29.12. Then all the bodies were dragged away from the centre, and after the ground had been cleansed the soldiers, summoned by name, in the presence of the military tribunes, swore allegiance to Publius Scipio; and as each man was called his pay was counted out to him. Such was the end and outcome of the mutiny of the soldiers which began at Sucro.
29.12. tracti inde de medio omnes, purgatoque loco citati milites nominatim apud tribunos militum in uerba P. Scipionis iurarunt stipendiumque ad nomen singulis persolutum est. hunc finem exitumque seditio militum coepta apud Sucronem habuit.
30.1. About the same time along the Baetis River Hanno, Mago's prefect, who-had been sent from Gades with a small force of Africans, enlisting Spaniards for pay, armed about four thousand young men.
30.1. per idem tempus ad Baetim fluuium Hanno praefectus Magonis missus a Gadibus cum parua manu Afrorum, mercede Hispanos sollicitando ad quattuor milia iuuenum armauit.
30.2. Then stripped of his camp by Lucius Marcius, while the largest part of his troops were lost in the confusion of its capture, some also lost in the flight, since the cavalry pursued the scattered fugitives, Hanno himself with a small number only escaped.
30.2. castris deinde exutus ab L. Marcio, maxima parte militum inter tumultum captorum castrorum, quibusdam etiam in fuga amissis, palatos persequente equite, cum paucis ipse effugit.
30.3. While these things were going on along the Baetis River, Laelius meantime sailed down the strait into the Ocean and came with his fleet to Carteia. This city is situated on the coast of the Ocean, where the sea begins to open out after the narrow entrance.
30.3. dum haec ad Baetim fluuium geruntur, Laelius interim freto in Oceanum euectus ad Carteiam classe accessit. urbs ea in ora Oceani sita est, ubi primum e faucibus angustis panditur mare.
30.4. Of Gades, as has been said above, he had hoped without a battle to gain possession by betrayal, since men actually came into the Roman camp to make such a promise. But the betrayal was prematurely revealed, and Mago arrested all the conspirators and turned them over to Adherbal, the magistrate, to be transported to Carthage.
30.4. Gades sine certamine per proditionem recipiendi, ultro qui eam rem pollicerentur in castra Romana uenientibus, spes, sicut ante dictum est, fuerat. sed patefacta immatura proditio est, comprensosque omnes Mago Adherbali praetori Carthaginem deuehendos tradit.
30.5. Adherbal placed the conspirators on a quinquereme and after sending it in advance, because it was slower than a trireme, himself followed with eight triremes at no great distance.
30.5. Adherbal coniuratis in quinqueremem impositis praemissaque ea, quia tardior quam triremis erat, ipse cum octo triremibus modico interuallo sequitur.
30.6. The quinquereme was already entering the strait when Laelius, also on a quinquereme, sailed out from the harbour of Carteia followed by seven triremes, and steered for Adherbal and his triremes, feeling quite sure that the quinquereme, caught in the swift current of the strait, could not reverse its course in the face of the tide. The Carthaginian in the unexpected situation was troubled for the moment and uncertain whether to follow his quinquereme or to turn his prows towards the enemy.
30.6. iam fretum intrabat quinqueremis cum Laelius et ipse in quinqueremi ex portu Carteiae sequentibus septem triremibus euectus in Adherbalem ac triremes inuehitur, quinqueremem satis credens deprensam rapido in freto in aduersum aestum reciprocari non posse.
30.7. That hesitation in itself deprived him of the power to refuse a battle; for they were already within range and the enemy was pressing them from all sides.
30.7. Poenus in re subita parumper incertus trepidauit utrum quinqueremem sequeretur an in hostes rostra conuerteret. ipsa cunctatio facultatem detractandae pugnae ademit;
30.8. The tide also had deprived them of control of their ships. Nor was the fight like a naval battle; for here there was no initiative, no skill or strategy.
30.8. iam enim sub ictu teli erant et undique instabant hostes. aestus quoque arbitrium moderandi naues ademerat; neque erat nauali pugna similis, quippe ubi nihil uoluntarium, nihil artis aut consilii esset.
30.9. The nature of the strait and its tide alone controlled the entire engagement, carrying men, vainly struggling to row in the opposite direction, against their own ships or those of the enemy. And one might have seen a fleeing ship swung about by a swirl and borne against the victors, and a pursuing ship, if it chanced upon an opposite current, turning away as if in flight.
30.9. una natura freti aestusque totius certaminis potens suis, alienis nauibus nequiquam remigio in contrarium tendentes inuehebat; et fugientem nauem uideres, uertice retro intortam uictoribus inlatam, et sequentem, si in contrarium tractum incidisset maris, fugientis modo sese auertentem.
30.10. In actual combat now one ship, aiming to ram a ship of the enemy with its beak, turning aslant would itself receive the blow of the other's beak. Another ship, exposing its beam to the enemy, would suddenly be swung and turned bow foremost.
30.10. iam in ipsa pugna haec cum infesta rostro peteret hostium nauem, obliqua ipsa ictum alterius rostri accipiebat: illa cum transuersa obiceretur hosti, repente intorta in proram circumagebatur.
30.11. While- between the triremes an indecisive battle controlled by chance was in progress, the Roman quinquereme, whether because she was steadier by reason of her weight or more easily steered as her more numerous banks of oars cleft the whirling waters, sank two triremes and shooting past another swept away the oars on one side.
30.11. cum inter triremes fortuna regente anceps proelium misceretur, quinqueremis Romana seu pondere tenacior seu pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus uertices cum facilius regeretur, duas triremes suppressit, unius, praelata impetu, lateris alterius remos detersit;
30.12. In addition she would have seriously damaged the rest of the ships with which she had closed, had not: Adherbal with five remaining ships crossed over to Africa under sail.
30.12. ceterasque quas indepta esset mulcasset, ni cum reliquis quinque nauibus Adherbal uelis in Africam transmisisset.
31.1. Laelius as victor sailed back to Carteia, and on hearing of the occurrences at Gades —that the betrayal had been revealed and the conspirators sent to Carthage;
31.1. Laelius uictor Carteiam reuectus. auditis quae acta Gadibus erant—patefactam proditionem coniuratosque missos Carthaginem, spem ad inritum redactam qua uenissent—nuntiis ad L.
31.2. that the hope in which they had come to him had been frustrated —he sent messengers to Lucius Marcius, saying that unless they wished to waste time to no purpose in idling before Gades, they must return to the commander-in-chief. As Marcius agreed, they both returned after a few days to (New) Carthage.
