29.6. While he was serving on the side of the Carthaginians in Spain his father died; Gala was his name. The kingdom came to the king's brother, Oezalces, a very aged man, such being the custom among the Numidians.
29.6. —militanti pro Carthaginiensibus in Hispania pater ei moritur; Galae nomen erat. regnum ad fratrem regis Oezalcem pergrandem natu—ita mos apud Numidas est—peruenit.
29.7. Not long after, upon the death of Oezalces also, the elder of his two sons, Capussa, succeeded to his father's throne, the other son being a mere boy.
29.7. haud multo post Oezalce quoque mortuo maior ex duobus filiis eius Capussa, puero admodum altero, paternum imperium accepit.
29.8. But inasmuch as he held the kingship more by customary law of his people than by prestige among his countrymen or by his might, a man came forward named Mazaetullus, not unconnected by blood with the royal house and member of a family that had always been hostile and had contested the throne with different results against the house which was then in possession.
29.8. ceterum cum magis iure gentis quam auctoritate inter suos aut uiribus obtineret regnum, exstitit quidam Mazaetullus nomine, non alienus sanguine regibus, familiae semper inimicae ac de imperio uaria fortuna cum iis qui tum obtinebant certantis.
29.9. After rousing his countrymen, among whom he had great influence because of the unpopularity of the royal family, and openly pitching his camp, he compelled the king to go out into battle-line and fight for his kingdom.
29.9. is concitatis popularibus, apud quos inuidia regum magnae auctoritatis erat, castris palam positis descendere regem in aciem ac dimicare de regno coegit.
29.10. In that battle Capussa fell with many of the leading men. The entire tribe of the Maesulii submitted to the sway and authority of Mazaetullus.
29.10. in eo proelio Capussa cum multis principum cecidit. gens Maesuliorum omnis in dicionem imperiumque Mazaetulli concessit;
29.11. Nevertheless he refrained from using the kingly title and, contented with the modest style of guardian, he gave the royal title to the boy Lacumazes, who also belonged to the royal line.
29.11. regio tamen nomine abstinuit contentusque nomine modico tutoris puerum Lacumazen, qui stirpis regiae supererat, regem appellat.
29.12. He married a noble Carthaginian lady, daughter of Hannibal's sister and lately wedded to King Oezalces. He did so in the hope of an alliance with the Carthaginians, and with Syphax he renewed a guest-friendship of long standing, sending envoys for the purpose. All these advantages he was preparing against Masinissa.
29.12. Carthaginiensem nobilem feminam, sororis filiam Hannibalis, quae proxime Oezalci regi nupta fuerat, matrimonio sibi iungit spe Carthaginiensium societatis, et cum Syphace hospitium uetustum legatis missis renouat, omnia ea auxilia praeparans aduersus Masinissam.
30.1. And Masinissa having heard of the death of his uncle, and then that his cousin had fallen, crossed over from Spain into Mauretania, Baga being at that time king of the Mauri.
30.1. et Masinissa audita morte patrui, dein nece fratris patruelis, ex Hispania in Mauretaniam—Baga ea tempestate rex Maurorum erat—traiecit.
30.2. From Baga with the most abject entreaties as a suppliant he obtained four thousand Mauri as an escort on his journey, being unable to obtain aid for the war.
30.2. ab eo supplex infimis precibus auxilium itineri, quoniam bello non poterat, quattuor milia Maurorum impetrauit.
30.3. When with that escort, after first sending word to his father's friends and his own, he had reached the frontier of the kingdom, about five hundred Numidians joined him.
30.3. cum iis praemisso nuntio ad paternos suosque amicos cum ad fines regni peruenisset, quingenti ferme Numidae ad eum conuenerunt.
30.4. Therefore from that point he sent back the Mauri to their king, as it had been agreed, and although the numbers that had joined him were considerably smaller than he had hoped for, and not such that he quite dared to attempt so great a venture with them, he thought that by vigorous action he would also gather up the forces needed for some success.
30.4. igitur Mauris inde sicut conuenerat retro ad regem remissis, quamquam aliquanto minor spe multitudo †conueniret†, nec cum qua tantam rem adgredi satis auderet, ratus agendo ac moliendo uires quoque ad agendum aliquid conlecturum, proficiscenti ad Syphacem Lacumazae regulo ad Thapsum occurrit.
30.5. Hence as Lacumazes, the prince, was on his way to Syphax, Masinissa encountered him near Thapsus. When the frightened column had sought refuge in the city, Masinissa not only took the city by the first assault but received the surrender of some of the royal escort and slew others attempting resistance.
30.5. trepidum agmen cum in urbem refugisset, urbem Masinissa primo impetu capit et ex regiis alios tradentes se recipit, alios uim parantes occidit;
30.6. The majority together with the boy himself in the midst of the commotion made their way to Syphax, towards whom they had originally directed their march.
30.6. pars maxima cum ipso puero inter tumultum ad Syphacem quo primum intenderant iter peruenerunt.
30.7. The report of this modest success at the beginning of the campaign brought the Numidians over to Masinissa, and from farms and villages on all sides old soldiers of Gala flocked to him; and they spurred the young man on to recover the kingdom of his father.
30.7. fama huius modicae rei in principio rerum prospere actae conuertit ad Masinissam Numidas, adfluebantque undique ex agris uicisque ueteres milites Galae et incitabant iuuenem ad reciperandum paternum regnum. numero militum aliquantum Mazaetullus superabat;
30.8. In the number of his soldiers Mazaetullus was considerably superior; for not only did he himself have the army with which he had defeated Capussa, and a number of men whom he had taken over after the slaying of the king, but also the young Lacumazes had brought up very large auxiliary forces from Syphax.
30.8. nam et ipse eum exercitum quo Capussam uicerat et ex receptis post caedem regis aliquot habebat, et puer Lacumazes ab Syphace auxilia ingentia adduxerat.
30.9. Fifteen thousand infantry Mazaetullus had and ten thousand cavalry; and with these he engaged in battle with Masinissa, who was far from having so great a number of infantry or cavalry.
