1.1. GNAEUS SERVILIUS and Gaius Servilius, the consuls, whose year was the sixteenth of the Punic war, having laid before the senate the condition of the state and the war and the assignments, the senators voted that the consuls should arrange between them, or determine by lot, which of them should have as his assignment the land of the Bruttii, confronting Hannibal, and which of them Etruria and Liguria;
1.1. Cn. Seruilius et C. Seruilius consules—sextus decimus is annus belli Punici erat—cum de re publica belloque et prouinciis ad senatum rettulissent, censuerunt patres ut consules inter se compararent sortirenturue uter Bruttios aduersus Hannibalem, uter Etruriam ac Ligures prouinciam haberet:
1.3. that the consul to whom the Bruttii should fall was to take over an army from Publius Sempronius; that Publius Sempronius —for he also had his command prolonged for one year as proconsul —should succeed Publius Licinius; that the latter should return to Rome.
1.3. cui Bruttii euenissent exercitum a P. Sempronio acciperet; P. Sempronius —ei quoque enim pro consule imperium in annum prorogabatur— P. Licinio succederet;
1.4. In war also Licinius was now highly rated, in addition to the other fields in which no citizen was at that time considered more fully equipped, since all the advantages possible to man had been heaped upon him by nature and fortune.
1.4. is Romam reuerteretur, bello quoque bonus habitus ad cetera, quibus nemo ea tempestate instructior ciuis habebatur, congestis omnibus humanis ab natura fortunaque bonis.
1.5. Of noble birth he was at the same time wealthy. Conspicuous for a handsome figure and physical strength, he was considered a very eloquent speaker, whether a legal case was to be conducted, or when there was occasion in the senate and before the people to persuade or dissuade.
1.5. nobilis idem ac diues erat; forma uiribusque corporis excellebat; facundissimus habebatur, seu causa oranda, seu in senatu et apud populum suadendi ac dissuadendi locus esset;
1.6. In the pontifical law he was accounted a master; and now, to crown these distinctions, his consulship had brought him military laurels as well.
1.6. iuris pontificii peritissimus; super haec bellicae quoque laudis consulatus compotem fecerat. quod in Bruttiis prouincia, idem in Etruria ac Liguribus decretum:
1.7. The decision taken in regard to the land of the Bruttii as a province was repeated in the case of Etruria and Liguria.
1.7. M. Cornelius nouo consuli tradere exercitum iussus, ipse prorogato imperio Galliam prouinciam obtinere cum legionibus iis quas <L.> Scribonius priore anno habuisset.
1.8. Marcus Cornelius was ordered to turn over his army to the new consul, and himself, with his command continued, to hold Gaul as his assignment, having the legions which Lucius Scribonius had held the year before.
1.8. sortiti deinde prouincias: Caepioni Bruttii, [Seruilio] Gemino Etruria euenit.
1.9. Thereupon they drew their assignments by lot, the Bruttian country falling to Caepio, Etruria to Geminus. Lots were then cast for the praetors' assignments. Aelius Paetus drew the city praetorship, Publius Lentulus Sardinia, Publius Villius Sicily, Quinctilius Varus Ariminum with two legions which had been under the command of Spurius Lucretius.
1.9. tum praetorum prouinciae in sortem coniectae. iurisdictionem urbanam Paetus Aelius, Sardiniam P. Lentulus, Siciliam P. Uillius, Ariminum cum duabus legionibus—sub Sp. Lucretio eae fuerant—Quinctilius Uarus est sortitus.
1.10. Lucretius' command also was continued, that he might build up the town of Genua, destroyed by Mago the Carthaginian. Publius Scipio's command was prolonged, not for a fixed time but to the completion of his task, until the war in Africa should be over.
1.10. et Lucretio prorogatum imperium ut Genuam oppidum a Magone Poeno dirutum exaedificaret. P. Scipioni non temporis, sed rei gerendae fine, donec debellatum in Africa foret, prorogatum imperium est;
1.11. And it was decreed that there should be a season of prayer that his crossing over to Africa as his province might be beneficial to the Roman people and to the commander himself and his army.
1.11. decretumque ut supplicatio fieret, quod is in Africam prouinciam traiecisset, ut ea res salutaris populo Romano ipsique duci atque exercitui esset.
2.1. For Sicily three thousand soldiers were enrolled because all the best troops that province used to have had been transported to Africa. Furthermore, because it had been decided to defend the sea-coast of Sicily with forty ships, in order to prevent any fleet from crossing over from Africa, Villius took with him thirteen new ships to Sicily, while the rest in Sicily were old ships repaired. Placed in charge of this fleet, with his command continued, was Marcus Pomponius, praetor in the preceding year, who provided the ships with new soldiers brought from Italy.
2.1. in Siciliam tria milia militum sunt scripta [et] quia quod roboris ea prouincia habuerat in Africam transuectum fuerat; et quia ne qua classis ex Africa traiceret quadraginta nauibus custodiri placuerat Siciliae maritimam oram, tredecim nouas naues Uillius secum in Siciliam duxit, ceterae in Sicilia ueteres refectae.
