30.10. For Gelo, the eldest son, scorning both the old age of his father and the Roman alliance since the disaster at Cannae, went over to the Carthaginians. And he would have caused an uprising in Sicily, had not death, so timely as to besmirch even his father with suspicion, carried him off as he was arming the populace and trying to gain allies.
30.10. in Siciliam quoque eadem inclinatio animorum peruenit et ne domus quidem Hieronis tota ab defectione abstinuit. namque Gelo, maximus stirpis, contempta simul senectute patris simul post Cannensem cladem Romana societate ad Poenos defecit, mouissetque in Sicilia res, nisi mors, adeo opportuna ut patrem quoque suspicione aspergeret, armantem eum multitudinem sollicitantemque socios absumpsisset.
30.13. Such were the checkered events of that year in Italy, in Africa, in Sicily, in Spain. At the end of the year Quintus Fabius Maximus requested of the senate that he be permitted to dedicate the Temple of Venus of Eryx which he had vowed in his dictatorship.
30.13. haec eo anno in Italia, in Africa, in Sicilia, in Hispania uario euentu acta. exitu anni Q. Fabius Maximus a senatu postulauit ut aedem Ueneris Erycinae, quam dictator uouisset, dedicare liceret.
30.14. The senate decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, consul designate, as soon as he entered upon his office should propose to the people that they order that Quintus Fabius should be a duumvir for the purpose of dedicating the temple.
30.14. senatus decreuit ut Ti. Sempronius, consul designatus, cum ltprimum magistratumgt inisset, ad populum ferret ut Q. Fabium duumuirum esse iuberent aedis dedicandae causa.
30.15. And in honour of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had been consul twice and augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, gave funeral games for three days and showed twenty-two pairs of gladiators in the Forum.
30.15. et M. Aemilio Lepido, qui bis consul augurque fuerat, filii tres, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, ludos funebres per triduum et gladiatorum paria duo et uiginti [per triduum] in foro dederunt.
30.16. The curule aediles, Gaius Laetorius and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, consul designate, who in his aedileship had been master of the horse, celebrated the Roman Games, and on three of the days they were repeated. The Plebeian Games of the aediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, were repeated three times.
30.16. aediles curules C. Laetorius et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, consul designatus, qui in aedilitate magister equitum fuerat, ludos Romanos fecerunt, qui per triduum instaurati sunt.
30.17. The third year of the Punic War being at an end, Tiberius Sempronius entered upon office as consul on the Ides of March.
30.17. plebeii ludi aedilium M. Aurelii Cottae et M. Claudii Marcelli ter instaurati.
30.18. Of the praetors Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, who had previously been consul and censor, had by lot his assignment as judge between citizens, Marcus Valerius Laevinus had his as judge in the cases of strangers, while to Appius Claudius Pulcher Sicily was allotted, and Sardinia to Quintus Mucius Scaevola.
30.18. circumacto tertio anno Punici belli, Ti. Sempronius consul idibus Martiis magistratum init. praetores Q. Fuluius Flaccus, qui antea consul censorque fuerat, urbanam, M. Ualerius Laeuinus peregrinam sortem in iurisdictione habuit; Ap. Claudius Pulcher Siciliam, Q. Mucius Scaeuola Sardiniam sortiti sunt.
30.19. That Marcus Marcellus should have full military authority as proconsul was ordered by the people, because he alone of the Roman commanders since the disaster at Cannae had met with success in Italy.
30.19. M. Marcello pro consule imperium esse populus iussit, quod post Cannensem cladem unus Romanorum imperatorum in Italia prospere rem gessisset.
31.1. The senate on the first day on which it was in session on the Capitol, decreed that a double tax should be imposed that year and the normal tax collected at once; that from it pay should be given in cash to all the soldiers except those who had been soldiers at Cannae.
31.1. senatus quo die primum est in Capitolio consultus decreuit ut quod eo anno duplex tributum imperaretur simplex confestim exigeretur, ex quo stipendium praesens omnibus militibus daretur praeterquam qui milites ad Cannas fuissent.
31.3. As for the armies, they decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, should set for the two city legions a date for mobilization at Cales; that these legions should be led thence to the Claudian Camp above Suessula; that the legions already there —it was chiefly the army of Cannae —should be taken over into Sicily by Appius Claudius Pulcher, the praetor, and that those which were in Sicily should be brought to Rome.
31.3. de exercitibus ita decreuerunt ut duabus legionibus urbanis Ti. Sempronius consul Cales ad conueniendum diem ediceret; inde eae legiones in castra Claudiana supra Suessulam deducerentur. quae ibi legiones essent—erant autem Cannensis maxime exercitus—eas Ap. Claudius Pulcher praetor in Siciliam traiceret quaeque in Sicilia essent Romam deportarentur.
31.5. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was sent to the army for which a date of mobilization at Cales had been set; and he was ordered to conduct the city legions to the Claudian Camp.
31.5. ad exercitum cui ad conueniendum Cales edicta dies erat M. Claudius Marcellus missus, isque iussus in castra Claudiana deducere urbanas legiones.
31.6. To take over the old army and conduct it thence to Sicily, Appius Claudius sent his lieutenant, Tiberius Maecilius Croto. At first men had been waiting in silence for the consul to preside over an election for the naming of his colleague.
31.6. ad ueterem exercitum accipiendum deducendumque inde in Siciliam Ti. Maecilius Croto legatus ab Ap. Claudio est missus.
31.7. Then, when they saw that Marcus Marcellus, whom they particularly desired to have elected consul for that year, on account of remarkable successes in his praetorship, had been sent away, apparently on purpose, murmurs began to be heard in the Senate House.
31.7. taciti primo exspectauerant homines uti consul comitia collegae creando haberet; deinde ubi ablegatum uelut de industria M. Marcellum uiderunt, quem maxime consulem in eum annum ob egregie in praetura res gestas creari uolebant, fremitus in curia ortus.