30.9. quindecim milia peditum Mazaetullo decem milia equitum erant, quibus cum Masinissa nequaquam tantum peditum equitumue habente acie conflixit. uicit tamen et ueterum militum uirtus et prudentia inter Romana et Punica arma exercitati ducis;
30.10. Nevertheless victory was won by the courage of the veteran soldiers and the sagacity of a general who had been trained in the war between Roman and Carthaginian armies. The prince with his guardian and a very small band of Masaesulians sought refuge in the territory of Carthage. So, having recovered his father's kingdom, Masinissa, seeing that his remaining conflict against Syphax would be considerably more serious, thought it best to be reconciled with his cousin. Accordingly he sent men to encourage the boy to hope that, if he should put himself in the hands of Masinissa, he would be held in the same honour as Oezalces had formerly been in the house of Gala.
30.10. regulus cum tutore et exigua Masaesuliorum manu in Carthaginiensem agrum perfugit. ita reciperato regno paterno Masinissa, quia sibi aduersus Syphacem haud paulo maiorem restare dimicationem cernebat, optimum ratus cum fratre patruele gratiam reconciliare, missis qui et puero spem facerent si in fidem Masinissae sese permisisset futurum eum in eodem honore quo apud Galam Oezalces quondam fuisset,
30.12. To Mazaetullus also they were to pledge, besides impunity, the faithful restoration of all his property. By this means, as they preferred a modest fortune at home to exile, Masinissa won them both over, although the Carthaginians purposely did everything to prevent it.
30.12. et qui Mazaetullo praeter impunitatem sua omnia cum fide restitui sponderent, ambo praeoptantes exsilio modicam domi fortunam, omnia ne id fieret Carthaginiensibus de industria agentibus, ad sese perduxit.
31.1. Hasdrubal happened to be with Syphax all the time that these events were in progress. And when the Numidian said he believed it was of no great importance to him whether the kingdom of the Maesulians was in the hands of Lacumazes or of Masinissa, Hasdrubal said he was very much mistaken if he believed that Masinissa would be content with what had satisfied his father Gala or his uncle Oezalces;
31.1. Hasdrubal tum forte cum haec gerebantur apud Syphacem erat; qui Numidae, haud sane multum ad se pertinere credenti utrum penes Lacumazen an Masinissam regnum Maesuliorum esset, falli eum magno opere ait si Masinissam eisdem contentum fore quibus patrem Galam aut patruum eius Oezalcem credat:
31.2. that he had in him a far greater gift of spirit and talent than had ever been found in any man of his tribe; that often in Spain he had given allies and enemies alike evidence of a courage rare among men.
31.2. multo maiorem indolem in eo animi ingeniique esse quam in ullo gentis eius unquam fuisset; saepe eum in Hispania rarae inter homines uirtutis specimen dedisse sociis pariter hostibusque;
31.3. He added that unless Syphax and the Carthaginians should put out that incipient flame, they would be consumed later by a mighty conflagration when they could no longer cope with it; that Masinissa's strength was still slight and frail, while he was nursing a kingdom whose wounds had barely begun to heal.
31.3. et Syphacem et Carthaginienses nisi orientem illum ignem oppressissent ingenti mox incendio cum iam nullam opem ferre possent arsuros;
31.4. By insisting and goading him on Hasdrubal brought him to the point of advancing his army to the frontier of the Maesulians and pitching his camp as though upon soil to which he was unquestionably entitled —land concerning which he had not only argued with Gala repeatedly but had contended also in arms.
31.4. adhuc teneras et fragiles uires eius esse uixdum coalescens fouentis regnum. instando stimulandoque peruincit ut exercitum ad fines Maesuliorum admoueat atque in agro de quo saepe cum Gala non uerbis modo disceptatum sed etiam armis certatum fuerat, tamquam haud dubie iuris sui, castra locet.
31.5. If anyone should try to drive him away he would fight a regular battle, which would be greatly to his advantage.
31.5. si quis arceat, id quod maxime opus sit, acie dimicaturum:
31.6. But if Masinissa in fear should withdraw from that region they must advance into the interior of the kingdom. Either the Maesulians would submit without resistance to the rule of Syphax, or they would be no match for him in arms. Aroused by these words Syphax made war upon Masinissa and in the first engagement routed the Maesulians and put them to flight.
31.6. sin per metum agro cedatur, in medium regni eundum. aut sine certamine concessuros in dicionem eius Maesulios aut nequaquam pares futuros armis. his uocibus incitatus Syphax Masinissae bellum infert.
31.7. Masinissa with a few horsemen fled from the battle-field to a mountain called Bellus by the natives.
31.7. et primo certamine Maesulios fundit fugatque; Masinissa cum paucis equitibus ex acie in montem—Bellum incolae uocant—perfugit.
31.8. A considerable number of households followed the king with their portable huts and their flocks, the latter being their only wealth. But the rest, the mass of the Maesulians, submitted to the rule of Syphax.
31.8. familiae aliquot cum mapalibus pecoribusque suis—ea pecunia illis est—persecuti sunt regem: cetera Maesuliorum multitudo in dicionem Syphacis concessit.
31.9. The mountain which the fugitives had occupied is well supplied with grass and water and being suitable for the support of cattle, it was quite capable of sustaining men also who lived on flesh and milk. From it they rendered all the surrounding country unsafe, first by stealthy raids in the night and later by open brigandage.
31.9. quem ceperant exsules montem herbidus aquosusque est; et quia pecori bonus alendo erat, hominum quoque carne ac lacte uescentium abunde sufficiebat alimentis. inde nocturnis primo ac furtiuis incursionibus, deinde aperto latrocinio infesta omnia circa esse;
31.10. Most of all it was Carthaginian territory that was ravaged, because there was more plunder than among the Numidians, and also brigandage was safer.
31.10. maxime uri Carthaginiensis ager, quia et plus praedae quam inter Numidas et latrocinium tutius erat.
31.11. By this time they played their game so openly as to bring their booty down to the sea and sell it to traders who put in with their vessels for that very purpose; and more Carthaginians fell or were captured than occurred often in regular warfare. The Carthaginians complained of all this to Syphax and, as he also was enraged, they spurred him on to complete what was left of the war.