31.2. Marcium missis nisi si terere frustra tempus sedendo ad Gades uellent redeundum ad imperatorem esse, adsentiente Marcio paucos post dies ambo Carthaginem rediere.
31.3. Upon their departure Mago was not only relieved, since he was beset by a two-fold source of alarm, by sea and by land, but when he heard of the defection of the Ilergetes he conceived the hope also of recovering Spain. Accordingly he sent messengers to the senate at Carthage, to exaggerate at the same time both the mutiny of citizens in the Roman camp and the rebellion of allies, and to urge them to send auxiliaries, by whose help rule over Spain, which they had inherited from their fathers, could be recovered.
31.3. ad quorum discessum non respirauit modo Mago cum terra marique ancipiti metu urgeretur, sed etiam audita rebellione Ilergetum spem reciperandae Hispaniae nanctus nuntios Carthaginem ad senatum mittit qui simul seditionem ciuilem in castris Romanis simul defectionem sociorum in maius uerbis extollentes hortentur ut auxilia mitterent quibus traditum a patribus imperium Hispaniae repeti posset.
31.5. Mandonius and Indibilis returned into their own territory and for a time remained quietly on the alert, until they should know what decision was reached in regard to the mutiny, not without confidence that, if a misunderstanding on the part of Roman citizens should be pardoned, they themselves also might possibly be pardoned.
31.5. Mandonius et Indibilis in fines regressi paulisper dum quidnam de seditione statueretur scirent suspensi quieuerunt, si ciuium errori ignosceretur non diffidentes sibi quoque ignosci posse.
31.6. After the harsh punishment came to be generally known, they thought that their guilt likewise was reckoned as deserving the same penalty. Recalling the men of their tribe to arms and assembling their previous auxiliaries, with twenty thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry they crossed into the land of the Sedetani, where they had maintained a permanent camp at the beginning of the rebellion.
31.6. postquam uolgata est atrocitas supplicii suam quoque noxam pari poena aestimatam rati, uocatis rursus ad arma popularibus contractisque quae ante habuerant auxiliis, in Sedetanum agrum, ubi principio defectionis statiua habuerant, cum uiginti milibus peditum duobus milibus equitum et quingentis transcenderunt.
32.1. Scipio by his conscientiousness in paying all his men, guilty and innocent alike, and more by his countenance and speech showing no resentment against any one, easily won the hearts of his soldiers. Before moving his camp away from (New) Carthage he summoned an assembly.
32.1. Scipio cum fide soluendi pariter omnibus noxiis innoxiisque stipendii tum uoltu ac sermone in omnes placato facile reconciliatis militum animis, priusquam castra ab Carthagine moueret contione aduocata multis uerbis in perfidiam rebellantium regulorum inuectus,
32.3. There after inveighing at great length against the treachery of the chiefs in rebellion, he declared that in order to punish their crime he was setting out in a very different spirit from that in which he recently cured a misunderstanding on the part of citizens.
32.3. nequaquam eodem animo se ire professus est ad uindicandum id scelus quo ciuilem errorem nuper sanauerit.
32.4. At that time, he said, with sighing and tears, just as though he were cutting into his own vital organs, he had atoned by the lives of thirty men for the folly, or it might be the guilt, of eight thousand.
32.4. tum se haud secus quam uiscera secantem sua cum gemitu et lacrimis triginta hominum capitibus expiasse octo milium seu imprudentiam seu noxam: nunc laeto et erecto animo ad caedem Ilergetum ire.
32.5. But now with joy and exaltation of spirit he was advancing to the slaughter of the Ilergetes. For they had not been born in the same land, nor were they linked by any alliance with himself.
32.5. non enim eos neque natos in eadem terra nec ulla secum societate iunctos esse; eam quae sola fuerit fidei atque amicitiae ipsos per scelus rupisse.
32.6. The only bond which once existed, that of loyalty and friendship, they had themselves broken by their crime. As for his own army, he was stirred on seeing all the men in it citizens or allies and Latins, and also because there was hardly a soldier who had not been brought from Italy either by his uncle Gnaeus Scipio, who was the first of the Romans to come into that province, or by his father as consul, or by himself.
32.6. in exercitu suo se, praeterquam quod omnes ciues aut socios Latinique nominis uideat, etiam eo moueri quod nemo fere sit miles qui non aut a patruo suo Cn. Scipione, qui primus Romani nominis in eam prouinciam uenerit, aut a patre consule aut a se sit ex Italia aduectus.
32.7. They were all of them accustomed to the name and auspices of the Scipios, being men whom he would like to bring home to their country for a well-earned triumph, men who he hoped would support his canvass for the consulship, just as if an honour shared by all alike were at stake.
32.7. Scipionum nomini auspiciisque omnes adsuetos, quos secum in patriam ad meritum triumphum deducere uelit, quos consulatum petenti uelut si omnium communis agatur honos adfuturos speret.
32.8. So far as concerned the enterprise now impending, he said, any man who considered it a war was forgetting their own achievements. Mago surely, who fled with a few ships beyond the known world to an island surrounded by the Ocean, was a greater concern to him than the Ilergetes.
32.8. quod ad expeditionem attineat quae instet, immemorem esse rerum suarum gestarum qui id bellum ducat. Magonis hercule sibi qui extra orbem terrarum in circumfusam Oceano insulam cum paucis perfugerit nauibus maiorem curam esse quam Ilergetum;
32.9. For there it was a Carthaginian general and also a Punic force however small; here there were brigands and brigand chiefs, who might, to be sure, have considerable strength for ravaging the lands of neighbouring tribes and for burning houses and stealing cattle, but none at all in battle-line and when standards faced standards. In battle they would rely more upon swiftness in flight than upon arms.
32.9. quippe illic et ducem Carthaginiensem et quantumcumque Punicum praesidium esse, hic latrones latronumque duces, quibus ut ad populandos finitimorum agros tectaque urenda et rapienda pecora aliqua uis sit, ita in acie ac signis conlatis nullam esse; magis uelocitate ad fugam quam armis fretos pugnaturos esse.
32.10. Accordingly it was not because he saw any danger from them or the seed of a greater war, that he had thought the Ilergetes must be overpowered before he left his province. It was in the first place in order that so criminal a rebellion might not go unpunished, and then that it might not possibly be said that any enemy had been left in a province which had been thoroughly conquered by such courage combined with such success.
