19.18. Then the resistance of the townsmen was broken and, once the defenders had been dislodged, the walls were occupied. The citadel also in the midst of the confusion was captured from the side on which it appeared to be impregnable.
19.18. et ex altera parte Laelius institit. tum uicta oppidanorum uis deiectisque propugnatoribus occupantur muri. arx etiam ab ea parte qua inexpugnabilis uidebatur inter tumultum capta est:
20.1. African deserters, who were at that time in the Roman auxiliaries, just when the townsmen had turned to the defence of places where the danger was evident, while at the same time the Romans kept coming up ... by any possible approach, caught sight of a very lofty part of the city lacking any kind of fortifications, lacking defenders as well, because it was protected by a very high cliff.
20.1. transfugae Afri, qui tum inter auxilia Romana erant, et oppidanis in ea tuenda unde periculum uidebatur uersis et Romanis subeuntibus qua adire poterant, conspexerunt editissimam urbis partem, quia rupe praealta tegebatur, neque opere ullo munitam et ab defensoribus uacuam.
20.3. Men of light build and nimble, thanks to much training, they carried iron spikes with them and climbed up wherever they could over the irregular projections of the cliff.
20.3. leuium corporum homines et multa exercitatione pernicium, clauos secum ferreos portantes, qua per inaequaliter eminentia rupis poterant scandunt.
20.4. Wherever they encountered rock too steep and smooth, by driving in spikes at suitable intervals they made something like steps.
20.4. sicubi nimis arduum et leue saxum occurrebat, clauos per modica interualla figentes cum uelut gradus fecissent, primi insequentes extrahentes manu, postremi subleuantes eos qui prae se irent, in summum euadunt.
20.5. Then while the first men with their hands drew up those who followed and the last pushed up those ahead of them, they made their way up to the summit. Thence they dashed down with a shout into the city already captured by the Romans. It was then in truth evident that the city had been attacked out of anger and hatred. No one thought of taking men alive, no one thought of booty, although every place was open for plunder. They slaughtered the unarmed and the armed alike, women as well as men; cruel anger went even so far as to slay infants.
20.5. inde decurrunt cum clamore in urbem iam captam ab Romanis. tum uero apparuit ab ira et ab odio urbem oppugnatam esse. nemo capiendi uiuos, nemo patentibus ad direptionem omnibus praedae memor est; trucidant inermes iuxta atque armatos, feminas pariter ac uiros; usque ad infantium caedem ira crudelis peruenit.
20.7. Then they threw firebrands into houses and demolished what could not be consumed by the flames. So delighted were they to destroy even the traces of the city and to blot out the memory of their enemies' abode.
20.7. ignem deinde tectis iniciunt ac diruunt quae incendio absumi nequeunt; adeo uestigia quoque urbis exstinguere ac delere memoriam hostium sedis cordi est.
20.8. Scipio then led his army to Castulo, a city defended not only by Spaniards from other places but also by remnants of the Carthaginian army after a scattering flight in every direction.
20.8. Castulonem inde Scipio exercitum ducit, quam urbem non Hispani modo conuenae sed Punici etiam exercitus ex dissipata passim fuga reliquiae tutabantur.
20.9. But Scipio's coming had been preceded by a report of the disaster at Iliturgi, and in consequence alarm and despair had taken possession.
20.9. sed aduentum Scipionis praeuenerat fama cladis Iliturgitanorum terrorque inde ac desperatio inuaserat;
20.10. Also as their interests were different, since everyone wished to be safeguarded himself without regard to any one else, at first unexpressed suspicion, then open discord produced a separation between Carthaginians and Spaniards.
20.10. et in diuersis causis cum sibi quisque consultum sine alterius respectu uellet, primo tacita suspicio, deinde aperta discordia secessionem inter Carthaginienses atque Hispanos fecit.
20.11. The latter were commanded by Cerdubelus, an open advocate of surrender, the Punic auxiliaries by Himilco. After receiving a secret promise Cerdubelus betrayed garrison and city to the Roman commander.
20.11. his Cerdubelus propalam deditionis auctor, Himilco Punicis auxiliaribus praeerat; quos urbemque clam fide accepta Cerdubelus Romano prodit.
20.12. More merciful was this victory. Not so serious a crime had been committed and voluntary surrender had greatly appeased their anger.
20.12. mitior ea uictoria fuit; nec tantundem noxae admissum erat et aliquantum irae lenierat uoluntaria deditio.
21.1. Marcius was thereupon sent to bring under Roman sway and authority any barbarians who had not yet been thoroughly subdued. Scipio returned to (New) Carthage to pay his vows to the gods and to conduct the gladiatorial show which he had prepared in honour of his deceased father and uncle. The exhibition of gladiators was not made up from the class of men which managers are in the habit of pitting against each other, that is, slaves sold on the platform and free men who are ready to sell their lives.
21.1. Marcius inde in barbaros si qui nondum perdomiti erant sub ius dicionemque redigendos missus. Scipio Carthaginem ad uota soluenda dis munusque gladiatorium, quod mortis causa patris patruique parauerat, edendum rediit. gladiatorum spectaculum fuit non ex eo genere hominum ex quo lanistis comparare mos est, seruorum de catasta ac liberorum qui uenalem sanguinem habent:
21.2. In every case the service of the men who fought was voluntary and without compensation.
21.2. uoluntaria omnis et gratuita opera pugnantium fuit.
21.3. For some were sent by their chieftains to display an example of the courage inbred in their tribe; some declared on their own motion that they would fight to please the general; in other cases rivalry and the desire to compete led them to challenge or, if challenged, not to refuse.
21.3. nam alii missi ab regulis sunt ad specimen insitae genti uirtutis ostendendum, alii ipsi professi se pugnaturos in gratiam ducis, alios aemulatio et certamen ut prouocarent prouocatique haud abnuerent traxit;
21.5. Some who had been unable or unwilling to end their differences by a legal hearing, after agreeing that the disputed property should fall to the victor, settled the matter with the sword.
21.5. quidam quas disceptando controuersias finire nequierant aut noluerant, pacto inter se ut uictorem res sequeretur, ferro decreuerunt.
21.6. Men also of no obscure family but conspicuous and distinguished, Corbis and Orsua, being cousins and competing for the post of chief of a city called Ibes, declared that they would contend with the sword. Corbis was the older in years.
21.6. neque obscuri generis homines sed clari inlustresque, Corbis et Orsua, patrueles fratres, de principatu ciuitatis quam Ibem uocabant ambigentes ferro se certaturos professi sunt.