31.8. Noting this the consul said: “Both acts were to the advantage of the state, fellow-senators, that Marcus Claudius should be sent to Campania to make the change of armies, and that the coming election should not be proclaimed until he, after accomplishing the task which was assigned him, should return thence, so that you might have the consul whom the critical situation in the state requires and whom you particularly desire.” So until Marcellus returned, nothing was said about an election.
31.8. quod ubi sensit, consul 'utrumque' inquit 'e re publica fuit, patres conscripti, et M. Claudium ad permutandos exercitus in Campaniam proficisci et comitia non prius edici quam is inde confecto quod mandatum est negotio reuertisset, ut uos consulem, quem tempus rei publicae postularet, quem maxime uoltis, haberetis.'
31.9. Meanwhile Quintus Fabius Maximus and Titus Otacilius Crassus were made duumvirs for the dedication of temples, Otacilius for that of Mens, Fabius for that of Venus of Eryx. Both are on the Capitol, separated by a single water-channel.
31.9. ita de comitiis donec rediit Marcellus silentium fuit. interea duumuiri creati sunt Q. Fabius Maximus et T. Otacilius Crassus aedibus dedicandis, Menti Otacilius, Fabius Ueneri Erycinae; utraque in Capitolio est, canali uno discretae.
31.10. And in regard to the three hundred Campanian knights 2 who, after loyally serving their terms in Sicily, had come to Rome, a bill was brought before the people that they should be Roman citizens; further, that they should be townsmen of Cumae from the day before that on which the Campanian people had revolted from the Roman people.
31.10. et de trecentis equitibus Campanis qui in Sicilia cum fide stipendiis emeritis Romam uenerant latum ad populum ut ciues Romani essent; item uti municipes Cumani essent pridie quam populus Campanus a populo Romano defecisset.
31.11. What had chiefly prompted the making of this proposal was that they said they did not themselves know with whom they belonged, having given up their old home-city, and not being enrolled as yet in the city to which they had returned. After Marcellus returned from the army, an election to name one consul in place of Lucius Postumius was ordered by edict.
31.11. maxime ut hoc ferretur mouerat quod quorum hominum essent scire se ipsi negabant uetere patria relicta, in eam in quam redierant nondum adsciti.
31.12. With great unanimity Marcellus was elected, to assume office at once.
31.12. postquam Marcellus ab exercitu rediit, comitia consuli uni rogando in locum L. Postumi edicuntur.
31.13. Just as he was entering upon his consulship it thundered, and thereupon the augurs, being summoned, declared that there seemed to be a defect in his election. And the fathers widely circulated the statement that it did not meet the approval of the gods that two plebeians had then for the first time been elected consuls.
31.13. creatur ingenti consensu Marcellus qui extemplo magistratum occiperet. cui ineunti consulatum cum tonuisset, uocati augures uitio creatum uideri pronuntiauerunt; uolgoque patres ita fama ferebant, quod tum primum duo plebeii consules facti essent, id deis cordi non esse.
31.14. In place of Marcellus, after he had abdicated, Quintus Fabius Maximus was substituted as consul for the third time. The sea was aflame in the course of that year.
31.14. in locum Marcelli, ubi is se magistratu abdicauit, suffectus Q. Fabius Maximus tertium. mare arsit eo anno;
31.15. At Sinuessa a cow gave birth to a colt. At the Temple of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium images of the gods dripped blood, and it rained stones around the temple —a shower on account of which there were ceremonies, as usual, for nine days. And the rest of the portents were duly expiated.
31.15. ad Sinuessam bos eculeum peperit; signa Lanuui ad Iunonis Sospitae cruore manauere lapidibusque circa id templum pluit, ob quem imbrem nouendiale, ut adsolet, sacrum fuit; ceteraque prodigia cum cura expiata.
32.1. The consuls divided the armies between them. To Fabius fell the army at Teanum, formerly commanded by Marcus Junius, the dictator; to Sempronius the slave volunteers who were at that place and twenty-five thousand of the allies.
32.1. consules exercitus inter sese diuiserunt. Fabio exercitus Teani, cui M. Iunius dictator praefuerat, euenit; Sempronio uolones qui ibi erant et sociorum uiginti quinque milia, M.
32.2. To Marcus Valerius, the praetor, were assigned the legions which had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius was sent as proconsul to the army which was above Suessula, in order to guard Nola. The praetors set out for Sicily and Sardinia.
32.2. Ualerio praetori legiones quae ex Sicilia redissent decretae; M. Claudius pro consule ad eum exercitum qui supra Suessulam Nolae praesideret missus; praetores in Siciliam ac Sardiniam profecti.
32.3. The consuls issued an edict that, whenever they might call a meeting of the senate, the senators and any who had the right to give an opinion in the senate should assemble at the Porta Capena.
32.3. consules edixerunt, quotiens in senatum uocassent, uti senatores quibusque in senatu dicere sententiam liceret ad portam Capenam conuenirent.
32.4. The praetors who had judicial duties set up their tribunals at the Piscina Publica. That place should be named —so they ordered —in recognizances, and there justice was rendered that year.
32.4. praetores quorum iuris dictio erat tribunalia ad Piscinam publicam posuerunt; eo uadimonia fieri iusserunt ibique eo anno ius dictum est.
32.5. Meanwhile Carthage, from which Mago, Hannibal's brother, was on the point of transporting into Italy twelve thousand infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry, twenty elephants and a thousand talents of silver, with a convoy of sixty warships, received the news that in Spain operations had failed and nearly all the tribes in that province had revolted to the
32.5. interim Carthaginem, unde Mago, frater Hannibalis, duodecim milia peditum et mille quingentos equites, uiginti elephantos, mille argenti talenta in Italiam transmissurus erat cum praesidio sexaginta nauium longarum, nuntius adfertur in Hispania rem male gestam omnesque ferme eius prouinciae populos ad Romanos defecisse.