31.11. iamque adeo licenter eludebant ut ad mare deuectam praedam uenderent mercatoribus adpellentibus naues ad id ipsum, pluresque quam iusto saepe in bello Carthaginienses caderent caperenturque. deplorabant ea apud Syphacem Carthaginienses infensumque et ipsum ad reliquias belli persequendas instigabant;
31.12. But it seemed hardly becoming for a king to pursue a nomad bandit in the mountains.
31.12. sed uix regium uidebatur latronem uagum in montibus consectari;
32.1. One of the king's officers, Bucar, a man of spirit and energy, was chosen for the purpose. Four thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry were given to him; and he was laden with immense rewards in anticipation, if he should bring back the head of Masinissa, or —and this would be a joy beyond price —should capture him alive.
32.1. Bucar ex praefectis regis, uir acer et impiger, ad id delectus. ei data quattuor milia peditum duo equitum, praemiorumque ingentium spe oneratus si caput Masinissae rettulisset aut uiuum—id uero inaestimabile gaudium fore— cepisset.
32.2. While they were scattered and off their guard Bucar unexpectedly attacked them, and separating the great number of cattle and men from their armed escort, he drove Masinissa himself with a few of his men up to the top of the mountain.
32.2. palatos incurioseque agentes improuiso adortus, pecorum hominumque ingenti multitudine a praesidio armatorum exclusa Masinissam ipsum cum paucis in uerticem montis compellit.
32.3. Then, just as though the war had been already finished, he sent not only the booty in cattle and captives to the king but returned his troops also, as much too many for the remainder of the war.
32.3. inde prope iam ut debellato nec praeda modo pecorum hominumque captorum missa ad regem sed copiis etiam, ut aliquanto maioribus quam pro reliquiis belli, remissis, cum quingentis haud amplius peditibus ducentisque equitibus degressum iugis Masinissam persecutus in ualle arta faucibus utrimque obsessis inclusit.
32.4. With not more than five hundred foot-soldiers and two hundred horsemen he pursued Masinissa (who had come down from the heights), and penned him in a gorge with both entrances blocked. There a great slaughter of the Maesulians took place; but Masinissa with no more than fifty horsemen following him through the unknown recesses of the mountain made his escape.
32.4. ibi ingens caedes Maesuliorum facta: Masinissa cum quinquaginta haud amplius equitibus per anfractus montis ignotos sequentibus se eripuit.
32.6. Bucar, however, kept on the trail and overtaking him in an open plain near the city of Clupea so overwhelmed him that he slew every one of his horsemen except four. With these men, in the midst of the uproar he let the wounded Masinissa himself slip away when almost in his hands.
32.6. tenuit tamen uestigia Bucar, adeptusque eum patentibus prope Clupeam urbem campis ita circumuenit ut praeter quattuor equites omnes ad unum interfecerit. cum iis ipsum quoque Masinissam saucium prope e manibus inter tumultum amisit.
32.7. The fugitives were insight; a squadron of cavalry, scattering over the breadth of the plain, while some, in order to head them off, pushed on obliquely, was pursuing five enemies.
32.7. in conspectu erant fugientes; ala equitum dispersa lato campo quibusdam ut occurrerent per obliqua tendentibus quinque hostes sequebatur.
32.8. A broad stream was the refuge of the fleeing; for without hesitation, under the pressure of a greater fear, they put their horses into it; and swept by the whirling current, they were borne obliquely past the enemy.
32.8. amnis ingens fugientes accepit—neque enim cunctanter, ut quos maior metus urgeret, immiserant equos—raptique gurgite in obliquum praelati.
32.9. When two of them had been drowned in the swiftly whirling waters before the eyes of the enemy, Masinissa himself, whom they believed to have perished, and the two remaining horsemen with him made their way out among the bushes of the farther bank. That was the end of pursuit for Bucar, as he did not dare enter the river and believed he had no one left to pursue.
32.9. duobus in conspectu hostium in praerapidum gurgitem haustis, ipse perisse creditus ac duo reliqui equites cum eo inter uirgulta ulterioris ripae emerserunt. is finis Bucari sequendi fuit, nec ingredi flumen auso nec habere credenti se iam quem sequeretur. inde uanus auctor absumpti Masinissae ad regem rediit, missique qui Carthaginem gaudium ingens nuntiarent;
32.10. Then he returned to the king, falsely reporting that Masinissa had been drowned; and messengers were sent to bring tidings of great joy to Carthage. And all Africa was filled with the story of Masinissa's death, producing different emotions. While Masinissa in a hidden cave was nursing his wound with herbs, he lived for some days on booty brought in by the two horsemen.
32.10. totaque Africa fama mortis Masinissae repleta uarie animos adfecit. Masinissa in spelunca occulta cum herbis curaret uolnus duorum equitum latrocinio per dies aliquot uixit.
32.12. As soon as the wound had closed and it seemed possible for him to endure jolting, with great audacity he set out to reclaim his kingdom. And after picking up not more than forty horsemen as he rode along, he came among the Maesulians, openly announcing now who he was; thereupon he caused a great stir, owing to their old-time favour and especially to their unexpected joy because they saw a man safe and sound whom they had believed to have perished.
32.12. ubi primum ducta cicatrix patique posse uisus iactationem, audacia ingenti pergit ire ad regnum repetendum; atque in ipso itinere haud plus quadraginta equitibus conlectis cum in Maesulios palam iam quis esset ferens uenisset, tantum motum cum fauore pristino tum gaudio insperato quod quem perisse crediderant incolumem cernebant fecit ut intra paucos dies sex milia peditum armatorum quattuor equitum ad eum confluerent,
32.14. The results were that within a few days six thousand armed foot-soldiers and four thousand horsemen flocked to him, and that now he was not merely in possession of his father's kingdom but was even laying waste lands of allies of the Carthaginians and those of the Masaesulians, the kingdom, that is, of Syphax. Consequently, having provoked Syphax to war, he established himself between Cirta and Hippo on a mountain range that in every way was favourable.