21.7. Orsua's father had lately been chief, having succeeded to an elder brother's rank upon his death.
21.7. Corbis maior erat aetate: Orsuae pater princeps proxime fuerat a fratre maiore post mortem eius principatu accepto.
21.8. When Scipio desired to settle the question by a hearing and to calm their anger, they both said they had refused that request to their common relatives, and that they were to have as their judge no other god or man than Mars.
21.8. cum uerbis disceptare Scipio uellet ac sedare iras, negatum id ambo dicere cognatis communibus, nec alium deorum hominumue quam Martem se iudicem habituros esse.
21.9. The older man was confident in his strength, the younger in the bloom of his youth, each preferring death in the combat rather than to be subject to the rule of the other. Since they could not be made to give up such madness, they furnished the army a remarkable spectacle, demonstrating how great an evil among mortals is the ambition to rule.
21.9. robore maior, minor flore aetatis ferox, mortem in certamine quam ut alter alterius imperio subiceretur praeoptantes cum dirimi ab tanta rabie nequirent, insigne spectaculum exercitui praebuere documentumque quantum cupiditas imperii malum inter mortales esset.
21.10. The older man by his skill with arms and by his cunning easily mastered the brute strength of the younger. In addition to this gladiatorial show there were funeral games so far as the resources of the province and camp equipment permitted.
21.10. maior usu armorum et astu facile stolidas uires minoris superauit. huic gladiatorum spectaculo ludi funebres additi pro copia prouinciali et castrensi apparatu.
22.1. Meantime operations were carried on no less actively by the lieutenants. Marcius after crossing the river Baetis, which the inhabitants call Certis, accepted the surrender of two rich cities without an engagement.
22.1. res interim nihilo minus ab legatis gerebantur. Marcius superato Baete amni, quem incolae Certim appellant, duas opulentas ciuitates sine certamine in deditionem accepit. Astapa urbs erat Carthaginiensium semper partis;
22.2. There was the city of Astapa, always on the side of the Carthaginians; and this did not so much justify anger as that they bore a particular hatred against the Romans over and above the exigencies of war.
22.2. neque id tam dignum ira erat quam quod extra necessitates belli praecipuum in Romanos gerebant odium.
22.3. Nor did they have a city secure either by reason of its situation or fortifications to make them over-confident. But their natural delight in brigandage had impelled the inhabitants to make raids into adjoining territory of allies of the Roman people and to capture stray Roman soldiers and sutlers and merchants.
22.3. nec urbem aut situ aut munimento tutam habebant quae ferociores iis animos faceret; sed ingenia incolarum latrocinio laeta ut excursiones in finitimum agrum sociorum populi Romani facerent impulerant et uagos milites Romanos lixasque et mercatores exciperent.
22.4. Even a caravan —large because there had been too little safety for small numbers —crossing their territory had been entrapped in an unfavourable spot by an ambuscade and cut to pieces.
22.4. magnum etiam comitatum, quia paucis parum tutum fuerat, transgredientem fines positis insidiis circumuentum iniquo loco interfecerant.
22.5. When the army had been brought up to lay siege to this city, the men of the town, prompted by a guilty conscience, because neither surrender to an enemy so incensed seemed safe nor was there any hope of defending their lives by walls and arms, resolved to carry out against themselves and their families a brutal and barbarous act.
22.5. ad hanc urbem oppugnandam cum admotus exercitus esset, oppidani conscientia scelerum, quia nec deditio tuta ad tam infestos uidebatur neque spes moenibus aut armis tuendae salutis erat, facinus in se ac suos foedum ac ferum consciscunt.
22.6. A spot in the marketplace was selected where they were to bring together their most valuable possessions. Having ordered their wives and children to sit down upon that heap they piled up wood all around and threw on bundles of brush.
22.6. locum in foro destinant quo pretiosissima rerum suarum congererent. super eum cumulum coniuges ac liberos considere cum iussissent, ligna circa exstruunt fascesque uirgultorum coniciunt.
22.7. They then instructed fifty armed young men to keep guard at that place, so long as the issue of the battle was uncertain, over their treasures and over persons that were dearer than treasures.
22.7. quinquaginta deinde armatis iuuenibus praecipiunt ut, donec incertus euentus pugnae esset, praesidium eo loco fortunarum suarum corporumque quae cariora fortunis essent seruarent;
22.8. If they should see that the battle had gone against them and the city was on the point of being captured, they were to know that all those whom they now saw marching out to battle would meet death where they were fighting.
22.8. si rem inclinatam uiderent atque in eo iam esse ut urbs caperetur, scirent omnes quos euntes in proelium cernerent mortem in ipsa pugna obituros;
22.9. They implored them, they said, by the gods above and below to remember the freedom which must be brought to an end that day either by an honourable death or an infamous slavery, and leave nothing upon which an angry enemy might vent his fury.
22.9. illos se per deos superos inferosque orare ut memores libertatis, quae illo die aut morte honesta aut seruitute infami finienda esset, nihil relinquerent in quod saeuire iratus hostis posset;
22.10. Sword and firebrand were in their hands; let friendly and loyal hands destroy all that was doomed to perish, rather than have the enemy offer indignities with insolent mockery.
22.10. ferrum ignemque in manibus esse; amicae ac fideles potius ea quae peritura forent absumerent manus quam insultarent superbo ludibrio hostes.
22.11. To these exhortations they added a dreadful curse, in case hope or weakness of character should turn any one from their purpose. Then at the double they burst out of wide-open gates with a great uproar.
22.11. his adhortationibus exsecratio dira adiecta si quem a proposito spes mollitiaue animi flexisset. inde concitato agmine patentibus portis ingenti cum tumultu erumpunt;
22.12. And no outpost in sufficient strength had been stationed to face them, since nothing less could be feared than that the besieged should venture to sally out from the walls. A very few troops of cavalry and such light-armed infantry as were suddenly sent out of the camp for that very purpose encountered them.
22.12. neque erat ulla satis firma statio opposita, quia nihil minus quam ut egredi moenibus auderent timeri poterat. perpaucae equitum turmae leuisque armatura repente e castris ad id ipsum emissa occurrit.
22.13. The battle was fierce in courageous onslaught rather than regular in any formation. Accordingly the horsemen who had been the first to confront the enemy were beaten back and brought panic to the light-armed. The fighting would also have been directly outside the earthwork had not the heavy legionary infantry drawn up their line of battle in spite of the very short time given them to form.