32.7. Romans. There were some who, neglecting Italy, were ready to divert Mago to Spain with that fleet and those forces, when there suddenly appeared a ray of hope of recovering Sardinia.
32.7. erant qui Magonem cum classe ea copiisque omissa Italia in Hispaniam auerterent, cum Sardiniae recipiendae repentina spes adfulsit:
32.8. It was reported that the Roman army there was small; that the old praetor, Aulus Cornelius, who was well acquainted with the province, was retiring, and a new praetor expected; further, that the Sardinians were now weary of the long continuance of Roman rule, and in the previous year had been ruled with harshness and greed; that they were burdened by a heavy tribute and an unfair requisition of grain; that nothing was lacking but a leader to whom they might go
32.8. paruum ibi exercitum Romanum esse; ueterem praetorem inde A. Cornelium prouinciae peritum decedere, nouum exspectari; ad hoc fessos iam animos Sardorum esse diuturnitate imperii Romani, et proximo iis anno acerbe atque auare imperatum; graui tributo et conlatione iniqua frumenti pressos; nihil deesse aliud quam auctorem ad quem deficerent.
32.10. over. Such was the report of a secret embassy sent by the leading men at the special instigation of Hampsicora, who at that time was far above the rest in prestige and wealth.
32.10. haec clandestina legatio per principes missa erat, maxime eam rem moliente Hampsicora, qui tum auctoritate atque opibus longe primus erat.
32.11. By such news they were almost at the same moment dejected and encouraged, and sent Mago with his fleet and his forces to Spain. For Sardinia they chose Hasdrubal as general, and voted him about the same number of troops as to Mago.
32.11. his nuntiis prope uno tempore turbati erectique Magonem cum classe sua copiisque in Hispaniam mittunt, in Sardiniam Hasdrubalem deligunt ducem et tantum ferme copiarum quantum Magoni decernunt.
32.13. And at Rome the consuls did what had to be done in the city, and were now bestirring themselves for the war.
32.13. et Romae consules transactis rebus quae in urbe agendae erant mouebant iam sese ad bellum.
32.14. Tiberius Sempronius set his soldiers a date for mobilization at Sinuessa, and Quintus Fabius, after first consulting the senate, gave orders that all should bring their grain crops from the farms into fortified cities before the next Kalends of June; that if any man should fail to do so, he would lay waste his farm, sell his slaves at auction and burn the farm buildings.
32.14. Ti. Sempronius militibus Sinuessam diem ad conueniendum edixit, et Q. Fabius consulto prius senatu ut frumenta omnes ex agris ante kalendas Iunias primas in urbes munitas conueherent;
32.15. Not even those praetors who had been appointed to administer justice were granted exemption from the conduct of the war.
32.15. qui non inuexisset eius se agrum populaturum, seruos sub hasta uenditurum, uillas incensurum. ne praetoribus quidem qui ad ius dicendum creati erant uacatio a belli administratione data est.
32.16. It was decided that Valerius, the praetor, should go to Apulia, to take over the army from Terentius; that when the legions should arrive from Sicily, he should chiefly use these troops for the defence of that region; that Terentius' army should be sent to Tarentum under some one of the lieutenants.
32.16. Ualerium praetorem in Apuliam ire placuit ad exercitum a Terentio accipiendum; cum ex Sicilia legiones uenissent, iis potissimum uti ad regionis eius praesidium, Terentianum ltexercitum Tarentumgt mitti cum aliquo legatorum;
32.17. And twenty-five ships were given him, that with them he might be able to defend the coast between Brundisium and Tarentum.
32.17. et uiginti quinque naues datae quibus oram maritimam inter Brundisium ac Tarentum tutari posset.
32.18. An equal number of ships was assigned by decree to Quintus Fulvius, the city praetor, for the defence of the shore near the city.
32.18. par nauium numerus Q. Fuluio praetori urbano decretus ad suburbana litora tutanda.
32.19. Gaius Terentius as proconsul was given the task of conducting a levy of troops in the Picene territory and defending that region.
32.19. C. Terentio proconsuli negotium datum ut in Piceno agro conquisitionem militum haberet locisque iis praesidio esset.
32.20. And Titus Otacilius Crassus, after dedicating the Temple of Mens on the Capitol, was sent with full authority to Sicily, where he was to command the fleet.
32.20. et T. Otacilius Crassus, postquam aedem Mentis in Capitolio dedicauit, in Siciliam cum imperio qui classi praeesset missus.
33.1. To this conflict of the two richest peoples in the world all kings and nations had turned their attention, among them Philip, king of the Macedonians, all the more since he was nearer to Italy and separated from it only by the Ionian Sea.
33.1. in hanc dimicationem duorum opulentissimorum in terris populorum omnes reges gentesque animos intenderant, inter quos Philippus Macedonum rex eo magis quod propior Italiae ac mari tantum Ionio discretus erat.
33.3. On first learning by report that Hannibal had crossed the Alps, although he had rejoiced at the outbreak of war between the Romans and the Carthaginians, still, as their resources were not yet known, he had wavered, uncertain which of the two peoples he wished to have the victory.
33.3. is ubi primum fama accepit Hannibalem Alpes transgressum, ut bello inter Romanum Poenumque orto laetatus erat, ita utrius populi mallet uictoriam esse incertis adhuc uiribus fluctuatus animo fuerat.
33.4. Now that a third battle, a third victory, favoured the Carthaginians, he inclined to the side of success and sent ambassadors to Hannibal. These avoided the ports of Brundisium and Tarentum, because they were kept guarded by Roman ships, and landed at the Temple of Lacinian Juno.
33.4. postquam tertia iam pugna, tertia uictoria cum Poenis erat, ad fortunam inclinauit legatosque ad Hannibalem misit; qui uitantes portus Brundisinum Tarentinumque, quia custodiis nauium Romanarum tenebantur, ad Laciniae Iunonis templum in terram egressi sunt.