32.10. itaque non quod ullum inde periculum aut semen maioris belli uideat, ideo se priusquam prouincia decedat opprimendos Ilergetes duxisse, sed primum ne impunita tam scelerata defectio esset, deinde ne quis in prouincia simul uirtute tanta et felicitate perdomita relictus hostis dici posset.
32.12. Wherefore with the kind aid of the gods let them follow him, not so much to carry on a war —for it was no conflict with a well-matched enemy —as to exact punishment from criminals.
32.12. proinde dis bene iuuantibus sequerentur, non tam ad bellum gerendum—neque enim cum pari hoste certamen esse—quam ad expetendas ab hominibus scelestis poenas.
33.1. Dismissing them after this speech, he ordered them to make ready for the march on the morrow; and setting out he came in ten stages to the river Hiberus. Then crossing the river, he pitched camp on the fourth day in sight of the enemy.
33.1. ab hac oratione dimissos ad iter se comparare in diem posterum iubet profectusque decimis castris peruenit ad Hiberum flumen. inde superato amni die quarto in conspectu hostium posuit castra.
33.2. In front was level ground hemmed in on this side and that by mountains. Into that valley Scipio first ordered men to drive cattle —mostly booty from the enemy's own farms-to tempt the barbarians' love of pillage, and then sent light —armed troops to their assistance. When these had begun the battle with a charge, he ordered Laelius to make an attack with cavalry from an ambush.
33.2. campus ante montibus circa saeptus erat. in eam uallem Scipio cum pecora rapta pleraque ex ipsorum hostium agris propelli ad inritandam feritatem barbarorum iussisset, uelites subsidio misit, a quibus ubi per procursationem commissa pugna esset Laelium cum equitatu impetum ex occulto facere iubet.
33.4. A hill conveniently projecting concealed the ambsucade of cavalry, and the battle began without delay. The Spaniards, catching sight of cattle in the distance, dashed upon them, the light-armed upon the Spaniards busy with their plunder.
33.4. mons opportune prominens equitum insidias texit nec ulla mora pugnae facta est. Hispani in conspecta procul pecora, uelites in Hispanos praeda occupatos incurrere.
33.5. At first they inspired alarm by their missiles; then abandoning their light weapons, which could provoke rather than decide the battle, they drew their swords and began fighting at close quarters. And the infantry battle would have remained doubtful if the cavalry had not arrived.
33.5. primo missilibus territauere; deinde missis leuibus telis, quae inritare magis quam decernere pugnam poterant, gladios nudant et conlato pede res coepta geri est; ancepsque pedestre certamen erat ni equites superuenissent.
33.6. Not only did they trample down those they met by a frontal attack, but some also rode round along the lowest part of the slope and made an attack in the rear, so that they cut off a good many; and the slaughter was greater than unimportant skirmishes usually cause. This defeat kindled the anger of the barbarians, instead of diminishing their courage.
33.6. neque ex aduerso tantum inlati obuios obtriuere, sed circumuecti etiam quidam per infima cliui ab tergo se ut plerosque intercluderent obiecerunt, maiorque caedes fuit quam quantam edere leuia per excursiones proelia solent.
33.7. Consequently, not to appear daunted, they went out into battle-line at daybreak the next day. The valley being narrow, as stated above, had no room for all the forces.
33.7. ira magis accensa aduerso proelio barbaris est quam imminuti animi. itaque ne perculsi uiderentur prima luce postero die in aciem processere.
33.8. About two-thirds of the infantry and all the cavalry came down into line. The remainder of their infantry they stationed on the slope of the hill. Scipio, who thought the limited space was to his advantage, both because a battle at close range seemed likely to be better suited to the Roman than to the Spanish soldier, also because the enemy's line had been enticed down into a position which did not have room for all of their multitude, turned his attention to a further new plan.
33.8. non capiebat omnes copias angusta, sicut ante dictum est, ualles; duae ferme peditum partes omnis equitatus in aciem descendit: quod reliquum peditum erat obliquo constituerunt colle.
33.9. He could not place his cavalry on the wings, he thought, in so limited a space, and the enemy would have no use of the cavalry they had brought down with their infantry.
33.9. Scipio pro se esse loci angustias ratus et quod in arto pugna Romano aptior quam Hispano militi futura uidebatur et quod in eum locum detracta hostium acies esset qui non omnem multitudinem eorum caperet, nouo etiam consilio adiecit animum;
33.10. Therefore he ordered Laelius to lead his cavalry about over the hills, taking the road that was best hidden, and to separate the cavalry battle, so far as he could, from that of the infantry.
33.10. equitem nec se posse circumdare cornibus in tam angusto spatio, et hosti, quem cum pedite deduxisset inutilem fore. itaque imperat Laelio ut per colles quam occultissimo itinere circumducat equites segregetque quantum possit equestrem a pedestri pugnam:
33.12. As for himself, he made all his infantry units face the enemy; four cohorts he placed in the front line, since he was unable to extend his line to a greater length.
33.12. ipse omnia signa peditum in hostes uertit; quattuor cohortes in fronte statuit quia latius pandere aciem non poterat.
33.13. He did not delay beginning the engagement, in order to divert attention by the battle itself from the sight of the cavalry crossing over the hills; and they were not aware that the horsemen had outflanked them until they heard the din of a cavalry battle in their rear.
33.13. moram pugnandi nullam fecit ut ipso certamine auerteret ab conspectu transeuntium per colles equitum; neque ante circumductos sensere quam tumultum equestris pugnae ab tergo accepere. ita duo diuersa proelia erant;
33.14. Thus there were two distinct battles; two infantry lines, two cavalry forces, were fighting down the length of the level ground, since the narrow space did not permit a battle that combined both arms.
33.14. duae peditum acies, duo equitatus per longitudinem campi, quia misceri ex genere utroque proelium angustiae non patiebantur, pugnabant.
33.15. On the Spanish side neither did infantry aid cavalry nor cavalry infantry; the foot-soldiers, who in reliance upon the cavalry had been rashly posted on the level ground, were cut to pieces; the cavalry, being outflanked, were neither withstanding Roman infantry in front —for their own infantry were already overwhelmed —nor Roman cavalry in the rear. Consequently the horsemen also, after they had formed a circle and with their horses at a standstill had defended themselves for a long time, were all slain to a man; and not one of their foot or horse that fought in the valley survived.
33.15. Hispanorum cum neque pedes equiti neque eques pediti auxilio esset, pedes fiducia equitis temere commissus campo caederetur, eques circumuentus nec peditem a fronte—iam enim stratae pedestres copiae erant—nec ab tergo equitem sustineret, et ipsi cum diu in orbem sese stantibus equis defendissent ad unum omnes caesi sunt, nec quisquam peditum equitumue superfuit qui in ualle pugnauerunt.