22.13. acrior impetu atque animis quam compositior ordine ullo pugna fuit. itaque pulsus eques qui primus se hosti obtulerat terrorem intulit leui armaturae; pugnatumque sub ipso uallo foret, ni robur legionum perexiguo ad instruendum dato tempore aciem direxisset.
22.14. Even there for a short time there was some alarm in the front line, while men blinded by frenzy dashed on to meet wounds and steel with mad recklessness. Then the veteran soldiers, steadfast against rash attacks, by slaying the first men checked those who followed.
22.14. ibi quoque trepidatum parumper circa signa est cum caeci furore in uolnera ac ferrum uecordi audacia ruerent; dein uetus miles, aduersus temerarios impetus pertinax, caede primorum insequentes suppressit.
22.15. A little later, venturing to take the offensive, when they saw no one giving way and every man resolutely dying in his tracks, they extended their line, as superior numbers of armed men made it possible for them to do, outflanked the enemy, and as they fought in circular formation slew them to the last man.
22.15. conatus paulo post ultro inferre pedem, ut neminem cedere atque obstinatos mori in uestigio quemque suo uidit, patefacta acie, quod ut facere posset multitudo armatorum facile suppeditabat, cornua hostium amplexus, in orbem pugnantes ad unum omnes occidit.
23.1. Such slaughter, however, arose from the attack of a furious enemy, fighting at that moment according to the law of war against armed men resisting.
23.1. atque haec tamen hostium iratorum ltin moremgt ac tum maxime dimicantium iure belli in armatos repugnantesque edebantur:
23.2. More horrible was another butchery within the city, when their own citizens were slaying an unarmed, unresisting throng of women and children and throwing bodies, very often only half-dead, upon a pyre they had lighted, and streams of blood were putting out the rising flames. Finally the men, exhausted by the pitiful slaying of their own kin, threw themselves and their arms into the midst of the fire.
23.2. foedior alia in urbe trucidatio erat cum turbam feminarum puerorumque imbellem inermem ciues sui caederent et in succensum rogum semianima pleraque inicerent corpora riuique sanguinis flammam orientem restinguerent: postremo ipsi caede miseranda suorum fatigati cum armis medio incendio se iniecerunt.
23.3. The slaughter was already finished when the victorious Romans arrived. And at the first sight of so terrible a scene they stood for a little while stunned with amazement.
23.3. iam caedi perpetratae uictores Romani superuenerunt. ac primo conspectu tam foedae rei mirabundi parumper obstipuerunt;
23.4. Then, when gold and silver glistened in the heap of other objects and with the eagerness which is natural to man they were trying to snatch them from the flames, some caught fire themselves, others were scorched by the hot blast, since those in front had no way of escape, while the mass of men pressed upon them from the rear.
23.4. dein cum aurum argentumque cumulo rerum aliarum interfulgens auiditate ingenii humani rapere ex igni uellent, correpti alii flamma sunt, alii ambusti adflatu uaporis, cum receptus primis urgente ab tergo ingenti turba non esset.
23.5. Thus was Astapa destroyed by sword and fire without booty for the soldiers. Marcius, having received the surrender of all the other tribes of that region owing to their fear, led his victorious army back to Scipio at (New) Carthage.
23.5. ita Astapa sine praeda militum ferro ignique absumpta est. Marcius ceteris eius regionis metu in deditionem acceptis uictorem exercitum Carthaginem ad Scipionem reduxit.
23.6. About the same time came deserters from Gades promising to betray the city and the Punic garrison in that city and the commander of the garrison together with the fleet.
23.6. per eos ipsos dies perfugae a Gadibus uenerunt pollicentes urbem Punicumque praesidium quod in ea urbe esset et imperatorem praesidii cum classe prodituros.
23.7. Mago after his flight had halted there, and having assembled ships on the Ocean, he had gathered up a considerable force of auxiliaries both from the African coast across the strait and from the nearest places in Spain with the help of Hanno, the prefect.
23.7. Mago ibi ex fuga substiterat, nauibusque in Oceano conlectis aliquantum auxiliorum et trans fretum ex Africa ora et ex proximis Hispaniae locis per Hannonem praefectum coegerat.
23.8. Promises were received from the deserters and given them, and Marcius with cohorts lightly equipped and Laelius also with seven triremes and one quinquereme were sent thither, to carry on the campaign by land and sea with a single plan.
23.8. fide accepta dataque perfugis, et Marcius eo cum expeditis cohortibus et Laelius cum septem triremibus quinqueremi una est missus ut terra marique communi consilio rem gererent.
24.1. Scipio himself fell ill with an alarming malady, but still more alarming as reported, since everyone added something to what he had heard, with the inbred human passion for purposely magnifying rumours. His illness agitated the whole province and especially the distant parts of it.
24.1. Scipio ipse graui morbo implicitus, grauiore tamen fama cum ad id quisque quod audierat insita hominibus libidine alendi de industria rumores adiceret aliquid, prouinciam omnem ac maxime longinqua eius turbauit;
24.2. And how serious a situation would have been created if the fatality had been real was evident, since an empty report had stirred up such tempests. Allies did not remain loyal, nor the army mindful of duty.
24.2. apparuitque quantam excitatura molem uera fuisset clades cum uanus rumor tantas procellas exciuisset. non socii in fide, non exercitus in officio mansit.
24.3. Mandonius and Indibilis, because they had reckoned upon a kingdom of Spain for themselves when the Carthaginians should be expelled from it, and yet nothing to match their hopes had come to them, stirred up their countrymen —and they were Lacetani —called out the young men of the Celtiberians and ravaged the territory of the Suessetani and Sedetani, allies of the Roman people, in warlike fashion.
24.3. Mandonius et Indibilis, quibus quia regnum sibi Hispaniae pulsis inde Carthaginiensibus destinarant animis nihil pro spe contigerat, concitatis popularibus—Lacetani autem erant—et iuuentute Celtiberorum excita agrum Suessetanum Sedetanumque sociorum populi Romani hostiliter depopulati sunt. ciuilis alius furor in castris ad Sucronem ortus;
24.5. From citizens sprang a different outbreak in the camp near Sucro.
24.5. octo ibi milia militum erant, praesidium gentibus quae cis Hiberum incolunt impositum.
