandae saepius haud aliam fuisse reor quam quod plus paucorum opes quam libertas plebis poterat. tamen lex sola pro tergo civium lata videtur, quod gravi poena, si quis verberasset necassetve civem Romanum, sanxit;
9.5. The Valerian law, having forbidden that he who had appealed should be scourged with rods or beheaded, merely provided that if anyone should disregard these injunctions it should be deemed a wicked act.
9.5. lex cum eum qui provocasset virgis caedi securique necari vetuisset, si quis adversus ea fecisset, nihil ultra quam improbe factum adiecit.
9.6. seemed, I suppose, a sufficiently strong sanction of the law, so modest were men in those days;
9.6. , qui tum pudor hominum erat, visum, credo, vinculum satis validum legis: nunc vix serio ita minetur quisquam.
9.7. at the present time one would hardly utter such a threat in earnest. The same consul conducted an insignificant campaign against the rebellious Aequi, who retained nothing of their ancient fortune but a warlike spirit.
9.7. ab eodem consule haudquaquam memorabile adversus rebellantes Aequos, cum praeter animos feroces nihil ex antiqua fortuna haberent, gestum est.
9.8. Apuleius, the other consul, laid siege to the town of Nequinum in Umbria. was a steep place and on one side precipitous —the site is now occupied by Narnia —and could be captured neither by assault nor by siege operations.
9.8. consul Apuleius in Umbria Vmbria Nequinum oppidum circumsedit. erat arduus atque in parte una praeceps, ubi nunc Narnia sita est, nec vi nec munimento capi poterat.
9.9. The enterprise was therefore still unfinished when Marcus Fulvius Paetus and Titus Manlius Torquatus, the new consuls, took it over.
9.9. eam infectam rem M. Fulvius Paetus T. Manlius Torquatus novi consules acceperunt.
9.10. Licinius Macer and Tubero declare that all the centuries were for naming Quintus Fabius consul for this year, though he was not a candidate, but that Fabius himself urged them to defer his consulship to a year when there was more fighting; just then he would be of greater service to the state if invested with an urban magistracy.
9.10. eum annum cum Q. Fabium consulem non petentem omnes dicerent centuriae, ipsum auctorem fuisse Macer Licinius ac Tubero tradunt differendi sibi consulatus in bellicosiorem annum:
9.11. so, neither dissembling what he had in mind nor yet seeking it, he was elected curule aedile, with Lucius Papirius Cursor.
9.11. eo anno maiori se usui rei publicae fore urbano gesto magistratu. nec dissimulantem quid mallet nec petentem tamen, aedilem curulem cum L. Papirio Cursore factum.
9.12. have been unable to put this down for certain, because Piso, one of the older annalists, states that the curule aediles for that year were Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, the son of Gnaeus, and Spurius Carvilius Maximus, the son of Quintus.
9.12. ne pro certo ponerem vetustior annalium auctor Piso effecit, qui eo anno aediles curules fuisse tradit Cn. Domitium Cn. filium Calvinum et Sp. Carvilium Q. filium Maximum.
9.13. fancy that this surname occasioned an error in regard to the aediles, and that a story afterwards grew up in harmony with the error, from a confusion of the aedilician with the consular elections.
9.13. credo cognomen errorem in aedilibus fecisse secutamque fabulam mixtam ex aediliciis et consularibus comitiis, convenientem errori.
9.14. year witnessed also the closing of the lustrum, by the censors Publius Sempronius Sophus and Publius Sulpicius Saverrio, and two tribes were added —the Aniensis and the Terentina. much for affairs at Rome.
9.14. lustrum eo anno conditum a P. Sempronio Sopho et P. Sulpicio Saverrione censoribus, tribusque additae duae, Aniensis ac Terentina. Romae gesta. ad Nequinum oppidum cum segni obsidione tempus tereretur, duo ex oppidanis, quorum erant aedificia iuncta muro, specu facto ad stationes Romanas itinere occulto perveniunt;
10.2. , at the town of Nequinum, while the siege dragged slowly on, two of the townsmen, whose dwellings abutted on the wall, dug a tunnel and made their way in secret to the Roman outposts. they were conducted to the consul, whom they assured of their readiness to admit a party of soldiers within the fortifications and the walls. was not thought wise to spurn this offer, nor yet rashly to confide in it. company with one of these men —the other being held as a hostage —two scouts were sent through the tunnel;
10.2. inde ad consulem deducti praesidium armatum se intra moenia et muros accepturos confirmant. aspernanda res visa neque incaute credenda. altero eorum —nam alter obses retentus—duo exploratores per cuniculum missi;
10.4. the result of their investigation was satisfactory, and three hundred armed men, with the renegade as guide, effected an entrance by night into the city and seized the nearest gate. this had been broken down, the Roman consul and his army captured the place without a struggle.
10.4. per quos satis comperta re trecenti armati transfuga duce in urbem ingressi nocte portam quae proxima erat cepere. refracta consul exercitusque Romanus sine certamine urbem invasere.
10.5. Nequinum came under the sway of the Roman People. colony was sent there to make head against the Umbrians, and was given the name of Narnia from the river Nar. The army, enriched with spoil, marched back to Rome.
10.5. Nequinum in dicionem populi Romani venit. eo adversus Umbros missa a Nare flumine Narnia appellata; exercitus cum magna praeda Romam reductus.
10.6. The Etruscans planned to go to war that year in violation of the truce; but while they were busy with this project an enormous army of Gauls invaded their borders and diverted them for a little while from their purpose.
10.6. anno ab Etruscis adversus indutias paratum bellum; sed eos talia molientis Gallorum ingens exercitus finis ingressus paulisper a proposito avertit.