33.16. Only a third of them, having stood on the hill, to look on in safety rather than to take part in the battle, had both a suitable position and time for flight.
33.16. tertia pars, quae in colle ad spectaculum magis tutum quam ad partem pugnae capessendam steterat, et locum et tempus ad fugiendum habuit.
33.17. Among them the princes also fled, having slipped away in the confusion before the entire line should be surrounded.
33.17. inter eos et reguli ipsi fugerunt priusquam tota circumueniretur acies inter tumultum elapsi.
34.1. The camp of the Spaniards was captured the same day, with about three thousand men in addition to other booty.
34.1. castra eodem die Hispanorum, praeter ceteram praedam, cum tribus ferme milibus hominum capiuntur.
34.2. Of the Romans and allies about twelve hundred fell in that battle; more than three thousand men were wounded. The victory would have been less bloody if the battle had been fought on a more open ground affording an easy escape.
34.2. Romani sociique ad mille et ducenti in eo proelio ceciderunt; uolnerata amplius tria milia hominum. minus cruenta uictoria fuisset si patentiore campo et ad fugam capessendam facili foret pugnatum.
34.3. Indibilis, having discarded his plans for war, thought no refuge safer in his distress than Scipio's honesty and mercy, of which he had had experience, and sent his brother Mandonius to him.
34.3. Indibilis abiectis belli consiliis nihil tutius in adflictis rebus experta fide et clementia Scipionis ratus, Mandonium fratrem ad eum mittit;
34.4. Mandonius, clasping Scipio's knees, laid the blame upon the fateful madness of a time in which some pestilent epidemic had frenzied not merely the Ilergetes and Lacetani but also a Roman camp.
34.4. qui aduolutus genibus fatalem rabiem temporis eius accusat cum uelut contagione quadam pestifera non Ilergetes modo et Lacetani sed castra quoque Romana insanierint.
34.5. As for himself, -indeed, and his brother and the rest of their countrymen, such was their situation that they should either give back to Publius Scipio, if he approved, the life they had received also from him, or, if spared twice, they should perpetually devote to him the lives they owed to him alone. Formerly, when they had as yet no experience of his mercy, they had confidence in their cause.
34.5. suam quidem et fratris et reliquorum popularium eam condicionem esse ut aut, si ita uideatur, reddant spiritum P. Scipioni ab eodem illo acceptum, aut seruati bis uni debitam uitam pro eo in perpetuum deuoueant.
34.6. Now, however, they had no hope, he said, in their cause, but rested it all on the pity of the victor.
34.6. antea in causa sua fiduciam sibi fuisse nondum experta clementia eius: nunc contra nullam in causa, omnem in misericordia uictoris spem positam habere.
34.7. The old custom of the Romans in establishing peaceful relations with a people neither on the basis of a treaty nor on equal terms had been this: not to exert its authority over that people, as now pacified, until it had surrendered everything divine and human, until hostages had been received, arms taken away and garrisons posted in its cities.
34.7. mos uetustus erat Romanis, cum quo nec foedere nec aequis legibus iungeretur amicitia, non prius imperio in eum tamquam pacatum uti quam omnia diuina humanaque dedidisset, obsides accepti, arma adempta, praesidia urbibus imposita forent.
34.8. Scipio, however, after inveighing at length against Mandonius, who was present, and the absent Indibilis, said that in consequence of their own misdeeds they had surely deserved to die; that they should live by his kindness and that of the Roman people.
34.8. Scipio multis inuectus in praesentem Mandonium absentemque Indibilem uerbis, illos quidem merito perisse ipsorum maleficio ait, uicturos suo atque populi Romani beneficio.
34.9. But he would not take away their arms nor demand hostages; for those were the pledges for men who feared a rebellion, whereas he was leaving them their arms without restriction, their minds relieved of fear. And if they should revolt his wrath would be directed, not against innocent hostages, but against themselves, and he would exact punishment, not from an unarmed, but from an armed enemy.
34.9. ceterum se neque arma iis adempturum ltneque obsides imperaturumgt—quippe ea pignera timentium rebellionem esse: se libera arma relinquere, solutos animos—neque [se] in obsides innoxios sed in ipsos, si defecerint, saeuiturum, nec ab inermi sed ab armato hoste poenas expetiturum.
34.10. As they had known both kinds of fortune, he gave them their choice, whether they preferred to find the Romans kindly disposed or angry.
34.10. utramque fortunam expertis permittere sese utrum propitios an iratos habere Romanos mallent.
34.11. Thus Mandonius was dismissed with no other demand than money, that the soldiers might receive their pay.
34.11. ita dimissus Mandonius pecunia tantummodo imperata ex qua stipendium militi praestari posset.
34.12. After sending Marcius ahead into Farther Spain and Silanus back to Tarraco, Scipio delayed a few days for the Ilergetes to pay the whole amount demanded, and then with an unencumbered force overtook Marcius as he was now approaching the Ocean.
34.12. ipse Marcio in ulteriorem Hispaniam praemisso, Silano Tarraconem remisso paucos moratus dies dum imperatam pecuniam Ilergetes pernumerarent, cum expeditis Marcium iam adpropinquantem Oceano adsequitur.
35.1. Dealings which had to do with Masinissa, begun even before this time, had been postponed on one pretext or another because the Numidian desired in any case to meet Scipio in person and to ratify the agreement by clasping his hand. That was Scipio's reason at this time for a march so long and so circuitous.
35.1. incohata res iam ante de Masinissa aliis atque aliis de causis dilata erat, quod Numida cum ipso utique congredi Scipione uolebat atque eius dextra fidem sancire; ea tum itineris tam longi ac tam deuii causa Scipioni fuit.
35.2. Masinissa, being at Gades and informed by Marcius of Scipio's approach, pretended that the horses, being shut up on an island, were deteriorating and not only causing a general scarcity for the rest but also themselves suffering from it. Adding that the horsemen were losing their vigour from inaction, he prevailed upon Mago to permit him to cross over to the mainland in order to lay waste the nearest lands in Spain.
35.2. Masinissa cum Gadibus esset, certior aduentare eum a Marcio factus, causando corrumpi equos inclusos in insula penuriamque omnium rerum et facere ceteris et ipsos sentire, ad hoc equitem marcescere desidia, ltMagonemgt perpulit ut se traicere in continentem ad depopulandos proximos Hispaniae agros pateretur.