24.6. Eight thousand soldiers were there, posted as a garrison for the tribes dwelling on this side of the Ebro. Their disloyalty, however, was not just beginning when unsubstantiated reports of the general's imminent danger reached them, but existed even before, owing to the usual licence resulting from long inaction. It was also to some extent because men accustomed to live unrestrainedly on plunder in an enemy's territory felt the pinch of peace-time.
24.6. motae autem eorum mentes sunt non tum primum cum de uita imperatoris rumores dubii allati sunt, sed iam ante licentia ex diutino, ut fit, otio conlecta, et nonnihil quod in hostico laxius rapto suetis uiuere artiores in pace res erant.
24.7. And at first they merely engaged in secret conversations: If there was a war in the province, what were they doing among people already pacified? If the war was over now and the province set in order, why were they not transported back to Italy?
24.7. ac primo sermones tantum occulti serebantur: si bellum in prouincia esset, quid sese inter pacatos facere? si debellatum iam et confecta prouincia esset, cur in Italiam non reuehi?
24.8. They made demands also for their pay with more petulance than accorded with the customary self-control of the soldier; and sentries heaped reproaches on tribunes making the rounds of the guard, and at night some men had gone out for plunder into peaceful country all around. Finally by day and openly without permission they would leave their standards.
24.8. flagitatum quoque stipendium procacius quam ex more et modestia militari erat, et ab custodibus probra in circumeuntes uigilias tribunos iacta, et noctu quidam praedatum in agrum circa pacatum ierant; postremo interdiu ac propalam sine commeatu ab signis abibant.
24.9. Everything was being done in accordance with the whim and fancy of the soldiers, nothing according to the traditions and discipline of the service or the orders of superior officers.
24.9. omnia libidine ac licentia militum, nihil instituto aut disciplina militiae aut imperio eorum qui praeerant gerebatur.
24.10. The outward appearance, however, of a Roman camp was maintained in this alone, that, believing the tribunes, infected with their madness, would not fail to share their mutiny and revolt, they permitted them to hear cases before the headquarters, went to them for the password and did outpost and guard duty in succession.
24.10. forma tamen Romanorum castrorum constabat una ea spe quod tribunos ex contagione furoris haud expertes seditionis defectionisque rati fore, et iura reddere in principiis sinebant et signum ab eis petebant et in stationes ac uigilias ordine ibant;
24.11. Moreover, though they had robbed their command of power, yet they kept up a show of obedience while actually giving orders themselves.
24.11. et ut uim imperii abstulerant, ita speciem dicto parentium ultro sibi ipsi imperantes seruabant.
24.12. Then the mutiny broke out after they observed that the tribunes censured and disapproved of what was being done and were endeavouring actively to oppose it, also openly declaring that they would not be partners in their madness.
24.12. erupit deinde seditio, postquam reprehendere atque improbare tribunos ea quae fierent et conari obuiam ire et propalam abnuere furoris eorum se futuros socios senserunt.
24.13. Accordingly, chasing the tribunes out of the space before headquarters and soon after out of the camp, they by common consent bestowed the command upon the leaders of the mutiny, the privates Gaius Albius of Gales and Gaius Atrius, an Umbrian.
24.13. fugatis itaque ex principiis ac post paulo e castris tribunis ad principes seditionis gregarios milites C. Albium Calenum et C. Atrium Umbrum delatum omnium consensu imperium est;
24.14. These men, not at all satisfied with the distinguishing marks of tribunes, ventured to pollute the insignia of the very highest command, the fasces and axes. Nor did it occur to them that those rods and axes, which they caused to be carried before them to frighten others, were hanging over their own backs and their own necks.
24.14. qui nequaquam tribuniciis contenti ornamentis, insignia etiam summi imperii, fasces securesque, attractare ausi; neque eis uenit in mentem suis tergis suis ceruicibus uirgas illas securesque imminere quas ad metum aliorum praeferrent.
24.15. The unfounded belief in Scipio's death was the cause of their blindness and, once rumour of it should presently be spread abroad, they had no doubt that all Spain would be ablaze with war.
24.15. mors Scipionis falso credita occaecabat animos, sub cuius uolgatam iam famam non dubitabant totam Hispaniam arsuram bello:
24.16. In that uprising, they thought, money could be exacted from allies, and also neighbouring cities plundered; and in the confusion, when any man would dare anything, what they had themselves done would be less conspicuous.
24.16. in eo tumultu et sociis pecunias imperari et diripi propinquas urbes posse; et turbatis rebus cum omnia omnes auderent minus insignia fore quae ipsi fecissent.
25.1. While they waited from moment to moment for fresh news, expecting to hear not only of his death but even of his funeral, and yet none came and the groundless report was losing hold, then its first sponsors began to be sought out.
25.1. cum alios subinde recentes nuntios non mortis modo sed etiam funeris exspectarent, neque superueniret quisquam euanesceretque temere ortus rumor, tum primi auctores requiri coepti;
25.2. And as one after another drew back, that he might be thought to have rashly believed such a thing rather than to have invented it, the deserted leaders were now alarmed at their own insignia and, in place of the empty semblance of command which was theirs, at the real, duly bestowed authority that would presently turn against them.
25.2. et subtrahente se quoque ut credidisse potius temere quam finxisse rem talem uideri posset, destituti duces iam sua ipsi insignia et pro uana imagine imperii quod gererent ueram iustamque mox in se uersuram potestatem horrebant.
25.3. Thus when the mutiny was at a standstill and credible informants brought the news, first that Scipio was alive, and then that he was even well, seven tribunes of the soldiers arrived, being sent by Scipio himself.
25.3. stupente ita seditione cum uiuere primo, mox etiam ualere Scipionem certi auctores adferrent, tribuni militum septem ab ipso Scipione missi superuenerunt.
25.4. Upon their arrival there was at first irritation; soon after, as the tribunes themselves by mild words calmed acquaintances whom they had met, the men were less resentful.
25.4. ad quorum primum aduentum exasperati animi: mox ipsis placido sermone permulcentibus notos cum quibus congressi erant, leniti sunt.
25.5. For going round at first among the tents, then in the headquarters square and before the general's tent, where they saw groups talking together, they would speak to the men, asking them what was the reason for their anger and their sudden mania, instead of finding fault with them for what they had done.
25.5. circumeuntes enim tentoria primo, deinde in principiis praetorioque ubi sermones inter se serentium circulos uidissent adloquebantur, percontantes magis quae causa irae consternationisque subitae foret quam factum accusantes.