33.5. Making their way thence toward Capua by way of Apulia, they encountered the centre of the Roman forces and were brought before Valerius Laevinus, the praetor, whose camp was near Luceria.
33.5. inde per Apuliam petentes Capuam media in praesidia Romana inlati sunt deductique ad Ualerium Laeuinum praetorem, circa Luceriam castra habentem.
33.6. There Xenophanes, the leader of the embassy, boldly said that he had been sent by King Philip to negotiate a friendly alliance with the Roman people; that he had communications for the consuls and for the senate and the Roman people.
33.6. ibi intrepide Xenophanes, legationis princeps, a Philippo rege se missum ait ad amicitiam societatemque iungendam cum populo Romano; mandata habere ad consules ac senatum populumque Romanum.
33.7. The praetor, who in the midst of the revolts of old allies was greatly delighted by a new alliance with so famous a king, hospitably received enemies as guests.
33.7. praetor inter defectiones ueterum sociorum noua societate tam clari regis laetus admodum hostes pro hospitibus comiter accepit. dat qui prosequantur;
33.8. He furnished men to escort them, to indicate the roads carefully, and what positions and what passes were held either by the Romans or by the enemy.
33.8. itinera cum cura demonstrat ltetgt quae loca quosque saltus aut Romanus aut hostes teneant.
33.9. Xenophanes made his way through the Roman forces into Campania and thence by the shortest road to the camp of Hannibal, and arranged a treaty of friendship with him on the following terms: that King Philip with the largest possible fleet —and it was thought that he would make it two hundred ships —should cross to Italy and ravage the coast, and should carry on the war on land and sea with all his might;
33.9. Xenophanes per praesidia Romana in Campaniam, inde qua proximum fuit in castra Hannibalis peruenit foedusque cum eo atque amicitiam iungit legibus his: ut Philippus rex quam maxima classe—ducentas autem naues uidebatur effecturus— in Italiam traiceret et uastaret maritimam oram, bellum pro parte sua terra marique gereret;
33.11. that after the war was over all Italy with the city of Rome itself should belong to the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and all the booty fall to Hannibal;
33.11. ubi debellatum esset, Italia omnis cum ipsa urbe Roma Carthaginiensium atque Hannibalis esset praedaque omnis Hannibali cederet;
33.12. that after the complete subjugation of Italy they should sail to Greece and wage war with such enemies as the king might choose; and that such states on the mainland and such islands as face Macedonia should belong to Philip and be a part of his kingdom.
33.12. perdomita Italia nauigarent in Graeciam bellumque cum quibus regi placeret gererent; quae ciuitates continentis quaeque insulae ad Macedoniam uergunt, eae Philippi regnique eius essent.
34.1. On terms such as these a treaty was made between the Carthaginian general and the ambassadors of the Macedonians.
34.1. in has ferme leges inter Poenum ducem legatosque Macedonum ictum foedus;
34.2. And Gisgo and Bostar and Mago, who were sent with them as ambassadors, to reassure the king himself, reached the same place, the Temple of Juno Lacinia, where a ship lay in a hidden anchorage.
34.2. missique cum iis ad regis ipsius firmandam fidem legati, Gisgo et Bostar et Mago, eodem ad Iunonis Laciniae, ubi nauis occulta in statione erat, perueniunt.
34.3. Setting out thence and making for the open sea, they were sighted by the Roman fleet which was defending the coasts of Calabria.
34.3. inde profecti cum altum tenerent, conspecti a classe Romana sunt quae praesidio erat Calabriae litoribus;
34.4. And Valerius Flaccus sent light craft to pursue the ship and bring her back; whereupon the king's ambassadors at first attempted to flee. Then, when they saw that they were being outstripped in speed, they surrendered to the Romans and were brought before the admiral of the fleet.
34.4. Ualeriusque Flaccus cercuros ad persequendam retrahendamque nauem cum misisset, primo fugere regii conati, deinde, ubi celeritate uinci senserunt, tradunt se Romanis et ad praefectum classis adducti, cum quaereret qui et unde et quo tenderent cursum, Xenophanes primo satis iam semel felix mendacium struere, a Philippo se ad Romanos missum ad M.
34.5. When he asked who they were and whence, and whither they were bound, Xenophanes at first set up the false pretence which had been quite successful once before: that, being sent by Philip to the Romans, he had made his way to Marcus Valerius, the one man to whom there was a safe road; that he had been unable to get across Campania, which was blocked by the enemy's forces. Then, when Carthaginian dress and appearance cast suspicion on Hannibal's ambassadors, upon being questioned they were betrayed by their speech. Thereupon their attendants were led aside and frightened by threats; and a letter also from Hannibal to Philip was found, along with agreements between the king of the Macedonians and the Carthaginian general.
34.5. Ualerium, ad quem unum iter tutum fuerit, peruenisse, Campaniam superare nequisse, saeptam hostium praesidiis. deinde ut Punicus cultus habitusque suspectos legatos fecit Hannibalis interrogatosque sermo prodidit, tum comitibus eorum seductis ac metu territis, litterae quoque ab Hannibale ad Philippum inuentae et pacta inter regem Macedonum Poenumque ducem.
34.8. So much being established, it seemed best to send the captured men and their attendants as soon as possible to the senate at Rome, or else to the consuls, wherever they might be.
34.8. quibus satis cognitis optimum uisum est captiuos comitesque eorum Romam ad senatum aut ltadgt consules ubicunque essent, quam primum deportare.
34.9. For that purpose five very swift ships were selected and Lucius Valerius Antias was sent to command them. And instructions were given him to distribute the ambassadors among all his ships, to be separately guarded; and he was to see to it that there should be no conversation among them or any interchange of plans.