35.4. After crossing over he sent three prominent Numidians in advance to fix a time and place for a conference. He gave instructions that two were to be kept by Scipio as hostages. When the third had been sent back to conduct Masinissa to the place indicated in the order, they came with a small escort to the conference.
35.4. transgressus tres principes Numidarum praemittit ad tempus locumque conloquio statuendum. duos pro obsidibus retineri ab Scipione iubet: remisso tertio qui quo iussus erat adduceret Masinissam, cum paucis in conloquium uenerunt.
35.5. The Numidian had already been filled with admiration for the man in consequence of his reported achievements, and had conjured up in mind an ideal figure, tall and stately.
35.5. ceperat iam ante Numidam ex fama rerum gestarum admiratio uiri, substitueratque animo speciem quoque corporis amplam ac magnificam;
35.6. But greater still was the reverence that possessed him for the man in his presence; and while Scipio had great natural dignity, long hair added charm, as did a general appearance not due to studied elegance, but truly masculine and soldierly; and his age was exactly at the height of physical strength, amplified and made more dazzling by the youthful bloom which appeared to have been renewed after his illness.
35.6. ceterum maior praesentis ueneratio cepit, et praeterquam quod suapte natura multa maiestas inerat, adornabat promissa caesaries habitusque corporis non cultus munditiis sed uirilis uere ac militaris, et aetas erat in medio uirium robore, quod plenius nitidiusque ex morbo uelut renouatus flos iuuentae faciebat.
35.8. Almost dazed by merely meeting him, the Numidian thanked him for sending home his nephew. From that time on, he said, he had sought the opportunity which he did not let slip when at last it was. presented him by the favour of the immortal gods.
35.8. prope attonitus ipso congressu Numida gratias de fratris filio remisso agit. ex eo tempore adfirmat eam se quaesisse occasionem quam tandem oblatam deum immortalium beneficio non omiserit.
35.9. He was eager to give such services to Scipio and the Roman people that no individual foreigner would have aided the Roman state with more ardour.
35.9. cupere se illi populoque Romano operam nauare ita ut nemo unus externus magis enixe adiuuerit rem Romanam.
35.10. That aid, although he had long wished to give it, he had been unable to furnish in Spain, a foreign and unknown land. But in the land in which he had been born and brought up in the hope of inheriting his father's kingdom, he would easily furnish it.
35.10. id se, etiamsi iam pridem uellet, minus praestare in Hispania terra aliena atque ignota potuisse; in qua autem genitus educatusque in spem paterni regni esset, facile praestaturum.
35.11. If indeed the Romans should send Scipio as commander into Africa as well he was quite confident that Carthage would be very short-lived.
35.11. si quidem eundem Scipionem ducem in Africam Romani mittant, satis sperare perbreuis aeui Carthaginem esse.
35.12. Scipio was glad to see and hear him, since he knew that in the entire cavalry of the enemy Masinissa had been the soul of everything, and in himself the young man showed clear evidence of his spirit. After giving and receiving promises Scipio set out on the return to Tarraco.
35.12. laetus eum Scipio uidit audiuitque cum caput rerum in omni hostium equitatu Masinissam fuisse sciret, et ipse iuuenis specimen animi prae se ferret. fide data acceptaque profectus retro Tarraconem est.
35.13. Masinissa by permission of the Romans, that he might not appear to have crossed to the mainland without reason, devastated the nearest lands and returned to Gades.
35.13. Masinissa permissu Romanorum ne sine causa traiecisse in continentem uideretur populatus proximos agros, Gades rediit.
36.1. Just as Mago, who had despaired of success in Spain —a hope to which first the mutiny of the soldiers and then the rebellion of Indibilis had raised his spirits —was preparing to cross over to Africa, word reached him from Carthage that the senate commanded him to take the fleet which he had at Gades over to Italy.
36.1. Magoni desperatis in Hispania rebus, in quarum spem seditio primum militaris, deinde defectio Indibilis animos eius sustulerant, paranti traicere in Africam nuntiatum ab Carthagine est iubere senatum ut classem quam Gadibus haberet in Italiam traiceret;
36.2. There he was ordered to hire the greatest possible number of young Gauls and Ligurians, to join Hannibal and not permit a war that had been begun with the greatest vigour and even greater good fortune to decline now.
36.2. conducta ibi Gallorum ac Ligurum quanta maxima posset iuuentute coniungeret se Hannibali neu senescere bellum maximo impetu maiore fortuna coeptum sineret.
36.3. For that purpose money was brought to Mago from Carthage, and in addition he himself exacted all that he could from the citizens of Gades by plundering not merely their treasury but also the temples, and by compelling all private owners to contribute gold and silver to the public funds.
36.3. ad eam rem et a Carthagine pecunia Magoni aduecta est, et ipse quantam potuit a Gaditanis exegit, non aerario modo eorum sed etiam templis spoliatis et priuatim omnibus coactis aurum argentumque in publicum conferre.
36.4. As he was sailing along the coast of Spain he landed soldiers not far from New Carthage and laid waste the nearest farms; then he brought his fleet up to the city.
36.4. cum praeterueheretur Hispaniae oram, haud procul Carthagine Noua expositis in terram militibus proximos depopulatur agros;
36.5. There after keeping the soldiers on shipboard during the day, he landed them on the shore by night and led them to that part of the wall where (New) Carthage had been stormed by the Romans. For he thought the city was not held by a garrison of sufficient strength, also that with the prospect of changing sides many of the townspeople would take an active part.
36.5. inde ad urbem classem adpulit. ibi cum interdiu milites in nauibus tenuisset, nocte in litus expositos ad partem eam muri qua capta Carthago ab Romanis fuerat ducit, nec praesidio satis ualido urbem teneri ratus et aliquos oppidanorum ad spem nouandi res aliquid moturos.
36.6. But messengers coming in alarm from the country had brought news at the same time of lands laid waste and farmers fleeing and the enemy approaching.
36.6. ceterum nuntii ex agris trepidi simul populationem agrestiumque fugam et hostium aduentum attulerant, et uisa interdiu classis erat, nec sine causa electam ante urbem stationem apparebat;
36.7. By day the fleet also had been seen, and it was evident that an anchorage before the city had not been chosen without reason.
36.7. itaque instructi armatique intra portam ad stagnum ac mare uersam continebantur.