10.7. , putting their trust in money, of which they had great store, they endeavoured to convert the Gauls from enemies into friends, to the end that, uniting the Gallic army with their own, they might fight the Romans.
10.7. deinde, qua multum poterant, freti, socios ex hostibus facere Gallos conantur ut eo adiuncto exercitu cum Romanis bellarent.
10.8. The barbarians made no objection to an alliance: it was only a question of price. this had been agreed upon and received, and the Etruscans, having completed the rest of their preparations for the war, bade their new allies follow them, the Gauls demurred.
10.8. societate haud abnuunt barbari: de mercede agitur. pacta acceptaque cum parata cetera ad bellum essent sequique Etruscus iuberet, infitias eunt mercedem se belli Romanis inferendi pactos:
10.9. had made no bargain, they said, for a war with Rome; whatever they had received had been.
10.9. quidquid acceperint accepisse ne agrum Etruscum vastarent armisque lacesserent cultores;
10.10. in consideration of their not devastating the Etruscan territory and molesting its inhabitants; nevertheless they would take the field, if the Etruscans were bent on having them, but on one condition only —that the Etruscans admit them to a share in their land, where they might settle at last in a permanent home.
10.10. militaturos tamen se, si utique Etrusci velint, sed nulla alia mercede quam ut in partem agri accipiantur tandemque aliqua sede certa consistant.
10.11. councils of the peoples of Etruria were held to consider this offer, but nothing could be resolved upon, not so much from a reluctance to see their territory lessened as because everyone shrank from having men of so savage a race for neighbours.
10.11. de eo concilia populorum Etruriae habita, nec perfici quicquam potuit, non tam quia imminui agrum quam quia accolas sibi quisque adiungere tam efferatae gentis homines horrebat.
10.12. the Gauls were dismissed, and departed with a vast sum of money, acquired without any toil or risk. The Romans were alarmed by the rumour of a Gallic rising in addition to a war with the Etruscans, and lost no time in concluding a treaty with the people of Picenum. The command in Etruria fell by lot to Titus Manlius the consul. had barely entered the territory of the enemy, and was exercising with the cavalry, when, in wheeling his horse about after a swift gallop, he was thrown and ere long breathed his last, for the third day following the accident saw the end of the consul's life. this as an omen of the war, and declaring that the gods had begun hostilities in their behalf, the Etruscans plucked up courage.
10.12. dimissi Galli pecuniam ingentem sine labore ac periculo partam rettulerunt. Romae terrorem praebuit fama Gallici tumultus ad bellum Etruscum adiecti; eo minus cunctanter foedus ictum cum Picenti populo est. T. Manlio consuli provincia Etruria sorte evenit; qui vixdum ingressus hostium finis cum exerceretur inter equites, ab rapido cursu circumagendo equo effusus extemplo prope exspiravit; tertius ab eo casu dies finis vitae consuli fuit. velut omine belli accepto deos pro se commisisse bellum memorantes Etrusci sustulere animos.
11.3. was sad news to the Romans; not only could they ill spare the man, but his death occurred at an embarrassing moment.
11.3. Romae cum desiderio viri tum incommoditate temporis tristis nuntius fuit; patres ab iubendo dictatore consulis subrogandi comitia ex sententia principum habita deterruerunt.
11.4. The Fathers would have ordered the nomination of a dictator had not the election held to choose a substitute for the consul fallen out in accordance with the wishes of the leaders. Marcus Valerius was the choice of all the centuries for consul.
11.4. M. Valerium consulem omnes centuriae dixere, quem queen senatus dictatorem dici iussurus fuerat. extemplo in Etruriam ad legiones proficisci iussit.
11.5. was he whom the senate had intended to have named as dictator, and they now commanded him to proceed forthwith to the legions in Etruria.
11.5. eius compressit Etruscos adeo ut nemo extra munimenta egredi auderet timorque ipsorum obsidioni similis esset.
11.6. arrival so damped the ardour of the Etruscans that none ventured outside their fortifications, and their own fear was like a besieging host. could the new consul entice them into giving battle by wasting their lands and firing their buildings, though the smoke was rising on every side from the conflagration not only of farm —houses but of many villages as well.
11.6. illos novus consul vastandis agris urendisque tectis, cum passim non villae solum sed frequentes quoque vici incendiis fumarent, elicere ad certamen potuit.
11.7. this war was prolonged beyond anticipation, another war —justly dreaded by reason of the many losses which the parties to it had inflicted on each other —was beginning to be talked of in consequence of information given by the Picentes, Rome's new allies.
11.7. hoc segnius bellum opinione esset, alterius belli, quod multis in vicem cladibus haud baud immerito terribile erat, fama, Picentium novorum sociorum indicio exorta est: Samnites arma et rebellionem spectare seque ab iis sollicitatos esse.
11.8. The Samnites, they said, were looking to arms and a renewal of hostilities, and had solicited their help.
11.8. Picentibus gratiae actae et magna pars curae patribus ab Etruria in Samnites versa est.
11.9. The Picentes were thanked, and the senate's anxiety was diverted, in great measure, from Etruria to the Samnites. The citizens were also concerned at the dearness of provisions, and would have experienced the direst need, as those writers have recorded who are pleased to represent Fabius Maximus as having been aedile in that year, if that heroic man, who had on many occasions managed military undertakings, had not at this juncture shown himself equally expert in the administration of the market and the purchase and importation of corn.
11.9. etiam annonae sollicitam civitatem habuit ventumque ad inopiae ultimum foret, ut scripsere quibus aedilem fuisse eo anno Fabium Maximum placet, ni eius viri cura, qualis in bellicis rebus multis tempestatibus fuerat, talis domi tum in annonae dispensatione praeparando ac convehendo frumento fuisset.