25.6. A common complaint was that their pay had not been given them on the proper date; also that, whereas at the time when the men of Iliturgi had committed their crime, after the slaughter of the two commanders-in-chief and the two armies, the Roman name had been defended and the province retained by their own courage, yet, while the Iliturgians now had a due punishment for their crime, there was no one to reward their own good deeds.
25.6. uolgo stipendium non datum ad diem iactabatur, et cum eodem tempore quo scelus Iliturgitanum exstitisset post duorum imperatorum duorumque exercituum stragem sua uirtute defensum nomen Romanum ac retenta prouincia esset, Iliturgitanos poenam noxae meritam habere, suis recte factis gratiam qui exsoluat non esse.
25.7. In reply the tribunes said that those who complained of such matters only were making just pleas, and they would report them to the commander-in-chief.
25.7. talia querentes aequa orare seque ea relaturos ad imperatorem respondebant; laetari quod nihil tristius nec insanabilius esset; et P. Scipionem deum benignitate et rem publicam esse gratiae referendae.
25.8. They were glad that there was nothing more serious nor more incurable; and by favour of the gods Scipio and the republic, they said, were in a position to show gratitude.
25.8. Scipionem, bellis adsuetum, ad seditionum procellas rudem, sollicitum habebat res ne aut exercitus peccando aut ipse puniendo modum excederet.
25.9. Scipio, who was familiar with wars but unacquainted with the gusts of mutinies, was kept in a state of concern lest either the army should go to excess in wrong-doing or he himself in punishing them.
25.9. in praesentia, ut coepisset, leniter agi placuit et missis circa stipendiarias ciuitates exactoribus stipendii spem propinquam facere;
25.10. For the present he decided to use gentle measures, as he had begun to do, and to bring the hope of pay nearer by sending collectors round the tributary states.
25.10. et edictum subinde propositum ut ad stipendium petendum conuenirent Carthaginem, seu carptim partes seu uniuersi mallent.
25.11. Next an edict was posted up that they should assemble at (New) Carthage to get their pay, whether they preferred to do so as separate units or all together. The mutiny, already of itself on the wane, was quelled by sudden peace on the part of the rebellious Spaniards.
25.11. tranquillam seditionem iam per se languescentem repentina quies rebellantium Hispanorum fecit; redierant enim in fines omisso incepto Mandonius et Indibilis, postquam uiuere Scipionem allatum est;
25.12. For Mandonius and Indibilis had abandoned their project and retired to their borders when they had news that Scipio was alive. Nor was there either a fellow-citizen or foreigner any longer with whom the soldiers might share their madness.
25.12. nec iam erat aut ciuis aut externus cum quo furorem suum consociarent. omnia circumspectantes [consilia] nihil reliqui habebant praeter unum tutissimum a malis consiliis receptum, ut imperatoris uel iustae irae uel non desperandae clementiae sese committerent:
25.13. On surveying all possible plans they had nothing left except a not altogether safe retreat from criminal designs, namely, to give themselves up either to the commander's well-grounded anger or to his mercy, as not beyond their hopes. He had pardoned even enemies, they said, with whom he had fought with the sword; their mutiny had been free from wounds, free from bloodshed, and neither in itself savage nor meriting a savage punishment. So unduly eloquent is human nature in minimizing one's own guilt.
25.13. etiam hostibus eum ignouisse cum quibus ferro dimicasset: suam seditionem sine uolnere, sine sanguine fuisse nec ipsam atrocem nec atroci poena dignam—ut ingenia humana sunt ad suam cuique leuandam culpam nimio plus facunda.
25.15. The only question was whether to go in separate cohorts to get their pay, or all together. Their decision was that all should go together, which they thought safer.
25.15. illa dubitatio erat singulaene cohortes an uniuersi ad stipendium petendum irent. inclinauit sententia, quod tutius censebant, uniuersos ire.
26.1. During the days on which they were thus deliberating there was a war-council in regard to them at (New) Carthage, and a conflict of opinions as to whether the leaders only of the mutiny —and they were not more than thirty-five in number — should be punished, or whether punishment of a larger number was required in penalizing, not a mutiny but rather a rebellion which set so terrible an example.
26.1. per eosdem dies quibus haec illi consultabant consilium de iis Carthagini erat, certabaturque sententiis utrum in auctores tantum seditionis—erant autem ii numero haud plus quam quinque et triginta—animaduerteretur, an plurium supplicio uindicanda tam foedi exempli defectio magis quam seditio esset.
26.3. The milder opinion prevailed, that punishment should be limited to those with whom the breach of discipline had begun, whereas for the mass a reprimand was enough.
26.3. uicit sententia lenior ut unde culpa orta esset ibi poena consisteret: ad multitudinem castigationem satis esse.
26.4. After the dismissal of the council, to give the impression that this was the matter discussed, an expedition against Mandonius and Indibilis was announced to the army which was at (New) Carthage, and they were ordered to make ready their rations for several days.
26.4. consilio dimisso, ut id actum uideretur, expeditio aduersus Mandonium Indibilemque edicitur exercitui qui Carthagine erat et cibaria dierum aliquot parare iubentur.
26.5. The seven tribunes who had already gone to Sucro to repress the mutiny and were now sent to meet the army had each of them the names of five leaders of the mutiny assigned him, to have them invited with kindly countenance and words by suitable men to be their guests, lulled to sleep by wine and then bound.
26.5. tribunis septem qui et antea Sucronem ad leniendam seditionem ierant obuiam exercitui missis quina nomina principum seditionis edita sunt, ut eos per idoneos homines benigno uoltu ac sermone in hospitium inuitatos sopitosque uino uincirent.
26.7. The mutineers were now not far from (New) Carthage when the news, heard from those they met, that on the next day the entire army would set out under Marcus Silanus against the Lacetani, not only relieved them of all fear which remained unexpressed in their minds, but caused great rejoicing that they would have the commander alone, rather than be themselves in his power.
26.7. haud procul iam Carthagine aberant cum ex obuiis auditum postero die omnem exercitum cum M. Silano in Lacetanos proficisci non metu modo omni qui tacitus insidebat animis liberauit eos, sed laetitiam ingentem fecit quod magis habituri solum imperatorem quam ipsi futuri in potestate eius essent.
26.8. At sunset they entered the city and saw the other army making every preparation for the march.
26.8. sub occasum solis urbem ingressi sunt exercitumque alterum parantem omnia ad iter uiderunt.