32.14. iamque non in possessione modo paterni regni esset sed etiam socios Carthaginiensium populos Masaesuliorumque fines—id Syphacis regnum erat— uastaret. inde inritato ad bellum Syphace, inter Cirtam Hipponemque in iugis opportunorum ad omnia montium consedit.
33.1. Therefore Syphax, thinking the affair was now too serious to be conducted by his officers, sent a part of the army under his young son, Vermina by name, with orders to lead his column round and attack the rear of the enemy, whose eyes would be upon the king himself.
33.1. maiorem igitur iam rem Syphax ratus quam ut per praefectos ageret, cum filio iuuene—nomen Uermina erat—parte exercitus missa imperat ut circumducto agmine in se intentum hostem ab tergo inuadat.
33.2. Vermina, who was to make a secret attack, set out by night. But Syphax broke camp and marched by day along an open road, since he intended to engage in battle formation, standards against standards.
33.2. nocte profectus Uermina qui ex occulto adgressurus erat; Syphax autem interdiu aperto itinere ut qui signis conlatis acie dimicaturus esset mouit castra.
33.3. When the interval seemed to be such that the flanking party might be thought to have reached their objective already, the king on his part, relying both on numbers and on the ambuscade prepared in the rear, led his line up along the face of the mountain over a gentle slope leading in the direction of the enemy.
33.3. ubi tempus uisum est quo peruenisse iam circummissi uideri poterant, et ipse leni cliuo ferente ad hostem cum multitudine fretus tum praeparatis ab tergo insidiis per aduersum montem erectam aciem ducit.
33.4. Masinissa also, relying chiefly upon the much more favourable ground on which he was to fight, led his men out into line. The battle was fierce and long indecisive, while position and the courage of his soldiers aided Masinissa and numbers that were far superior favoured Syphax.
33.4. Masinissa fiducia maxime loci, quo multo aequiore pugnaturus erat, et ipse dirigit suos. atrox proelium et diu anceps fuit, loco et uirtute militum Masinissam, multitudine quae nimio maior erat Syphacem iuuante.
33.5. That great army in its two sections —since the one pressed the enemy hard in front, while the other had accomplished its flanking movement in the rear —gave no uncertain victory to Syphax; and there was not even a way of escape open to men enclosed both in front and in the rear.
33.5. ea multitudo diuisa cum pars a fronte urgeret pars ab tergo se circumfudisset, uictoriam haud dubiam Syphaci dedit, et ne effugium quidem patebat hinc a fronte hinc ab tergo inclusis.
33.6. Accordingly the rest, infantry and cavalry, were slain or captured; but some two hundred horsemen were ordered by Masinissa to mass about him, divide into three troops, and so to break their way through, a place being assigned in advance at which they should meet after their flight in different directions.
33.6. itaque ceteri pedites equitesque caesi aut capti: ducentos ferme equites Masinissa circa se conglobatos diuisosque turmatim in tres partes erumpere iubet, loco praedicto in quem ex dissipata conuenirent fuga.
33.7. He himself escaped in the direction he had chosen through the midst of the enemies' weapons. Two of the squadrons were held fast; one in fear surrendered to the enemy, while the other, offering a more stubborn resistance, was overwhelmed by missiles and slain.
33.7. ipse qua intenderat inter media tela hostium euasit: duae turmae haesere; altera metu dedita hosti, pertinacior altera in repugnando telis obruta et confixa est.
33.8. Vermina, who was almost at his heels, Masinissa evaded by turning now into this road and now into that, and compelled him at last to abandon pursuit when he was weary and had given up hope. He himself made his way with sixty horsemen to the Lesser Syrtis.
33.8. Uerminam prope uestigiis instantem in alia atque alia flectendo itinera eludens, taedio et desperatione tandem fessum absistere sequendo coegit; ipse cum sexaginta equitibus ad minorem Syrtim peruenit.
33.9. There, with the proud consciousness of having repeatedly made claim to his father's kingdom, in the region between the Punic Emporia and the tribe of the Garamantes he spent the whole time until the arrival in Africa of Gaius Laelius and the Roman fleet. These circumstances incline me to believe that Masinissa came to Scipio also later with a small force of cavalry rather than with a large one.
33.9. ibi cum conscientia egregia saepe repetiti regni paterni inter Punica Emporia gentemque Garamantum omne tempus usque ad C. Laeli classisque Romanae aduentum in Africam consumpsit. haec animum inclinant ut cum modico potius quam cum magno praesidio equitum ad Scipionem quoque postea uenisse Masinissam credam;
33.10. For such great numbers are suited to a monarch, while my small figures match the plight of an exile.
33.10. quippe illa regnanti multitudo, haec paucitas exsulis fortunae conueniens est.
34.1. The Carthaginians, having lost a squadron of cavalry with its commander and acquired other horse by a fresh levy, placed Hanno the son of Hamilcar in command.
34.1. Carthaginienses ala equitum cum praefecto amissa, alio equitatu per nouum dilectum comparato Hannonem Hamilcaris filium praeficiunt.
34.2. Again and again they summoned Hasdrubal and Syphax by letters and messengers, finally even by envoys. They bade Hasdrubal bring aid to his native city, now almost invested; they entreated Syphax to come to the rescue of Carthage, to the rescue of all Africa.
34.2. Hasdrubalem subinde ac Syphacem per litteras nuntiosque, postremo etiam per legatos arcessunt; Hasdrubalem opem ferre prope circumsessae patriae iubent; Syphacem orant ut Carthagini, ut uniuersae Africae subueniat.
34.3. Scipio at that time had his camp near Utica, about a mile from the city, having shifted it from the seashore, where for a few days the camp had been established close to the fleet.
34.3. ad Uticam tum castra Scipio ferme mille passus ab urbe habebat translata a mari, ubi paucos dies statiua coniuncta classi fuerant.
34.4. Hanno, who had received a cavalry force not strong enough even to prevent the devastation of farms, to say nothing of attacking the enemy, made it his very first task to increase the number of his horsemen by recruiting.