34.9. ad id celerrimae quinque naues delectae ac L. Ualerius Antias, qui praeesset, missus, eique mandatum ut in omnes naues legatos separatim custodiendos diuideret daretque operam ne quod iis conloquium inter se neue quae communicatio consilii esset.
34.10. About the same time at Rome Aulus Cornelius Mammula, on retiring from his province of Sardinia, reported what was the condition of affairs in the island:
34.10. per idem tempus Romae cum A. Cornelius Mammula, ex Sardinia prouincia decedens, rettulisset qui status rerum in insula esset:
34.11. that all were aiming at war and rebellion; that Quintus Mucius, his successor, upon arriving was affected by the unwholesome climate and bad water, and having contracted an illness not so dangerous as protracted, would for a long time be useless for the performance of war duties; also that the army there, while strong enough to garrison a peaceful province, was not so for the war which seemed on the point of breaking out.
34.11. bellum ac defectionem omnes spectare; Q. Mucium qui successisset sibi, grauitate caeli aquarumque aduenientem exceptum, non tam in periculosum quam longum morbum implicitum, diu ad belli munia sustinenda inutilem fore, exercitumque ibi ut satis firmum pacatae prouinciae praesidem esse, ita parum bello quod motum iri uideretur,
34.13. The senate thereupon decreed that Quintus Fulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, and should see to it that that legion should be transported to Sardinia at the first opportunity; also that he should send whomever he thought best with full authority, to carry on the war until Mucius should recover.
34.13. decreuerunt patres ut Q. Fuluius Flaccus quinque milia peditum, quadringentos equites scriberet eamque legionem primo quoque tempore in Sardiniam traiciendam curaret, mitteretque cum imperio quem ipsi uideretur, qui rem gereret quoad Mucius conualuisset.
34.15. For that duty Titus Manlius Torquatus was sent, a man who had been consul twice and censor, and in his consulship had conquered the Sardinians.
34.15. ad eam rem missus est T. Manlius Torquatus, qui bis consul et censor fuerat subegeratque in consulatu Sardos.
34.16. About the same time a fleet which had been sent from Carthage also to Sardinia, under command of the Hasdrubal who was surnamed Calvus, was damaged by a terrible storm and driven to the Balearic Islands. And there the ships were beached, to such an extent had not only the rigging but also the hulls been injured; and while undergoing repairs they caused a considerable loss of time.
34.16. sub idem fere tempus et a Carthagine in Sardiniam classis missa duce Hasdrubale, cui Caluo cognomen erat, foeda tempestate uexata ad Baliares insulas deicitur, ibique—adeo non armamenta modo sed etiam aluei nauium quassati erant—subductae naues dum reficiuntur aliquantum temporis triuerunt.
35.1. In Italy, while the war was less active after the battle of Cannae, since the resources of one side had been broken and the spirit of the other sapped, the Campanians attempted without assistance to reduce the state of Cumae to subjection, at first tempting them to revolt from the Romans.
35.1. in Italia cum post Cannensem pugnam fractis partis alterius uiribus, alterius mollitis animis, segnius bellum esset, Campani per se adorti sunt rem Cumanam suae dicionis facere, primo sollicitantes ut ab Romanis deficerent;
35.2. When that failed, they contrived a ruse to entrap them.
35.2. ubi id parum processit, dolum ad capiendos eos comparant.
35.3. All the Campanians had a regular sacrifice at Hamae. To it they informed the men of Cumae that the Campanian senate would come, and requested that the senate of Cumae should come thither to deliberate together, so that both peoples might have the same allies and enemies. They said they would have an armed guard there, lest there be any danger from the Roman or the Carthaginian.
35.3. lteratgt Campanis omnibus statum sacrificium ad Hamas. eo senatum Campanum uenturum certiores Cumanos fecerunt petieruntque ut et Cumanus eo senatus ueniret ad consultandum communiter ut eosdem uterque populus socios hostesque haberet;
35.4. The Cumaeans, though they had suspected guile, made no objections, thinking that a ruse of their own to outwit them could thus be concealed.
35.4. praesidium ibi armatum se habituros ne quid ab Romano Poenoue periculi esset. Cumani, quamquam suspecta fraus erat, nihil abnuere, ita tegi fallax consilium posse rati.
35.5. Meanwhile Tiberius Sempronius, the Roman consul, after reviewing his army at Sinuessa, at which place he had announced a date for mobilization, crossed the river Volturnus and pitched camp near Liternum. There, since the permanent camp lacked occupation, he required the soldiers to manœuvre frequently, that the recruits —they were most of the slave-volunteers —might learn to follow the standards and to recognize their own ranks in the battle-line.
35.5. interim Ti. Sempronius consul Romanus Sinuessae, quo ad conueniendum diem edixerat, exercitu lustrato transgressus Uolturnum flumen circa Liternum posuit castra. ibi quia otiosa statiua erant, crebro decurrere milites cogebat ut tirones—ea maxima pars uolonum erant—adsuescerent signa sequi et in acie agnoscere ordines suos.
35.7. In this it was the commander's greatest care, and he had instructed the lieutenants and tribunes to the same effect, that no reproach of any man's previous lot should sow strife between the different classes of soldiers; that the old soldier should allow himself to be rated with the recruit, the freeman with the slave-volunteer; that they should consider all to whom the Roman people had entrusted its arms and standards as sufficiently honoured and well-born.
35.7. inter quae maxima erat cura duci—itaque legatis tribunisque praeceperat—ne qua exprobratio cuiquam ueteris fortunae discordiam inter ordines sereret; uetus miles tironi, liber uoloni sese exaequare sineret;
35.8. He said that the same fortune which had compelled them to do so now compelled them to defend what had been done.
35.8. omnes satis honestos generososque ducerent quibus arma sua signaque populus Romanus commisisset; quae fortuna coegisset ita fieri, eandem cogere tueri factum.
35.9. These injunctions were not given with greater care by the commanders than that with which they were followed by the soldiers. And soon they were all united in a harmony so great that it was almost forgotten from what status each man had been made a soldier.