26.9. Received with studied words of welcome —that their coming was a happy and timely thing for the general, in that they had arrived at the very time the other army was leaving —they took refreshment and rest.
26.9. excepti sermonibus de industria compositis —laetum opportunumque aduentum eorum imperatori esse quod sub ipsam profectionem alterius exercitus uenissent— corpora curant.
26.10. The tribunes, without causing any commotion, had the promoters of the mutiny brought by suitable persons to their hospitable quarters, then seized and bound. At the fourth watch the baggage of the army which, it was pretended, was to march away began to take the road.
26.10. ab tribunis sine ullo tumultu auctores seditionis per idoneos homines perducti in hospitia comprensi ac uincti sunt.
26.11. By daybreak the standards were in motion, but at the gate the column was halted and guards were sent round to all the gates, that no one should leave the city.
26.11. uigilia quarta impedimenta exercitus cuius simulabatur iter proficisci coepere: sub lucem signa mota, et ad portam retentum agmen custodesque circa omnes portas missi ne quis urbe egrederetur.
26.12. Then the men who had arrived the day before, on being summoned to an assembly, rushed fiercely into the open space and up to the general's platform, intending actually to intimidate him by their interruptions.
26.12. uocati deinde ad contionem qui pridie uenerant, ferociter in forum ad tribunal imperatoris ut ultro territuri succlamationibus concurrunt.
26.13. At the same moment that the general mounted the platform the armed men brought back from the gates surrounded the unarmed assembly from the rear.
26.13. simul et imperator in tribunal escendit et reducti armati a portis inermi contioni se ab tergo circumfuderunt.
26.14. Then all their fierceness failed them and, as they afterwards admitted, nothing alarmed them so much as the unexpected strength and healthy colour of the general whom they had believed they would see as an invalid, also an expression of his face such as, they said, they never remembered even in battle.
26.14. tum omnis ferocia concidit et, ut postea fatebantur, nihil aeque eos terruit quam praeter spem robur et colos imperatoris, quem adfectum uisuros crediderant, uoltusque qualem ne in acie quidem aiebant meminisse.
26.15. He sat in silence for a moment, until the report reached him that the promoters of the mutiny had been brought into the open space and that everything was ready.
26.15. sedit tacitus paulisper donec nuntiatum est deductos in forum auctores seditionis et parata omnia esse.
27.1. Then, when the herald had enforced silence, Scipio began as follows: "Never have I supposed that language with which to address my army would fail me; not that I have ever occupied myself with words rather than deeds, but because, having lived in camps almost from boyhood, I was familiar with the minds of soldiers.
27.1. tum silentio per praeconem facto ita coepit: 'nunquam mihi defuturam orationem qua exercitum meum adloquerer credidi, non quo uerba unquam potius quam res exercuerim, sed quia prope a pueritia in castris habitus adsueram militaribus ingeniis:
27.3. But how to speak to you —for that both thoughts and language fail me. I do not know even by what name I ought to address you.
27.3. apud uos quemadmodum loquar nec consilium nec oratio suppeditat, quos ne quo nomine quidem appellare debeam scio.
27.4. Citizens? when you have revolted from your country? Or soldiers? when you have rejected the high command and the auspices, have broken the sanctity of your oath? Enemies?
27.4. ciues? qui a patria uestra descistis. an milites? qui imperium auspiciumque abnuistis, sacramenti religionem rupistis. hostes? corpora, ora, uestitum, habitum ciuium adgnosco: facta, dicta, consilia, animos hostium uideo.
27.5. I recognize the bodies, faces, clothing, appearance of citizens, but the deeds, the words, the plans, the spirit of enemies. For what else did you either wish or hope for but the same as the Ilergetes and the Lacetani? And yet they followed Mandonius and Indibilis, men of royal rank, as leaders in their madness. You conferred the auspices and high command upon the Umbrian Atrius and the Calenian Albius.
27.5. quid enim uos, nisi quod Ilergetes et Lacetani, aut optastis aliud aut sperastis? et illi tamen Mandonium atque Indibilem, regiae nobilitatis uiros, duces furoris secuti sunt: uos auspicium et imperium ad Umbrum Atrium et Calenum Albium detulistis.
27.6. Say that not all of you did that, soldiers, or wished it done; that it was the frenzy and folly of a few; I will gladly accept your denial. For the acts committed were such that, if they were shared by the entire army, they cannot be expiated without atonements on a great scale.
27.6. negate uos id omnes fecisse aut factum uoluisse, milites; paucorum eum furorem atque amentiam esse libenter credam, negantibus; nec enim ea sunt commissa quae, uolgata in omnem exercitum, sine piaculis ingentibus expiari possint. 'inuitus ea tamquam uolnera attingo;
27.7. "Unwillingly do I handle such misdeeds, as if they were wounds. But unless handled and treated they cannot be healed.
27.7. sed nisi tacta tractataque sanari non possunt.
27.8. As for myself, after the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain I did not believe there was in the entire province any place, any people, where my life was hated; so had I borne myself not only towards allies, but also towards enemies.
27.8. equidem pulsis Hispania Carthaginiensibus nullum locum tota prouincia nullos homines credebam esse ubi uita inuisa esset mea; sic me non solum aduersus socios gesseram sed etiam aduersus hostes:
27.9. Behold! here in my own camp —how mistaken I was! —a rumour of my death was not only believed but even waited for.
27.9. in castris en meis—quantum opinio fefellit.—fama mortis meae non accepta solum sed etiam exspectata est.
27.10. Not that I should wish the crime to be shared by all. For my part, if I believed that the whole of my army had desired my death I should die here at once before your eyes, nor would a life hated by my fellow-citizens and my soldiers give me pleasure.
27.10. non quod ego uulgari facinus per omnes uelim—equidem si totum exercitum meum mortem mihi optasse crederem hic statim ante oculos uestros morerer, nec me uita iuuaret inuisa ciuibus et militibus meis.
27.11. But every crowd is in itself motionless, as is the natural state of the sea; rather do winds and breezes ruffle it. So among you there is either calm or sudden storms. And the cause and source of every madness is chargeable to its promoters; your insanity came by contagion.
27.11. sed multitudo omnis sicut natura maris per se immobilis est, [et] uenti et aurae cient; ita aut tranquillum aut procellae in uobis sunt; et causa atque origo omnis furoris penes auctores est, uos contagione insanistis;
27.12. Even today you do not seem to me to know what a pitch of frenzy you have reached, what a crime you have dared to commit against me, against your country and parents and children, against the gods, witnesses of your oath, what a crime as regards the auspices under which: you are serving, or the custom of the service and the discipline of your ancestors, or the dignity of the supreme command!