36.8. Accordingly the men were kept drawn up under arms inside the gate which faced the lagoon and the sea. When the enemy pouring out of the ships —a mob of sailors mingling with the soldiers —approached the walls with an uproar out of proportion to their power the Romans suddenly opened the gate and burst out with a shout, threw the enemy into confusion, routed them at the first charge and the first volley of their missiles and pursued them down to the shore with great slaughter.
36.8. ubi effusi hostes, mixta inter milites naualis turba, ad muros tumultu maiore quam ui subierunt, patefacta repente porta Romani cum clamore erumpunt, turbatosque hostes et ad primum incursum coniectumque telorum auersos usque ad litus cum multa caede persequuntur; nec nisi naues litori adpulsae trepidos accepissent superfuisset fugae aut pugnae quisquam.
36.11. And if the ships moored to the shore had not received them in their alarm not a man would have survived the flight and the battle.
36.11. in ipsis quoque trepidatum nauibus est dum ne hostes cum suis simul inrumperent trahunt scalas, orasque et ancoras ne in moliendo mora esset praecidunt;
36.12. Even on the ships also there was confusion while, to prevent the enemy from dashing on board along with their own men, they were drawing in the ladders and cutting hawsers and cables, to avoid delay in getting away. And many perished miserably while swimming towards the ships, as in the darkness it was not clear what they should make for and what they should avoid. On the next day, when the fleet had slipped away, returning towards the Ocean from which it had come, about eight hundred bodies and some two thousand weapons were found between the wall and the shore. XXXVII. Mago, upon his return to Gades finding himself shut out of the city, put in with his fleet to Cimbii, a place not far from Gades. He sent emissaries and complained because the gates had been closed against him, an ally and friend.
36.12. multique adnantes nauibus, incerto prae tenebris quid aut peterent aut uitarent, foede interierunt. postero die cum classis inde retro ad Oceanum unde uenerat fugisset, ad octingenti homines caesi inter murum litusque et ad duo milia armorum inuenta. Mago cum Gades repetisset, exclusus inde ad Cimbios —haud procul a Gadibus is locus abest—classe adpulsa, mittendis legatis querendoque quod portae sibi socio atque amico clausae forent, purgantibus iis multitudinis concursu factum infestae ob direpta quaedam ab conscendentibus naues militibus, ad conloquium sufetes eorum, qui summus Poenis est magistratus, cum quaestore elicuit, laceratosque uerberibus cruci adfigi iussit.
37.3. The Gaditani tried to excuse themselves, saying it was done by a mob enraged on account of some looting committed by the soldiers as they were embarking.
37.3. inde nauibus ad Pityusam insulam centum milia ferme a continenti—Poeni tum eam incolebant—traiecit.
37.4. He thereupon enticed their sufĕtes —the highest magistrates among the Phoenicians —together with the treasurer to a conference and ordered them to be scourged and crucified. Then he crossed over on his ships to the island of Pityusa, about a hundred miles from the mainland.
37.4. itaque classis bona cum pace accepta est, nec commeatus modo benigne praebiti sed in supplementum classis iuuentus armaque data; quorum fiducia Poenus in Baliares insulas—quinquaginta inde milia absunt —tramisit. duae sunt Baliares insulae, maior altera atque opulentior armis uirisque;
37.5. Carthaginians at that time inhabited the island; consequently the fleet was received on friendly terms, and not only were supplies generously furnished but young men to recruit the fleet, and arms also were given.
37.5. et portum habet, ubi commode hibernaturum se—et iam extremum autumni erat—censebat.
37.6. Relying upon these the Carthaginian crossed over to the Balearic Islands, fifty miles away. There are two Balearic Islands, one larger and richer in arms and men. It has a harbour also, where Mago —and it was now the end of autumn —believed he could winter comfortably. But an attack was made on the fleet, just as if the inhabitants of the island were Romans.
37.6. ceterum haud secus quam si Romani eam insulam incolerent hostiliter classi occursum est. fundis ut nunc plurimum, ita tum solo eo telo utebantur, nec quisquam alterius gentis unus tantum ea arte quantum inter omnes alios Baliares excellunt.
37.7. The sling, now their most used weapon, was then their only one, and not a single man in any other tribe so excels in the art of using it as do all the Balearic Islanders in comparison with other peoples. Accordingly such a volley of stones, like the densest hail, was rained upon the fleet now approaching land that, not venturing to enter the harbour, they headed their ships out to sea.
37.7. itaque tanta uis lapidum creberrimae grandinis modo in propinquantem iam terrae classem effusa est ut intrare portum non ausi auerterent in altum naues.
37.8. Thereupon they crossed over to the smaller of the Balearic Islands, fertile in its land, not so strong in men and arms.
37.8. in minorem inde Baliarium insulam traiecerunt, fertilem agro, uiris armis haud aeque ualidam.
37.9. Disembarking, therefore, they pitched camp in a strong position above the harbour. And having gained possession of the city and its territory without a battle they enlisted two thousand auxiliaries from there, sent them to Carthage and beached their ships to spend the winter.
37.9. itaque egressi nauibus super portum loco munito castra locant; ac sine certamine urbe agroque potiti, duobus milibus auxiliarium inde conscriptis missisque Carthaginem, ad hibernandum naues subduxerunt.
37.10. After Mago's retirement from the coast of the Ocean Gades surrendered to the Romans.
37.10. post Magonis ab Oceani ora discessum Gaditani Romanis deduntur.
38.1. Such were the results in Spain under the command and auspices of Publius Scipio. Turning over the province to Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, the propraetors, Scipio himself returned to Rome with ten ships. And when a session of the senate was granted him in the Temple of Bellona outside the city, he set forth his achievements in Spain; how many times he had fought pitched battles; how many towns he had taken by force from the enemy; what tribes he had subjected to the sway of the Roman people.
38.1. haec in Hispania P. Scipionis ductu auspicioque gesta. ipse L. Lentulo et L. Manlio Acidino propraetoribus prouincia tradita decem nauibus Romam rediit, et senatu extra urbem dato in aede Bellonae quas res in Hispania gessisset disseruit, quotiens signis conlatis dimicasset, quot oppida ex hostibus ui cepisset, quas gentes in dicionem populi Romani redegisset;
38.3. He had gone to Spain, he said, against four generals-in-command, against four victorious armies; he had left not a Carthaginian in that country.
38.3. aduersus quattuor se imperatores, quattuor uictores exercitus in Hispaniam isse; neminem Carthaginiensem in iis terris reliquisse.
38.4. For these achievements he sought the desired triumph but did not make an insistent demand, because it was established that down to that time no one who had commanded without being a magistrate had triumphed.