2.3. The same number of ships were by decree of the senate assigned, with the same extension of his command, to Gnaeus Octavius, who likewise had been praetor in the preceding year, in order to defend the coast of Sardinia.
2.3. huic classi M. Pomponius prioris anni praetor prorogato imperio praepositus nouos milites ex Italia aduectos in naues imposuit.
2.4. Lentulus, the praetor, was ordered to furnish two thousand soldiers for the ships. As for the defence of the coast of Italy, since it was not known to what point the Carthaginians would send their fleet —while they seemed likely to attack any part of it that was left unguarded —that task with the same number of ships was entrusted to Marcus Marcius, praetor in the previous year.
2.4. parem nauium numerum Cn. Octauio praetori item prioris anni cum pari iure imperii ad tuendam Sardiniae oram patres decreuerunt; Lentulus praetor duo milia militum dare in naues iussus. et Italiae ora, quia incertum erat quo missuri classem Carthaginienses forent, uidebantur autem quicquid nudatum praesidiis esset petituri, M. Marcio praetori prioris anni cum totidem nauibus tuenda data est.
2.6. Three thousand soldiers were enrolled by the consuls for that fleet in accordance with a decree of the senate, and two city legions for emergency duty.
2.6. tria milia militum in eam classem ex decreto patrum consules scripserunt et duas legiones urbanas ad incerta belli.
2.7. The Spanish provinces were assigned by a decree of the senate to their veteran commanders, Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus with the armies and military authority. The Roman state was administered that year with a total of twenty legions and a hundred and sixty war-ships.
2.7. Hispaniae cum exercitibus imperioque ueteribus imperatoribus, L. Lentulo et L. Manlio Acidino, decretae. uiginti omnino legionibus et centum sexaginta nauibus longis res Romana eo anno gesta. praetores in prouincias ire iussi:
2.8. The praetors were ordered to go to their provinces, while the consuls were bidden, before their departure from the city, to conduct the great games which Titus Manlius Torquatus as dictator had vowed for the fourth year, if the state should remain as it was before.
2.8. consulibus imperatum ut priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur ludos magnos facerent quos T. Manlius Torquatus dictator in quintum annum uouisset si eodem statu res publica staret.
2.9. And new religious fears were aroused in men's minds by portents reported from a number of places. On the Capitol ravens were believed not only to have torn away gilding with their beaks but even to have eaten it. At Antium mice gnawed a golden wreath.
2.9. et nouas religiones excitabant in animis hominum prodigia ex pluribus locis nuntiata. aurum in Capitolio corui non lacerasse tantum rostris crediti sed etiam edisse;
2.10. The whole region around Capua was covered by an immense number of locusts, while there was no agreement as to whence they had come. At Reate a colt with five feet was foaled.
2.10. mures Antii coronam auream adrosere; circa Capuam omnem agrum locustarum uis ingens, ita ut unde aduenissent parum constaret, compleuit;
2.11. At Anagnia there were at first shooting-stars at intervals and then a great meteor blazed out.
2.11. eculeus Reate cum quinque pedibus natus; Anagniae sparsi primum ignes in caelo, dein fax ingens arsit;
2.12. At Frusino a halo encircled the sun with its slender circumference, and then the ring itself had a greater circle bright as the sun circumscribed about it. At Arpinum in an open meadow the earth settled into a huge depression. One of the consuls on sacrificing his first victim found the “head” of the liver lacking.
2.12. Frusinone arcus solem tenui linea amplexus est, circulum deinde ipsum maior solis orbis extrinsecus inclusit; Arpini terra campestri agro in ingentem sinum consedit;
2.13. These prodigies were expiated by full-grown victims; the gods to whom sacrifices should be offered were announced by the college of the pontiffs.
2.13. consulum alteri primam hostiam immolanti caput iocineris defuit. ea prodigia maioribus hostiis procurata; editi a collegio pontificum dei quibus sacrificaretur.
3.1. Having completed these tasks the consuls and praetors set out for their provinces. All of them, however, turned their attention to Africa, just as though that had been allotted to them, either because they saw it was there that the main issue and the outcome of the war were centred, or in order to show Scipio favour, on whom the eyes of all the citizens were then fixed.
3.1. his transactis consules praetoresque in prouincias profecti; omnibus tamen, uelut eam sortitis, Africae cura erat, seu quia ibi summam rerum bellique uerti cernebant seu ut Scipioni gratificarentur, in quem tum omnis uersa ciuitas erat.
3.2. Accordingly not only from Sardinia, as has been said above, but also from Sicily and Spain clothing and grain were being transported thither, and arms as well and supplies of every kind from Sicily.
3.2. itaque non ex Sardinia tantum, sicut ante dictum est, sed ex Sicilia quoque et Hispania uestimenta frumentumque, et arma etiam ex Sicilia et omne genus commeatus eo portabantur.
3.3. And at no time in the winter had Scipio lessened his military operations, which were many and all around him at the same time. He was besieging Utica; the camp of Hasdrubal could be seen; the Carthaginians had launched their ships; they kept their fleet ready and equipped, in order to intercept supplies.