27.12. qui mihi ne hodie quidem scire uidemini quo amentiae progressi sitis, quid facinoris in me, quid in patriam parentesque ac liberos uestros, quid in deos sacramenti testes, quid aduersus auspicia sub quibus militatis, quid aduersus morem militiae disciplinamque maiorum, quid aduersus summi imperii maiestatem ausi sitis.
27.13. "Of myself I say nothing, granting that you were hasty rather than eager in believing, granting in short that I am a man whose authority irks an army, and no wonder. But the country, what evil had she done you, when you were betraying her by sharing your designs with Mandonius and Indibilis?
27.13. 'de me ipso taceo—temere potius quam auide credideritis, is denique ego sim cuius imperii taedere exercitum minime mirandum sit—: patria quid de uobis meruerat, quam cum Mandonio et Indibili consociando consilia prodebatis?
27.14. What harm had the Roman people done you when you took away the command from tribunes elected by vote of the people and conferred it upon private persons, when, not even satisfied with having them as tribunes, you, a Roman army, bestowed the fasces of your commander upon men who had never had a slave to whom they might give orders?
27.14. quid populus Romanus, cum imperium ablatum ab tribunis suffragio populi creatis ad homines priuatos detulistis, cum eo ipso non contenti si pro tribunis illos haberetis, fasces imperatoris uestri ad eos quibus seruus cui imperarent nunquam fuerat, Romanus exercitus detulistis?
27.15. In the headquarters were lodged Albius and Atrius; at their tent sounded the trumpet, men came to them for the watchword; they sat on Publius Scipio's tribunal. A lictor attended them; the way was cleared before they proceeded; fasces with their axes were borne before them.
27.15. in praetorio tetenderunt Albius et Atrius; classicum apud eos cecinit; signum ab iis petitum est; sederunt in tribunali P. Scipionis; lictor apparuit; summoto incesserunt; fasces cum securibus praelatis sunt.
27.16. Showers of stones and thunderbolts hurled from the sky and animals bringing forth strange offspring you reckon portents; here we have a portent which cannot be expiated by any victims, by any set days of prayer, without the blood of those who have dared so great a crime.
27.16. lapides pluere et fulmina iaci de caelo et insuetos fetus animalia edere uos portenta esse putatis: hoc est portentum quod nullis hostiis nullis supplicationibus sine sanguine eorum qui tantum ausi facinus sunt expiari possit.
28.1. "And although no crime has a reasonable ground, nevertheless I should like to know what was your purpose, what your plan, seeing that we are dealing with a flagrant offence.
28.1. 'atque ego, quamquam nullum scelus rationem habet, tamen, ut in re nefaria, quae mens, quod consilium uestrum fuerit scire uelim.
28.2. A legion formerly sent as a garrison to Regium, after foully slaying the leading men of the state, held that wealthy city for ten years. For that crime the entire legion, four thousand men, were beheaded in the Forum at Rome. But in the first place they did not follow the lead of Atrius the Umbrian, half-soldier half-sutler, with an ominous name also, but of Decimus Vibellius, a tribune of the soldiers; neither did they ally themselves with Pyrrhus, nor with the Samnites and Lucanians, enemies of the Roman people.
28.2. Regium quondam in praesidium missa legio interfectis per scelus principibus ciuitatis urbem opulentam per decem annos tenuit, propter quod facinus tota legio, milia hominum quattuor, in foro Romae securi percussi sunt.
28.4. You have shared your plans with Mandonius and Indibilis and were to have been their comrades in arms as well. The legion would have held Regium as its permanent abode, just as the Campanians held Capua, wrested away from its former Etruscan inhabitants, just as the Mamertines held Messana in Sicily; and it would not have gone so far as to attack the Roman people or allies of the Roman people.
28.4. sed illi primum non Atrium Umbrum semilixam, nominis etiam abominandi ducem, sed D. Uibellium tribunum militum secuti sunt, nec cum Pyrrho nec cum Samnitibus aut Lucanis, hostibus populi Romani, se coniunxerunt: uos cum Mandonio et Indibili et consilia communicastis et arma consociaturi fuistis.
28.6. Was Sucro to have been your domicile? If I had left you there when as general-in-command I was retiring from my province completely subdued, it would have been right for you to implore the help of gods and men because you were not returning to your wives and children. "But granted that you have banished their memory also from your minds, as you have that of your country and of myself, I wish to follow up the outcome of your plan, a criminal one but not utterly insane.
28.6. illi, sicut Campani Capuam Tuscis ueteribus cultoribus ademptam, Mamertini in Sicilia Messanam, sic Regium habituri perpetuam sedem erant, nec populum Romanum nec socios populi Romani ultro lacessituri bello: Sucronemne uos domicilium habituri eratis? ubi si uos decedens confecta prouincia imperator relinquerem, deum hominumque fidem implorare debebatis quod non redieritis ad coniuges liberosque uestros. 'sed horum quoque memoriam, sicut patriae meique, eieceritis ex animis uestris: uiam consilii scelerati sed non ad ultimum dementis exsequi uolo;
28.9. If I lived and the rest of the army was intact with which I captured (New) Carthage in a single day and with which I routed, put to flight, drove out of Spain, four generals, four armies of the Carthaginians, would you —eight thousand men, all of you certainly of less consequence than Albius and Atrius, to whom you submitted yourselves —would you really have intended to wrest the province of Spain from the Roman people?
28.9. mene uiuo et cetero incolumi exercitu, cum quo ego die uno Carthaginem cepi, cum quo quattuor imperatores quattuor exercitus Carthaginiensium fudi, fugaui, Hispania expuli, uos octo milia hominum, minoris certe omnes pretii quam Albius et Atrius sunt quibus uos subiecistis, Hispaniam prouinciam populo Romano erepturi eratis?
28.10. Suppose I take no account whatever of my name — granted that I have not been wronged by you except in your readiness to believe me dead, tell me, if I had been dying would the state have breathed its last with me, would the empire of the Roman people have fallen with me?
28.10. amolior et amoueo nomen meum; nihil ultra facile creditam mortem meam a uobis uiolatus sim: quid?
28.11. May Jupiter the best and greatest forbid that the city, founded with due auspices and favour of the gods to endure forever, should live no longer than this frail, mortal body!