34.4. Hanno nequaquam satis ualido non modo ad lacessendum hostem sed ne ad tuendos quidem a populationibus agros equitatu accepto id omnium primum egit ut per conquisitionem numerum equitum augeret;
34.5. And though he did not reject men from other tribes, it was nevertheless especially Numidians that he hired, they being easily the foremost type of cavalry in Africa.
34.5. nec aliarum gentium aspernatus, maxime tamen Numidas—id longe primum equitum in Africa est genus — conducit.
34.6. Already he had about four thousand horsemen when he seized a city named Salaeca, some fifteen miles from the Roman camp. When this was reported to Scipio, he said “Cavalry summering under roofs!”
34.6. iam ad quattuor milia equitum habebat, cum Salaecam nomine urbem occupauit quindecim ferme milia ab Romanis castris.
34.7. “Let them be even more numerous, provided they have that kind of a commander!”
34.7. quod ubi Scipioni relatum est, 'aestiua sub tectis equitatus.' inquit 'sint uel plures, dum talem ducem habeant.'
34.8. Thinking that the more spiritless they were the less must he delay, he sent Masinissa forward with cavalry, ordering him to ride up to the gates and draw the enemy out into battle. When the whole multitude should have sallied out and in battle should then prove too powerful for them to withstand easily, he was gradually to retire. He would himself come into the battle at the right moment.
34.8. eo minus sibi cessandum ratus quo illi segnius rem agerent, Masinissam cum equitatu praemissum portis obequitare atque hostem ad pugnam elicere iubet: ubi omnis multitudo se effudisset grauiorque iam in certamine esset quam ut facile sustineri posset, cederet paulatim;
34.9. After delaying only long enough to give time, as it seemed, for Masinissa, who had preceded him, to draw out the enemy, Scipio followed with the Roman cavalry and advanced unseen under cover of the hills, which were most conveniently placed on both sides of a winding road.
34.9. se in tempore pugnae obuenturum. tantum moratus quantum satis temporis praegresso uisum ad eliciendos hostes, cum Romano equitatu secutus tegentibus tumulis, qui peropportune circa uiae flexus oppositi erant, occultus processit.
34.10. Masinissa according to plan, now as inspirer of terror, now as the terror-stricken, would either ride up to the very gates, or retiring would tempt them to reckless pursuit whenever his pretence of fear added to the enemy's boldness.
34.10. Masinissa ex composito nunc terrentis, nunc timentis modo aut ipsis obequitabat portis aut cedendo, cum timoris simulatio audaciam hosti faceret, ad insequendum temere eliciebat.
34.11. Not yet had all sallied out, and the commander was exerting himself in various ways, as he compelled some men heavy with wine and sleep to take up their arms and bridle their horses, and stood in the way of others, to prevent their dashing out of all the gates, scattering and unformed, with no order, no standards.
34.11. nondum omnes egressi erant uarieque dux fatigabatur, alios uino et somno graues arma capere et frenare equos cogendo, aliis ne sparsi et inconditi sine ordine sine signis omnibus portis excurrerent obsistendo.
34.12. At first, as they rashly charged, Masinissa would meet their attack. Later larger numbers, dashing out of a gate in a mass, had made it an even combat.
34.12. primo incaute se inuehentes Masinissa excipiebat; mox plures simul conferti porta effusi aequauerant certamen; postremo iam omnis equitatus proelio cum adesset, sustineri ultra nequiere;
34.13. Finally, when all their cavalry was engaged, they could no longer be withstood. Yet Masinissa did not flee in disorder, but retiring gradually would meet their attacks until he drew them to the hills which concealed the Roman cavalry.
34.13. non tamen effusa fuga Masinissa sed cedendo sensim impetus eorum accipiebat donec ad tumulos tegentes Romanum equitatum pertraxit.
34.14. Thereupon the horsemen dashing out, themselves with undiminished strength and their horses fresh, surrounded Hanno and the Africans, who were exhausted by fighting and pursuit; and Masinissa, suddenly turning his horses about, went into battle again.
34.14. inde exorti equites et ipsi integris uiribus et recentibus equis Hannoni Afrisque pugnando ac sequendo fessis se circumfudere; et Masinissa flexis subito equis in pugnam rediit.
34.15. About a thousand men who had been at the head of the column, finding retreat difficult, were cut off and slain along with Hanno himself, their commander.
34.15. mille fere qui primi agminis fuerant, quibus haud facilis receptus fuit, cum ipso duce Hannone interclusi atque interfecti sunt:
34.16. As for the rest, who were terrified especially by the death of their commander, the victors pursuing them in headlong flight for thirty miles either captured or slew about two thousand more horsemen.
34.16. ceteros ducis praecipue territos caede effuse fugientes per triginta milia passuum uictores secuti ad duo praeterea milia equitum aut ceperunt aut occiderunt.
34.17. Among these it was well established that there were not less than two hundred Carthaginian horsemen, some of them distinguished both for wealth and noble blood.
34.17. inter eos satis constabat non minus ducentos Carthaginiensium equites fuisse, et diuitiis quosdam et genere inlustres.
35.1. On the same day on which these events took place the ships which had carried booty to Sicily happened to return with supplies, as though with a presentiment that they had come for booty a second time.
35.1. eodem forte quo haec gesta sunt die naues quae praedam in Siciliam uexerant cum commeatu rediere, uelut ominatae ad praedam alteram repetendam sese uenisse.
35.2. Not all the historians vouch for the slaying of two Carthaginian commanders of the same name in two cavalry battles, fearing, I suppose, unwittingly to tell the same story twice. Coelius and Valerius, to be sure, relate that Hanno too was captured.
35.2. duos eodem nomine Carthaginiensium duces duobus equestribus proeliis interfectos non omnes auctores sunt, ueriti, credo, ne falleret bis relata eadem res: Coelius quidem et Ualerius captum etiam Hannonem tradunt.
35.3. Scipio bestowed conspicuous rewards upon the commanders and the horsemen according to the service each had rendered, and above all on Masinissa.