35.9. ea non maiore cura praecepta ab ducibus sunt quam a militibus obseruata breuique tanta concordia coaluerant omnium animi ut prope in obliuionem ueniret qua ex condicione quisque esset miles factus.
35.10. While Gracchus was thus employed, legates from Cumae reported to him on what mission an embassy had come a few days before from the Campanians, and what answer they had themselves given them;
35.10. haec agenti Graccho legati Cumani nuntiarunt quae a Campanis legatio paucos ante dies uenisset et quid iis ipsi respondissent:
35.11. that the festival was to be three days later, and not only would the whole senate be there, but a camp also and a Campanian army.
35.11. triduo post eum diem festum esse; non senatum solum omnem ibi futurum sed castra etiam et exercitum Campanum.
35.12. Gracchus, having ordered the Cumaeans to bring everything from the farms into the city and to remain inside the walls, moved his own camp to Cumae the day before the Campanians had their regular sacrifice. Hamae is three miles distant. Already the Campanians in large numbers had gathered there according to agreement.
35.12. Gracchus iussis Cumanis omnia ex agris in urbem conuehere et manere intra muros, ipse pridie quam statum sacrificium Campanis esset Cumas mouet castra. Hamae inde tria milia passuum absunt.
35.13. And in concealment, not far from there, Marius Alfius, the medix tuticus, that is, the chief magistrate of the Campanians, had his camp, with fourteen thousand armed men, he being decidedly more intent upon preparing the sacrifice and contriving treachery during the same than upon fortifying his camp or upon any task of the soldier.
35.13. iam Campani eo frequentes ex composito conuenerant, nec procul inde in occulto Marius Alfius medix tuticus—ltisgt summus magistratus erat Campanis—cum quattuordecim milibus armatorum habebat castra, sacrificio adparando et inter id instruendae fraudi aliquanto intentior quam muniendis castris aut ulli militari operi.
35.14. The sacrifice took place at night, but it was to be finished before midnight.
35.14. [triduum sacrificatum ad Hamas.
35.15. Gracchus, thinking he must be in waiting for that moment, placed guards at the gates, that no one might be able to carry away news of his undertaking.
35.15. ] nocturnum erat sacrum, ita ut ante mediam noctem compleretur.
35.16. And having assembled his soldiers as early as the tenth hour of the day, he ordered them to get themselves in condition and take care to sleep, so that, as soon as it was dark, they might come together at the signal; and at about the first watch he ordered that the standards be taken up. And setting out with a silent column, he reached Hamae at midnight and entered the Campanian camp by all its gates at once; for, as was to be expected in view of the vigil, it was carelessly guarded.
35.16. huic Gracchus insidiandum tempori ratus, custodibus ad portas positis, ne quis enuntiare posset coepta, et ab decima diei hora coactis militibus corpora curare somnoque operam dare, ut primis tenebris conuenire ad signum possent, uigilia ferme prima tolli iussit signa, silentique profectus agmine cum ad Hamas media nocte peruenisset, castra Campana ut in peruigilio neglecta simul omnibus portis inuadit;
35.18. Some they slew as they lay asleep, others as they were returning unarmed after the rite had been completed.
35.18. alios somno stratos, alios perpetrato sacro inermes redeuntes obtruncat.
35.19. More than two thousand men were slain in that affray by night, including Marius Alfius, the commander himself. Captured were... thousand men and thirty-four military standards.
35.19. hominum eo tumultu nocturno caesa plus duo milia cum ipso duce Mario Alfio; capta sunt signa militaria quattuor et triginta.
36.1. Gracchus, having captured the camp of the enemy with the loss of less than a hundred soldiers, hastily withdrew to Cumae in fear of Hannibal, who had his camp on Mount Tifata above Capua. And he was not mistaken in his forecast.
36.1. Gracchus minus centum militum iactura castris hostium potitus Cumas se propere recepit, ab Hannibale metuens, qui super Capuam in Tifatis habebat castra.
36.2. For as soon as the defeat was reported at Capua, Hannibal, thinking he would find the army of recruits, largely slaves, at Hamae gloating for once over a success, spoiling the defeated and driving off the booty, rushed his column with all speed past Capua, and ordered that those of the fleeing Campanians whom he met should be furnished with an escort and led to Capua, and the wounded carried on wagons.
36.2. nec eum prouida futuri fefellit opinio. nam simul Capuam ea clades est nuntiata, ratus Hannibal ab re bene gesta insolenter laetum exercitum tironum, magna ex parte seruorum, spoliantem uictos praedasque agentem ad Hamas se inuenturum, citatum agmen praeter Capuam rapit obuiosque ex fuga Campanorum dato praesidio Capuam duci, saucios uehiculis portari iubet.
36.4. As for himself, he found at Hamae a camp deserted by the enemy, and nothing except the traces of recent slaughter and corpses of his allies scattered everywhere. Some advised him to lead his troops away forthwith to Cumae and to attack the city.
36.4. ipse Hamis uacua ab hostibus castra nec quicquam praeter recentis uestigia caedis strataque passim corpora sociorum inuenit.
36.5. Although Hannibal was very eager to do so, in order that he might have Cumae at least as a seaport, since he had been unable to gain one at Neapolis, nevertheless, as his soldiers in their rapidly moving column had brought out nothing but their arms with them, he withdrew again to his campon Tifata.
36.5. auctores erant quidam ut protinus inde Cumas duceret urbemque oppugnaret. id quamquam haud modice Hannibal cupiebat, ut, quia Neapolim non potuerat, Cumas saltem maritimam urbem haberet, tamen, quia praeter arma nihil secum miles raptim acto agmine extulerat, retro in castra super Tifata se recepit.