28.11. si ego morerer, mecum exspiratura res publica, mecum casurum imperium populi Romani erat? ne istuc Iuppiter optimus maximus sirit, urbem auspicato dis auctoribus in aeternum conditam huic fragili et mortali corpori aequalem esse.
28.12. Although Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Postumius Albinus, Marcus Marcellus, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Gnaeus Fulvius, my Scipios —so many generals and so distinguished —have perished in one war, the Roman people survives and will survive, although a thousand others die, now by the sword, now by disease. At my funeral —one man's —would the republic have been borne to its tomb?
28.12. Flaminio, Paulo, Graccho, Postumio Albino, M. Marcello, T. Quinctio Crispino, Cn. Fuluio, Scipionibus meis, tot tam praeclaris imperatoribus uno bello absumptis superstes est populus Romanus, eritque mille aliis nunc ferro nunc morbo morientibus: meo unius funere elata esset res publica?
28.13. You yourselves here in Spain, after the slaying of my father and uncle, two generals, appointed Septimus Marcius as your commander against the Carthaginians, who were overjoyed by their recent victory. And I am speaking just as if the Spanish provinces would have been without a commander.
28.13. uos ipsi hic in Hispania patre et patruo meo duobus imperatoribus interfectis Septimum Marcium ducem uobis aduersus exsultantes recenti uictoria Poenos delegistis. et sic loquor tamquam sine duce Hispaniae futurae fuerint:
28.14. But would Marcus Silanus, who was sent with me into the province with the same authority, the same command, would my brother Lucius Scipio and Gaius Laelius, my lieutenants, have failed to avenge the dignity of the high command? Could army have been compared with army, or generals with generals?
28.14. M. Silanus eodem iure eodem imperio mecum in prouinciam missus, L. Scipio frater meus et C. Laelius legati, uindices maiestatis imperii deessent?
28.15. Could rank or cause have been matched? If in all these respects you had been superior, would you have borne arms against your country, against your fellow-citizens? Would you have wished Africa to rule over Italy, Carthage over the city of Rome? For what offence on the part of your country?
28.15. utrum exercitus exercitui, an duces ducibus, an dignitas, an causa comparari poterat? quibus si omnibus superiores essetis, arma contra patriam contra ciues uestros ferretis? Africam Italiae, Carthaginem urbi Romanae imperare uelletis? quam ob noxam patriae?
29.1. Coriolanus was once impelled by an unjust condemnation, a wretched and undeserved banishment, to set out to besiege his native city. Nevertheless family devotion recalled him from foul treason to the state. In your case what grievance, what anger spurred you on?
29.1. Coriolanum quondam damnatio iniusta, miserum et indignum exsilium ut iret ad oppugnandam patriam impulit; reuocauit tamen a publico parricidio priuata pietas: uos qui dolor, quae ira incitauit?
29.2. Was delay of a few days in receiving your pay owing to the illness of your general a sufficient reason why you should declare war on your country, why you should revolt from the Roman people to the Ilergetes, why not one thing divine or human should be to you inviolable?
29.2. stipendiumne diebus paucis imperatore aegro serius numeratum satis digna causa fuit cur patriae indiceretis bellum, cur ad Ilergetes descisceretis a populo Romano, cur nihil diuinarum humanarumue rerum inuiolatum uobis esset?
29.3. “Insane you surely were, soldiers, and no more critical ailment attacked my body than your minds. I shrink from recalling what men believed, what they hoped, what they desired.”
29.3. 'insanistis profecto, milites, nec maior in corpus meum uis morbi quam in uestras mentes inuasit.
29.4. “Let forgetfulness carry away and cancel everything if possible; if not, let silence somehow cover it all.”
29.4. horret animus referre quid crediderint homines, quid sperauerint, quid optauerint: auferat omnia inrita obliuio, si potest: si non, utcumque silentium tegat.
29.5. “I would not deny that my speech has seemed to you severe and cruel; how much more cruel do you believe your acts are than my words? And you think I ought patiently to bear what you have done: on your side can you not bear patiently even the telling of the whole story? But even those acts themselves will not be the subject of further reproaches. May you forget them as easily as I shall forget them!”
29.5. non negauerim tristem atrocemque uobis uisam orationem meam: quanto creditis facta uestra atrociora esse quam dicta mea? et me ea quae fecistis pati aequum censetis: uos ne dici quidem omnia aequo animo fertis? sed ne ea quidem ipsa ultra exprobrabuntur.
29.6. “Accordingly, so far as the mass of you are concerned, if you repent of your mistake, that is to me a quite sufficient punishment.”
29.6. utinam tam facile uos obliuiscamini eorum quam ego obliuiscar.
29.7. “Albius of Cales and Atrius the Umbrian and the rest of those who brought about a wicked mutiny will atone with their blood for what they have done.”
29.7. itaque quod ad uniuersos uos attinet, si erroris paenitet, satis superque poenarum habeo: Albius Calenus et Atrius Umber et ceteri nefariae seditionis auctores sanguine luent quod admiserunt.
29.8. “To you the spectacle of their punishment, if your minds have returned to health, ought not only to bring no bitterness but even joy. For there are no men whom they have treated in a more hostile and unfriendly spirit than yourselves.”
29.8. uobis supplicii eorum spectaculum non modo non acerbum sed laetum etiam, si sana mens rediit, debet esse; de nullis enim quam de uobis infestius aut inimicius consuluerunt.'
29.9. Scarcely had he made an end of speaking when, in accordance with previous orders, their eyes and ears were assailed by terrifying sights and sounds everywhere. The troops who had encircled the assembly crashed swords against shields.
29.9. uix finem dicendi fecerat cum ex praeparato simul omnium rerum terror oculis auribusque est offusus.
29.10. The herald's voice was heard, calling out the names of those condemned in the war-council.
29.10. exercitus, qui corona contionem circumdederat, gladiis ad scuta concrepuit; praeconis audita uox citantis nomina damnatorum in consilio;
29.11. They were being dragged out into the centre stripped, and at the same time everything requisite for punishment was being brought out. Bound to a stake they were scourged and beheaded, while the spectators were so paralysed by fear that not only was no fierce protest against the severity of the punishment heard, but not even a groan.
29.11. nudi in medium protrahebantur et simul omnis apparatus supplicii expromebatur. deligati ad palum uirgisque caesi et securi percussi, adeo torpentibus metu qui aderant ut non modo ferocior uox aduersus atrocitatem poenae sed ne gemitus quidem exaudiretur.