35.3. Scipio praefectos equitesque prout cuiusque opera fuerat et ante omnes Masinissam insignibus donis donat;
35.4. And having posted a strong garrison at Salaeca, he set out himself with the rest of the army. Laying waste not merely the farms wherever he went, but storming certain cities also and villages, while the alarm of the war was spread far and wide, on the seventh day after his departure he returned to camp bringing a great number of men and cattle and much booty of every kind; and again he sent away the ships loaded down with spoils of the enemy. Then, giving up small raids and petty pillaging, he applied all his military resources to the siege of Utica, with the intention of having that city, if captured, as a base henceforth for all remaining operations.
35.4. et firmo praesidio Salaecae imposito ipse cum cetero exercitu profectus, non agris modo quacumque incedebat populatis sed urbibus etiam quibusdam uicisque expugnatis late fuso terrore belli septimo die quam profectus erat magnam uim hominum et pecoris et omnis generis praedae trahens in castra redit, grauesque iterum hostilibus spoliis naues dimittit. inde omissis expeditionibus paruis populationibusque ad oppugnandam Uticam omnes belli uires conuertit, eam deinde si cepisset sedem ad cetera exsequenda habiturus.
35.7. From the fleet marines were brought up to the city on the side where it is washed by the sea, and at the same time land forces on the side where a height almost overhung the very walls.
35.7. simul et a classe nauales socii, qua ex parte urbs mari adluitur, simul et terrestris exercitus ab imminente prope ipsis moenibus tumulo est admotus.
35.8. Artillery and engines he had not only brought with him but they had also been sent from Sicily with the supplies, and new ones were being made in an arsenal where many makers of such devices had been interned for the purpose. For the people of Utica, completely beset by so great a force, all their hope was in the Carthaginian people; for the Carthaginians it was in Hasdrubal, provided he should prevail upon Syphax. But everything was moving more slowly than people in need of help desired.
35.8. tormenta machinasque et aduexerat secum, et ex Sicilia missa cum commeatu erant; et noua in armamentario multis talium operum artificibus de industria inclusis fiebant. Uticensibus tanta undique mole circumsessis in Carthaginiensi populo, Carthaginiensibus in Hasdrubale ita si is mouisset Syphacem, spes omnis erat;
35.9. Although Hasdrubal by most intensive recruiting had made up a total of about thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry, it was not before the arrival of Syphax, however, that he dared to move his camp nearer to the enemy.
35.9. sed desiderio indigentium auxilii tardius cuncta mouebantur. Hasdrubal intentissima conquisitione cum ad triginta milia peditum, tria equitum confecisset, non tamen ante aduentum Syphacis castra propius hostem mouere est ausus.
35.11. Syphax came with fifty thousand foot-soldiers and ten thousand horsemen, whereupon Hasdrubal, at once moving his camp away from Carthage, established himself not far from Utica and the Roman fortifications.
35.11. Syphax cum quinquaginta milibus peditum, decem equitum aduenit confestimque motis a Carthagine castris, haud procul Utica munitionibusque Romanis consedit.
35.12. Their arrival had this effect at any rate, that Scipio, after besieging Utica for about forty days to no purpose in spite of all his attempts, retired from the place, having failed in his undertaking.
35.12. quorum aduentus hoc tamen momenti fecit ut Scipio, cum quadraginta ferme dies nequiquam omnia experiens obsedisset Uticam, abscederet inde inrito incepto.
35.13. And as winter was now at hand, he fortified a winter camp on a promontory which is connected with the mainland by a narrow ridge, but extends for a considerable distance into the sea.
35.13. et—iam enim hiemps instabat— castra hiberna in promunturio, quod tenui iugo continenti adhaerens in aliquantum maris spatium extenditur, communit.
35.14. By a single earthwork he enclosed the naval camp as well. The camp of the legions being placed on the middle of the ridge, its northern side was occupied by the beached ships and the men to man them, its southern slope, descending to the other shore, by the cavalry.
35.14. uno uallo et naualia et castra amplectitur; iugo medio legionum castris impositis, latus ad septentrionem uersum subductae naues naualesque socii tenebant, meridianam uallem ad alterum litus deuexam equitatus.
35.15. Such were the events in Africa down to the end of autumn.
35.15. haec in Africa usque ad extremum autumni gesta.
36.1. Besides the grain brought in on all sides from ravaged farms of the whole region and supplies transported from Sicily and Italy, Gnaeus Octavius, the propraetor, brought a large amount of grain sent from Sardinia by Tiberius Claudius, the praetor in charge of that province.
36.1. praeter conuectum undique ex populatis circa agris frumentum commeatusque ex Sicilia atque Italia aduectos, Cn. Octauius propraetor ex Sardinia ab Ti. Claudio praetore cuius ea prouincia erat ingentem uim frumenti aduexit;
36.2. And not only were the granaries filled which had been built already, but also new granaries were built. Clothing was insufficient for the army. Octavius was ordered to obtain from the praetor whatever could be assembled and sent from that province. This charge also was carried out without delay.
36.2. horreaque non solum ea quae iam facta erant repleta, sed noua aedificata. uestimenta exercitui deerant; id mandatum Octauio ut cum praetore ageret si quid ex ea prouincia comparari ac mitti posset.
36.3. Twelve hundred togas were sent in a short time and twelve thousand tunics. In the summer in which these events occurred in Africa Publius Sempronius, the consul who had the land of the Bruttii as his province, engaged with Hannibal in the territory of Croton in an unorganized battle while actually on the march. They fought in columns rather than in battle-line. The Romans were worsted, and in what was in fact a confused struggle rather than a battle about twelve hundred of the consul's army were slain.
36.3. ea quoque haud segniter curata res; mille ducentae togae breui spatio, duodecim milia tunicarum missa. aestate ea qua haec in Africa gesta sunt P. Sempronius consul cui Bruttii prouincia erat in agro Crotoniensi cum Hannibale in ipso itinere tumultuario proelio conflixit. agminibus magis quam acie pugnatum est.
36.5. There was a panic-stricken retreat to the camp, and yet the enemy did not venture to attack it.
36.5. Romani pulsi, et tumultu uerius quam pugna ad mille et ducenti de exercitu consulis interfecti;
36.6. But in the silence of the following night the consul set out, and after despatching a messenger to Publius Licinius, the proconsul, urging him to bring up his legions, he united their forces.