36.7. Moved by the importunities of the Campanians, he returned thence on the following day to Cumae with all the equipment for besieging the city, and after ravaging the territory of Cumae, pitched his camp a mile from the city. Meanwhile Gracchus, ashamed to desert allies in such straits and begging for his help and that of the Roman people, rather than because he had full confidence in his army, had remained there.
36.7. inde fatigatus Campanorum precibus sequenti die cum omni apparatu oppugnandae urbis Cumas redit perpopulatoque agro Cumano mille passus ab urbe castra locat, cum Gracchus magis uerecundia in tali necessitate deserendi socios implorantes fidem suam populique Romani substitisset quam satis fidens exercitui.
36.9. Nor did the other consul, Fabius, who had his camp at Cales, venture to lead his army across the river Volturnus, being employed at first in taking new auspices and then with the portents which were being reported one after another.
36.9. nec alter consul Fabius, qui ad Cales castra habebat, Uolturnum flumen traducere audebat exercitum, occupatus primo auspiciis repetendis, dein prodigiis quae alia super alia nuntiabantur;
36.10. And as he was making expiation, the soothsayers kept repeating their opinion that it was not easy to obtain favourable omens.
36.10. expiantique ea haud facile litari haruspices respondebant.
37.1. While these reasons detained Fabius, Sempronius was blockaded and already beset by siege-works.
37.1. eae causae cum Fabium tenerent, Sempronius in obsidione erat et iam operibus oppugnabatur.
37.2. As a defence against a great wooden tower which was moved up to the city, the Roman consul reared from the wall itself another tower considerably higher. For he had used the wall, which in itself was quite high, as a base, shoring it up with stout timbers.
37.2. aduersus ligneam ingentem admotam urbi aliam turrem ex ipso muro excitauit consul Romanus, aliquanto altiorem, quia muro satis per se alto subiectis ualidis sublicis pro solo usus erat.
37.3. From that tower the defenders first held the wall and the city by hurling stones and stakes and every other missile.
37.3. inde primum saxis sudibusque et ceteris missilibus propugnatores moenia atque urbem tuebantur;
37.4. Finally, seeing that the enemy's tower had been pushed close against the wall, they hurled a vast amount of fire all at once from their blazing torches.
37.4. postremo, ubi promouendo adiunctam muro uiderunt turrem, facibus ardentibus plurimum simul ignem coniecerunt.
37.5. While great numbers of armed men, alarmed by the fire, were leaping down from the tower, a sally out of two gates of the town at the same time routed the enemy's guards and sent them in flight to the camp, so that on that day the Carthaginian resembled a besieged army more than a besieger.
37.5. quo incendio trepida armatorum multitudo cum de turre sese praecipitaret, eruptio ex oppido simul duabus portis stationes hostium fudit fugauitque in castra ut eo die obsesso quam obsidenti similior esset Poenus.
37.6. About one thousand and three hundred were slain and fifty-nine captured alive of the Carthaginians, who were relaxing and idling along the walls and at guard-posts, and, having feared anything rather than a sally, had unexpectedly been overpowered.
37.6. ad mille trecenti Carthaginiensium caesi et undesexaginta uiui capti, qui circa muros et in stationibus solute ac neglegenter agentes, cum nihil minus quam eruptionem timuissent, ex improuiso oppressi fuerant. Gracchus, priusquam se hostes ab repentino pauore colligerent, receptui signum dedit ac suos intra muros recepit.
37.8. Gracchus, before the enemy could recover from their sudden fright, gave the signal for the recall and withdrew his men inside the walls. On the next day Hannibal, supposing that the consul, elated by success, would engage in a regular battle, drew up his line between the camp and the city.
37.8. postero die Hannibal, laetum secunda re consulem iusto proelio ratus certaturum, aciem inter castra atque urbem instruxit;
37.9. But on seeing that no one stirred from the usual defence of the city and that nothing was entrusted to a rash hope, he returned with nothing accomplished to Tifata.
37.9. ceterum postquam neminem moueri ab solita custodia urbis uidit nec committi quicquam temerariae spei, ad Tifata redit infecta re.
37.10. At the same time that the siege of Cumae was raised, Tiberius Sempronius, surnamed Longus, also fought successfully in Lucania, near Grumentum, with Hanno the Carthaginian.
37.10. quibus diebus Cumae liberatae sunt obsidione, iisdem diebus et in Lucanis ad Grumentum Ti. Sempronius, cui Longo cognomen erat, cum Hannone Poeno prospere pugnat.
37.11. He slew above two thousand men, and captured two hundred and eighty soldiers and some forty-one military standards. Driven out of Lucanian territory, Hanno withdrew into the land of the Bruttians.
37.11. supra duo milia hominum occidit et ducentos octoginta milites [amisit], signa militaria ad quadraginta unum cepit. pulsus finibus Lucanis Hanno retro in Bruttios sese recepit.
37.12. And three towns of the Hirpini, Vercellium, Vescellium and Sicilinum, which had revolted from the Roman people, were forcibly recovered by Marcus Valerius, the praetor, and those who had advised revolt were beheaded.
37.12. et ex Hirpinis oppida tria, quae a populo Romano defecerant ui recepta per M. Ualerium praetorem, Uercellium, Uescellium, Sicilinum, et auctores defectionis securi percussi.
37.13. Over five thousand captives were sold at auction; the rest of the booty was given over to the soldiers, and the army led back to Luceria.
37.13. supra quinque milia captiuorum sub hasta uenierunt; praeda alia militi concessa, exercitusque Luceriam reductus.
38.1. While these things were going on in Lucania and among the Hirpini, the five ships which were carrying to Rome the captured ambassadors of the Macedonians and the Carthaginians cruised along nearly the whole coast of Italy from the Upper Sea to the Lower. And when they were passing Cumae under sail, and it was uncertain whether they belonged to enemies or friends, Gracchus sent ships from his fleet to meet them.