38.4. ob has res gestas magis temptata est triumphi spes quam petita pertinaciter, quia neminem ad eam diem triumphasse qui sine magistratu res gessisset constabat.
38.5. The senate having adjourned, he entered the city on foot, and before him he caused fourteen thousand three hundred and forty-two pounds of silver to be carried to the treasury, and a great number of silver coins.
38.5. senatu misso urbem est ingressus, argentique prae se in aerarium tulit quattuordecim milia pondo trecenta quadraginta duo et signati argenti magnum numerum.
38.6. Then an election for the choice of consuls was conducted by Lucius Veturius Philo, and all the centuries with great enthusiasm named Publius Cornelius Scipio consul. As his colleague he was given Publius Licinius Crassus, the pontifex maximus.
38.6. comitia inde creandis consulibus habuit L. Ueturius Philo, centuriaeque omnes ingenti fauore P. Cornelium Scipionem consulem dixerunt; collega additur ei P. Licinius Crassus pontifex maximus.
38.7. The election was thronged, it is further related, by greater numbers than any other during that war.
38.7. ceterum comitia maiore quam ulla per id bellum celebrata frequentia proditum memoriae est.
38.8. From every side they had come together, not only to vote but also to get a sight of Publius Scipio, and they flocked in large numbers both to his house and to him on the Capitol as he was sacrificing, offering up to Jupiter the hundred oxen he had vowed in Spain.
38.8. conuenerant undique non suffragandi modo sed etiam spectandi causa P. Scipionis, concurrebantque et domum frequentes et in Capitolium ad immolantem eum cum centum bubus uotis in Hispania Ioui sacrificaret;
38.9. They promised themselves also that, just as Gaius Lutatius had finished the former Punic war, so Publius Cornelius would finish the war that was upon them;
38.9. spondebantque animis, sicut C. Lutatius superius bellum Punicum finisset, ita id quod instaret P. Cornelium finiturum, atque uti Hispania omni Poenos expulisset, sic Italia pulsurum esse;
38.10. and that as he had driven the Carthaginians entirely out of Spain, so he would drive them out of Italy; further assuring themselves that Africa should be his province, just as if the war in Italy were over.
38.10. Africamque ei perinde ac debellatum in Italia foret prouinciam destinabant. praetoria inde comitia habita.
38.11. Then the election of praetors was held. Two who at that time were plebeian aediles were elected, Spurius Lucretius and Gnaeus Octavius, and from private life Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Lucius Aemilius Papus.
38.11. creati duo qui tum aediles plebis erant, Sp. Lucretius et Cn. Octauius, et ex priuatis Cn. Seruilius Caepio et L. Aemilius Papus.
38.12. In the fourteenth year of the Punic war, at the time Publius Cornelius Scipio and Publius Licinius Crassus entered upon their consulship, the consuls' provinces were designated, Sicily for Scipio — without casting lots, as his colleague gave way because the charge of religious rites kept a pontifex maximus in Italy —and the land of the Bruttians for Crassus.
38.12. quarto decimo anno Punici belli P. Cornelius Scipio et P. Licinius Crassus ut consulatum inierunt, nominatae consulibus prouinciae sunt, Sicilia Scipioni extra sortem, concedente collega quia cura sacrorum pontificem maximum in Italia retinebat, Bruttii Crasso.
38.13. Then the praetorian assignments were determined by lot. The city praetorship fell to Gnaeus Servilius, Ariminum —so they used to designate Gaul —to Spurius Lucretius, Sicily to Lucius Aemilius, Sardinia to Gnaeus Octavius. The senate met on the Capitol.
38.13. tum praetoriae prouinciae in sortem coniectae. urbana Cn. Seruilio obtigit, Ariminum —ita Galliam appellabant— Sp. Lucretio, Sicilia L. Aemilio, Cn. Octauio Sardinia. senatus in Capitolio habitus.
38.14. There, the question being raised by Publius Scipio, a decree of the senate was passed that the games which he had vowed during the mutiny of the soldiers in Spain should be celebrated by him, drawing upon the money which he had himself brought into the treasury.
38.14. ibi referente P. Scipione senatus consultum factum est ut quos ludos inter seditionem militarem in Hispania uouisset, ex ea pecunia quam ipse in aerarium detulisset faceret.
39.1. Thereupon he presented the ambassadors from Saguntum. The eldest of these spoke as follows: "Although no calamity exists which goes beyond what we have suffered, conscript fathers, in our desire to keep our faith with you to the very end, nevertheless, such have been your services and those of your generals towards us that we do not regret our disasters.
39.1. tum Saguntinorum legatos in senatum introduxit. ex eis maximus natu: 'etsi nihil ultra malorum est, patres conscripti, quam quod passi sumus ut ad ultimum fidem uobis praestaremus, tamen ea uestra merita imperatorumque uestrorum erga nos fuerunt ut nos cladium nostrarum non paeniteat.
39.2. You undertook the war on our account; having undertaken it you have carried it on with such persistence through thirteen years that often you yourselves reached the extreme of danger and brought the Carthaginian people often to the same pass.
39.2. bellum propter nos suscepistis; susceptum quartum decimum annum tam pertinaciter geritis ut saepe ad ultimum discrimen et ipsi ueneritis et populum Carthaginiensem adduxeritis.
39.3. Although in Italy you had so terrible a war and Hannibal as your enemy, you sent a consul with his army into Spain, as if to gather up the flotsam of our shipwreck.
39.3. cum in Italia tam atrox bellum et Hannibalem hostem haberetis, consulem cum exercitu in Hispaniam uelut ad conciliandas reliquias naufragii nostri misistis.
39.4. Publius Cornelius and Gnaeus Cornelius from the time when they came into the province never ceased doing what was in our favour and against our enemies.
39.4. P. et Cn. Cornelii ex quo in prouinciam uenerunt nullo tempore destiterunt quae nobis secunda quaeque aduersa hostibus nostris essent facere.
39.5. First of all they restored our city to us; they sent men all over Spain in search of our citizens who had been sold and out of slavery restored them to freedom.
39.5. iam omnium primum oppidum nobis restituerunt; per omnem Hispaniam ciues nostros uenum datos, dimissis qui conquirerent, ex seruitute in libertatem restituerunt.
39.6. When now we had almost attained an enviable lot after the utmost misery, Publius Cornelius and Gnaeus Cornelius, your generals, brought almost more sorrow to us than to you by their death.
39.6. cum iam prope esset ut optabilem ex miserrima fortunam haberemus, P. et Cn. Cornelii imperatores uestri luctuosius nobis prope quam uobis perierunt.