36.6. in castra trepide reditum, neque oppugnare tamen ea hostes ausi. ceterum silentio proximae noctis profectus inde consul praemisso nuntio ad P. Licinium proconsulem ut suas legiones admoueret copias coniunxit.
36.7. Thus two generals and two armies once more confronted Hannibal, and there was no delay in engaging, since doubled forces emboldened the consul, as his recent victory did the Carthaginian. Sempronius led his legions into the first line, while Publius Licinius' legions were posted in reserve.
36.7. ita duo duces duo exercitus ad Hannibalem redierunt; nec mora dimicandi facta, cum consuli duplicatae uires, Poeno recens uictoria animos faceret.
36.8. At the beginning of the battle the consul vowed a temple to Fortuna Primigenia, if he should rout the enemy that day; and he had his wish. The Carthaginians were routed and put to flight.
36.8. in primam aciem suas legiones Sempronius induxit; in subsidiis locatae P. Licini legiones. consul principio pugnae aedem Fortunae Primigeniae uouit si eo die hostes fudisset; composque eius uoti fuit.
36.9. Over four thousand armed men were slain, a little less than three hundred were captured alive, and forty horses and eleven military standards taken. Discouraged by defeat, Hannibal led his army back to Croton.
36.9. fusi ac fugati Poeni; supra quattuor milia armatorum caesa, paulo minus trecenti uiui capti et equi quadraginta undecim militaria signa. perculsus aduerso proelio Hannibal Crotonem exercitum reduxit.
36.10. At the same time Marcus Cornelius, the consul, in the north of Italy held Etruria in check not so much by arms as by the alarm produced by the trials, while almost the whole land was inclined towards Mago and through him to the hope of a political change.
36.10. eodem tempore M. Cornelius consul in altera parte Italiae non tam armis quam iudiciorum terrore Etruriam continuit, totam ferme ad Magonem ac per eum ad spem nouandi res uersam.
36.11. In accordance with a decree of the senate he conducted these cases with no respect of persons. And at first many noble Etruscans who either had gone in person to Mago or had sent others to him reporting on the disloyalty of their communities, had appeared and had been condemned. Later on men who from a guilty conscience went into voluntary exile, on being condemned in absence, eluded bodily punishment, merely exposing their property instead to possible confiscation.
36.11. eas quaestiones ex senatus consulto minime ambitiose habuit; multique nobiles Etrusci qui aut ipsi ierant aut miserant ad Magonem de populorum suorum defectione, primo praesentes erant condemnati, postea conscientia sibimet ipsi exsilium consciscentes cum absentes damnati essent, corporibus subtractis bona tantum quae publicari poterant pigneranda poenae praebebant.
37.1. While the consuls were thus employed in opposite regions, the censors Marcus Livius and Gaius Claudius at Rome meanwhile publicly read the list of senators. Quintus Fabius Maximus was chosen princes for the second time. Seven men received their “mark,” but no one who had occupied a curule chair.
37.1. dum haec consules diuersis regionibus agunt, censores interim Romae M. Liuius et C. Claudius senatum recitauerunt. princeps iterum lectus Q. Fabius Maximus; notati septem, nemo tamen qui sella curuli sedisset.
37.2. Repairs to public buildings and their roofs they enforced strictly and with the greatest fidelity. They let the contract for the making of a street leading out of the Cattle Market, on both sides of the spectators' stands, as far as the Temple of Venus, also for the erection of a Temple of the Great Mother on the Palatine.
37.2. sarta tecta acriter et cum summa fide exegerunt. uiam e foro bouario [et] ad Ueneris circa foros publicos et aedem Matris Magnae in Palatio faciendam locauerunt.
37.3. They also established a new revenue from the yearly production of salt. Both at Rome and throughout Italy salt was then sold at one-sixth of an as. The censors let contracts for the sale of salt at the same price at Rome, at a higher price even in market-towns and local centres, and at prices which varied from place to place.
37.3. uectigal etiam nouum ex salaria annona statuerunt. sextante sal et Romae et per totam Italiam erat; Romae pretio eodem, pluris in foris et conciliabulis et alio alibi pretio praebendum locauerunt. id uectigal commentum alterum ex censoribus satis credebant populo iratum quod iniquo iudicio quondam damnatus esset, et in pretio salis maxime oneratas tribus quarum opera damnatus erat [credebant];
37.4. This source of revenue was generally believed to have been devised by only one of the censors, who was angry with the people because he had formerly been condemned by an unjust verdict; and that in the price of salt those tribes by whose efforts he had been condemned were most heavily burdened. Hence the cognomen Salinator was bestowed upon Livius.
37.4. inde Salinatori Liuio inditum cognomen. lustrum conditum serius quia per prouincias dimiserunt censores ut ciuium Romanorum in exercitibus quantus ubique esset referretur numerus.
37.6. The ceremony of purification was completed later than usual because the censors had sent men to the various provinces to report the number of Roman citizens in each of the armies.
37.6. censa cum iis ducenta quattuordecim milia hominum. condidit lustrum C. Claudius Nero.
37.7. Including these, 214,000 men were listed. Gaius Claudius Nero concluded the rite of purification. Then they received the census lists of the twelve colonies presented by their own censors, as had never been done before.
37.7. duodecim deinde coloniarum, quod nunquam antea factum erat, deferentibus ipsarum coloniarum censoribus censum acceperunt ut quantum numero militum, quantum pecunia ualerent in publicis tabulis monumenta exstarent.
37.8. The purpose was that documents, to show what was their strength in the number of soldiers and what in money, might be found in the public records. Then they began to take the census of the knights; and it happened that both of the censors had horses from the state.
37.8. equitum deinde census agi coeptus est; et ambo forte censores equum publicum habebant. cum ad tribum Polliam uentum esset in qua M. Liui nomen erat, et praeco cunctaretur citare ipsum censorem, 'cita' inquit Nero ' M.
37.9. When they had reached the Pollia tribe, in which stood the name of Marcus Livius, and while the herald was hesitating to summon the censor himself, Nero said, “Summon Marcus Livius!” And whether as still nursing their ancient quarrel, or priding himself on an ill-timed display of strictness because he had been condemned by a verdict of the people, he ordered Marcus Livius to sell his horse.