38.1. dum haec in Lucanis atque in Hirpinis geruntur, quinque naues, quae Macedonum atque Poenorum captos legatos Romam portabant, ab supero mari ad inferum circumuectae prope omnem Italiae oram, cum praeter Cumas uelis ferrentur neque hostium an sociorum essent satis sciretur, Gracchus obuiam ex classe sua naues misit.
38.3. When in the course of questioning on both sides it was learned that the consul was at Cumae, the ships put in at Cumae and the prisoners were brought before the consul and the letters handed over to him.
38.3. cum percontando in uicem cognitum esset consulem Cumis esse, naues Cumas adpulsae captiuique ad consulem deducti et litterae datae.
38.4. The consul, after reading the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent everything under seal by land to the senate, and ordered the ambassadors to be carried on the ships.
38.4. consul litteris Philippi atque Hannibalis perlectis consignata omnia ad senatum itinere terrestri misit, nauibus deuehi legatos iussit.
38.5. Letters and ambassadors arrived at Rome on about the same day, and upon enquiry their words and the texts were in agreement. Thereupon the senators were at first gravely concerned, seeing how serious a war with Macedonia threatened, at a time when they could scarcely endure that with the Carthaginians.
38.5. cum eodem fere die litterae legatique Romam uenissent et percontatione facta dicta cum scriptis congruerent, primo grauis cura patres incessit, cernentes quanta uix tolerantibus Punicum bellum Macedonici belli moles instaret;
38.6. However, they were so far from giving way to that concern that they at once discussed how by actual aggressive warfare they might keep the enemy away from Italy.
38.6. cui tamen adeo non succubuerunt ut extemplo agitaretur quemadmodum ultro inferendo bello auerterent ab Italia hostem.
38.7. The prisoners were ordered put in chains, their attendants were sold at auction, and it was decreed that, in addition to the twenty-five ships which Publius Valerius Flaccus commanded as admiral, twenty-five others should be made ready.
38.7. captiuis in uincula condi iussis comitibusque eorum sub hasta uenditis, ad naues uiginti quinque, quibus P. Ualerius Flaccus praefectus praeerat, uiginti ltquinquegt [paratis] alias decernunt.
38.8. The latter being now ready and launched, with the addition of the five ships which had brought the ambassadors as captives, thirty ships sailed from Ostia for Tarentum.
38.8. his comparatis deductisque et additis quinque nauibus, quae aduexerant captiuos legatos, triginta naues ab Ostia Tarentum profectae, iussusque P.
38.9. And Publius Valerius was ordered to put on board the soldiers who had been Varro's, and at Tarentum were commanded by Lucius Apustius, the lieutenant, and then with a fleet of fifty-five ships not merely to defend the coast of Italy, but to get information in regard to the Macedonian war.
38.9. Ualerius militibus Uarronianis, quibus L. Apustius legatus Tarenti praeerat, in naues impositis quinquaginta quinque nauium classe non tueri modo Italiae oram sed explorare de Macedonico bello;
38.10. If the designs of Philip should agree with the letters and with the statements of the ambassadors, then he was to inform Marcus Valerius, the praetor, by letter;
38.10. si congruentia litteris legatorumque indiciis Philippi consilia essent, ut M. Ualerium praetorem litteris certiorem faceret, isque L.
38.11. and Valerius, after placing his lieutenant, Lucius Apustius, in command of the army, was to proceed to the fleet at Tarentum, and as soon as possible to cross into Macedonia and take steps to keep Philip within his kingdom.
38.11. Apustio legato exercitui praeposito Tarentum ad classem profectus primo quoque tempore in Macedoniam transmitteret daretque operam ut Philippum in regno contineret.
38.12. For the maintenance of the fleet and for the Macedonian war there was voted the money which had been sent to Appius Claudius in Sicily, to be repaid to king Hiero. This money was carried to Tarentum by Lucius Antistius, the lieutenant.
38.12. pecunia ad classem tuendam bellumque Macedonicum ea decreta est, quae Ap. Claudio in Siciliam missa erat ut redderetur Hieroni regi; ea per L. Antistium legatum Tarentum est deuecta.
38.13. At the same time two hundred thousand pecks of wheat and a hundred thousand of barley were sent by Hiero.
38.13. simul ab Hierone missa ducenta milia modium tritici et hordei centum.
39.1. While the Romans were engaged in these preparations and activities, the one captured ship escaped while under weigh from those which had been sent to Rome, and returned to Philip.
39.1. dum haec Romani parant aguntque, ad Philippum captiua nauis una ex iis quae Romam missae erant, ex cursu refugit;
39.2. Thus it became known that the ambassadors had been captured with the letter. And so the king, not knowing what had been agreed upon between his ambassadors and Hannibal, and what message the latter's ambassadors were to have brought to him, sent another embassy with the same instructions.
39.2. inde scitum legatos cum litteris captos. itaque ignarus rex quae cum Hannibale legatis suis conuenissent quaeque legati eius ad se allaturi fuissent, legationem aliam cum eisdem mandatis mittit.
39.3. As ambassadors to Hannibal there were sent Heraclitus, surnamed Scotinus, and Crito, the Boeotian, and Sositheus, of Magnesia.
39.3. legati ad Hannibalem missi Heraclitus [cui Scotino cognomen erat] et Crito Boeotus et Sositheus Magnes.
39.4. These succeeded in carrying and in bringing back instructions; but the summer was over before the king could make any active preparations. So effectual was the capture of a single ship and ambassadors in postponing a war which threatened the Romans.
39.4. hi prospere tulerunt ac rettulerunt mandata; sed prius se aestas circumegit quam mouere ac moliri quicquam rex posset.—tantum nauis una capta cum legatis momenti fecit ad dilationem imminentis Romanis belli.
39.5. Also in the vicinity of Capua both consuls were carrying on the war, now that Fabius, after finally making atonement for the prodigies, had crossed the Volturnus.
39.5. et circa Capuam transgresso Uolturnum Fabio post expiata tandem prodigia ambo consules rem gerebant.