39.7. ."Then indeed we seemed to ourselves to have been dragged back from distant places to our former abode merely to perish again and to witness a second destruction of our native city. We were thinking also that there was no need whatever of a Carthaginian general or army for our ruin, that we could be wiped out by the Turduli, our oldest enemies, who had been responsible for our former destruction as well, when suddenly and unexpectedly you sent us this Publius Scipio.
39.7. 'tum uero ad hoc retracti ex distantibus locis in sedem antiquam uidebamur ut iterum periremus et alterum exci- dium patriae uideremus—nec ad perniciem nostram Carthaginiensi utique aut duce aut exercitu opus esse: ab Turdulis nos ueterrimis hostibus, qui prioris quoque excidii causa nobis fuerant,
39.9. In seeing him declared consul and in reporting, as we intend, to our citizens that we have seen him, our hope, our help, our safety, so elected we deem ourselves the most fortunate of all the Saguntines.
39.9. exstingui posse—cum ex insperato repente misistis nobis hunc P. Scipionem, quem fortunatissimi omnium Saguntinorum uidemur quia consulem declaratum uidemus ac uidisse nos ciuibus nostris renuntiaturi sumus, spem, opem, salutem nostram;
39.10. On capturing many cities of your enemies in Spain he everywhere separated Saguntines from the number of captives and sent them back to their native city. Finally, as for Turdetania, which was so hostile to us that Saguntum could not stand if that tribe was preserved, he so crushed it in war that not only we, but even our descendants do not need to fear it —without boasting be it said! We see the ruined city of a people to favour whom Hannibal had destroyed Saguntum.
39.10. qui cum plurimas hostium uestrorum cepisset in Hispania urbes, ubique ex captorum numero excretos Saguntinos in patriam remisit; postremo Turdetaniam, adeo infestam nobis ut illa gente incolumi stare Saguntum non posset, ita bello adflixit ut non modo nobis sed—absit uerbo inuidia—ne posteris quidem timenda nostris esset.
39.12. We receive from their territory a revenue which is not more welcome to us as income than as vengeance. For these things —and we could not hope or pray for greater things from the immortal gods —the senate and people of Saguntum have sent us, ten ambassadors, to you to express our thanks, at the same time to congratulate you because for these years you have so conducted the war in Spain
39.12. deletam urbem cernimus eorum quorum in gratiam Saguntum deleuerat Hannibal; uectigal ex agro eorum capimus quod nobis non fructu iucundius est quam ultione. ob haec, quibus maiora nec sperare nec optare ab dis immortalibus poteramus, gratias actum nos decem legatos Saguntinus senatus populusque ad uos misit;
39.14. and in Italy that you hold Spain subdued by arms, not merely so far as the river Hiberus, but even where Ocean sets bounds to the most distant lands, and have left the Carthaginian only so much of Italy as the fortification of his camp encircles.
39.14. simul gratulatum quod ita res hos annos in Hispania atque Italia gessistis ut Hispaniam non Hibero amne tenus sed qua terrarum ultimas finit Oceanus domitam armis habeatis, Italiae nisi quatenus uallum castrorum cingit nihil reliqueritis Poeno.
39.15. To Jupiter greatest and best, defender of the Capitoline citadel, we have been bidden not merely to render thanks for all this but with your permission to carry this gift of a golden wreath also to the Capitol on account of your victory. We beg you to permit this, and if it seems best to you, that you ratify and perpetuate by your authority those advantages which your generals have bestowed upon us.
39.15. Ioui optimo maximo, praesidi Capitolinae arcis, non grates tantum ob haec agere iussi sumus sed donum hoc etiam, si uos permitteretis, coronam auream in Capitolium uictoriae ergo ferre.
39.16. The senate replied to the Saguntine ambassadors that the destruction and restoration of Saguntum would be to all nations an example of a loyalty which both allies have maintained;
39.16. id uti permittatis quaesumus, utique, si uobis ita uidetur, quae nobis imperatores uestri commoda tribuerunt, ea rata atque perpetua auctoritate uestra faciatis.'
39.17. that its generals had been entirely right and had complied with the wish of the senate in restoring Saguntum and rescuing the citizens of Saguntum from slavery;
39.17. senatus legatis Saguntinis respondit et dirutum et restitutum Saguntum fidei socialis utrimque seruatae documentum omnibus gentibus fore;
39.18. and that where ever the generals had treated them with consideration the senate had approved of such action; that they permitted them to deposit their gift on the Capitol. It was then ordered that lodgings and comforts be provided for the ambassadors, and that to each of them be presented not less than ten thousand asses as a gift.
39.18. suos imperatores recte et ordine et ex uoluntate senatus fecisse quod Saguntum restituerint ciuesque Saguntinos seruitio exemerint; quaeque alia eis benigne fecerint, ea senatum ita uoluisse fieri; donum permittere ut in Capitolio ponerent.
39.19. Then the rest of the embassies were introduced into the senate and had their hearing.
39.19. locus inde lautiaque legatis praeberi iussa et muneris ergo in singulos dari ne minus dena milia aeris.
39.20. And upon request of the Saguntines that they might make a tour of Italy so far as they could safely do so, guides were furnished them and letters sent to the different towns, bidding them to receive the Spaniards hospitably.
39.20. legationes deinde ceterae in senatum introductae auditaeque; et petentibus Saguntinis ut quatenus tuto possent Italiam spectatum irent, duces dati litteraeque per oppida missae ut Hispanos comiter acciperent.
39.22. Thereupon the senate took up matters concerning the state, the enrolment of armies, the assignment of posts.
39.22. tum de re publica, de exercitibus scribendis, de prouinciis relatum.
40.1. While it was commonly reported that without casting lots Africa was to be assigned to Publius Scipio as a new province, he himself, no longer satisfied with moderate fame, kept saying that he had been named consul not only to carry on the war but also to finish it. This was impossible unless he should himself transport his army to Africa, he said, openly declaring that he would accomplish that result by popular vote if the senate should oppose.
40.1. cum Africam nouam prouinciam extra sortem P. Scipioni destinari homines fama ferrent, et ipse nulla iam modica gloria contentus non ad gerendum modo bellum sed ad finiendum diceret se consulem declaratum, neque id aliter fieri posse quam si ipse in Africam exercitum transportasset, et acturum se id per populum aperte ferret si senatus aduersaretur,—id consilium haudquaquam primoribus patrum cum placeret, ceteri per metum aut ambitionem mussarent,