37.9. Liuium '; et siue ex residua uetere simultate siue intempestiua iactatione seueritatis inflatus M. Liuium quia populi iudicio esset damnatus equum uendere iussit.
37.10. Likewise Marcus Livius, when they had reached the Arniensis tribe and the name of his colleague, ordered Gaius Claudius to sell his horse for two reasons: one because he had given false testimony against Livius, the other that he had not honestly been reconciled with him.
37.10. item M. Liuius cum ad tribum Arniensem et nomen collegae uentum est, uendere equum C. Claudium iussit duarum rerum causa, unius quod falsum aduersus se testimonium dixisset, alterius quod non sincera fide secum in gratiam redisset.
37.11. Equally shameful at the close of their censorship was their contest in besmirching each the other's reputation to the detriment of his own.
37.11. aeque foedum certamen inquinandi famam alterius cum suae famae damno factum est exitu censurae.
37.12. When Gaius Claudius had taken the oath that he had complied with the laws, upon going up into the Treasury and giving the names of those whom he was leaving as mere tax-payers, he gave the name of his colleague.
37.12. cum in leges iurasset C. Claudius et in aerarium escendisset, inter nomina eorum quos aerarios relinquebat dedit collegae nomen.
37.13. Then Marcus Livius came into the Treasury, and except for the Maecia tribe, which had neither condemned him nor after his condemnation voted for him either for consul or for censor, he left the entire Roman people, thirty-four tribes, as mere tax-payers, alleging that they had both condemned him, an innocent man, and after his condemnation had made him consul and censor, and could not deny that they had erred either once in their verdict or twice in the elections.
37.13. deinde M. Liuius in aerarium uenit; praeter Maeciam tribum, quae se neque condemnasset neque condemnatum aut consulem aut censorem fecisset, populum Romanum omnem, quattuor et triginta tribus, aerarios reliquit, quod et innocentem se condemnassent et condemnatum consulem et censorem fecissent neque infitiari possent aut iudicio semel aut comitiis bis ab se peccatum esse:
37.15. He said that among the thirty-four tribes Gaius Claudius also would be a mere tax-payer; and that if he had a precedent for twice leaving the same man a mere tax-payer, he would have left Gaius Claudius among them with express mention of his name.
37.15. inter quattuor et triginta tribus et C. Claudium aerarium fore; quod si exemplum haberet bis eundem aerarium relinquendi, C. Claudium nominatim se inter aerarios fuisse relicturum. prauum certamen notarum inter censores;
37.16. A perverted contest between the censors in regard to their “marks”; but to the fickleness of the people it was a rebuke worthy of a censor and in keeping with the earnestness of those times.
37.16. castigatio inconstantiae populi censoria et grauitate temporum illorum digna.
37.17. Since the censors were unpopular, Gnaeus Baebius, a tribune of the plebs, thinking it an opportunity to advance himself at their expense, named a day for both to appear before the people. That procedure was quashed by unanimity among the senators, lest the censorship should be subject thereafter to the caprice of the populace.
37.17. in inuidia censores cum essent, crescendi ex iis ratus esse occasionem Cn. Baebius tribunus plebis diem ad populum utrique dixit. ea res consensu patrum discussa est ne postea obnoxia populari aurae censura esset.
38.1. During the same summer in the land of the Bruttii Clampetia was taken by storm by the consul. Consentia together with Pandosia and other cities of no importance voluntarily submitted to his authority.
38.1. eadem aestate in Bruttiis Clampetia a consule ui capta, Consentia et Pandosia et ignobiles aliae ciuitates uoluntate in dicionem uenerunt.
38.2. And since the time for elections was now at hand, it was decided to summon Cornelius to Rome from Etruria, where there was no war.
38.2. et cum comitiorum iam appeteret tempus, Cornelium potius ex Etruria ubi nihil belli erat Romam acciri placuit.
38.3. He announced the election of Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Gaius Servilius Geminus as consuls.
38.3. is consules Cn. Seruilium Caepionem et C. Seruilium Geminum creauit.
38.4. Then elections for the praetorships were held. Elected were Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, Publius Aelius Paetus, Publius Villius Tappulus, the last two being made praetors while they were plebeian aediles.
38.4. inde praetoria comitia habita. creati P. Cornelius Lentulus P. Quinctilius Uarus P. Aelius Paetus P. Uillius Tappulus; hi duo cum aediles plebis essent, praetores creati sunt.
38.5. The consul after the elections were over returned to the army in Etruria. Priests who died that year and successors appointed in their places were:
38.5. consul comitiis perfectis ad exercitum in Etruriam redit. sacerdotes eo anno mortui atque in locum eorum suffecti:
38.6. Tiberius Veturius Philo, elected and installed flamen of Mars in place of Marcus Aemilius Regillus, who had died in the preceding year;
38.6. Ti. Ueturius Philo flamen Martialis in locum M. Aemili Regilli, qui priore anno mortuus erat, creatus inauguratusque;
38.7. in succession to Marcus Pomponius Matho, augur and decemvir, were elected Marcus Aurelius Cotta as decemvir, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus as augur, being a mere youth, which was then a very unusual thing in the assignment of priesthoods.
38.7. in M. Pomponi Mathonis auguris et decemuiri locum creati decemuir M. Aurelius Cotta, augur Ti. Sempronius Gracchus admodum adulescens, quod tum perrarum in mandandis sacerdotiis erat.
38.8. A gilded four-horse chariot was set up in that year on the Capitol by the curule aediles Gaius Livius and Marcus Servilius Geminus. And the Roman Games were repeated for two days, as were the Plebeian Games also for two days by the aediles Publius Aelius and Publius Villius; and on account of the festival there was a banquet for Jupiter.
38.8. quadrigae aureae eo anno in Capitolio positae ab aedilibus curulibus C. Liuio et M. Seruilio Gemino, et ludi Romani biduum instaurati; item per biduum plebeii ab aedilibus P. Aelio P. Uillio; et Iouis epulum fuit ludorum causa.