3.3. nec Scipio ullo tempore hiemis belli opera remiserat, quae multa simul undique eum circumstabant. Uticam obsidebat; castra in conspectu Hasdrubalis erant; Carthaginienses deduxerant naues;
3.4. In the midst of all this he had also not forgotten his effort to recover the support of Syphax, in case by that time, after much indulgence, satiety might have overtaken him in his love for his wife.
3.4. classem paratam instructamque ad commeatus intercipiendos habebant. inter haec ne Syphacis quidem reconciliandi curam ex animo miserat, si forte iam satias amoris in uxore ex multa copia eum cepisset.
3.5. From Syphax came rather terms of peace with the Carthaginians under which the Romans should withdraw from Africa, the Carthaginians from Italy, than any hope that in the event of war he would change sides.
3.5. ab Syphace magis pacis cum Carthaginiensibus condiciones ut Romani Africa, Poeni Italia excederent quam, si bellaretur, spes ulla desciturum adferebatur.
3.6. That these dealings went on through messengers I am more inclined to believe —and for this a majority of the historians vouch —than that Syphax came in person into the Roman camp for a conference, as Valerius Antias relates. At first the Roman general scarcely listened to such terms.
3.6. —haec per nuntios acta magis equidem crediderim—et ita pars maior auctores sunt—quam ipsum Syphacem, ut Antias Ualerius prodit, in castra Romana ad conloquium uenisse. — primo eas condiciones imperator Romanus uix auribus admisit;
3.7. Later, that his men might have a plausible reason for visiting the enemy's camp, he was less firm in rejecting the same offers, and encouraged the hope that, if they repeatedly discussed the matter from both sides, agreement would be reached. The winter quarters of the Carthaginians, being constructed of building material gathered at random from the farms, were almost entirely of wood.
3.7. postea, ut causa probabilis suis commeandi foret in castra hostium, mollius eadem illa abnuere ac spem facere saepius ultro citroque agitantibus rem conuenturam.
3.8. In particular the Numidians were dwelling in huts of plaited reeds, most of them under thatched roofs, and scattered without a plan, some of their number even outside the fosse and earthwork —the natural result of seizing upon a site without waiting for orders.
3.8. hibernacula Carthaginiensium, congesta temere ex agris materia exaedificata, lignea ferme tota erant. Numidae praecipue harundine textis storeaque pars maxima tectis, passim nullo ordine, quidam ut sine imperio occupatis locis extra fossam etiam uallumque habitabant.
3.10. This was reported to Scipio and had inspired the hope of setting fire to the camp of the enemy when opportunity should offer.
3.10. haec relata Scipioni spem fecerant castra hostium per occasionem incendendi.
4.1. With the legates whom he kept sending to Syphax he would send some first centurions of attested courage and discretion as servants and garbed as slaves, that while the legates were in conference they might roam about the camp in different directions and take note of all entrances and exits, the situation and plan both of the camp as a whole and of its divisions, where the Carthaginians and where the Numidians had their quarters. They were to discover what was the distance between Hasdrubal's camp and that of the king, also to learn their practice as regards outposts and sentries, whether they were more exposed to an unexpected attack by night or by day.
4.1. cum legatis quos mitteret ad Syphacem calonum loco primos ordines spectatae uirtutis atque prudentiae seruili habitu mittebat, qui dum in conloquio legati essent uagi per castra alius alia aditus exitusque omnes, situm formamque et uniuersorum castrorum et partium, qua Poeni qua Numidae haberent, quantum interualli inter Hasdrubalis ac regia castra esset, specularentur moremque simul noscerent stationum uigiliarumque, nocte an interdiu opportuniores insidianti essent;
4.3. And in the course of numerous conferences other men and again others were purposely sent, that a larger number might acquaint themselves with everything.
4.3. et inter crebra conloquia alii atque alii de industria quo pluribus omnia nota essent mittebantur.
4.4. When repeated discussions were giving Syphax, and through him the Carthaginians, a daily surer hope of peace, the Roman legates announced that they were forbidden to return to their general unless a definite answer was made to them.
4.4. cum saepius agitata res certiorem spem pacis in dies et Syphaci et Carthaginiensibus per eum faceret, legati Romani uetitos se reuerti ad imperatorem aiunt nisi certum responsum detur:
4.5. Therefore, if his own decision was already made, <let him declare it>; if on the other hand Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians had to be conferred with, let him confer with them. It was time, they said, either to agree upon peace or to wage war in earnest.
4.5. proinde, seu ipsi staret iam sententia, <promeret sententiam>, seu consulendus Hasdrubal et Carthaginienses essent, consuleret; tempus esse aut pacem componi aut bellum nauiter geri.
4.6. While Hasdrubal was being conferred with by Syphax, and the Carthaginians by Hasdrubal, the spies had time to observe everything, as had Scipio to get together whatever was needful.
4.6. dum consulitur Hasdrubal ab Syphace, ab Hasdrubale Carthaginienses, et speculatores omnia uisendi et Scipio ad comparanda ea quae in rem erant tempus habuit;
4.7. And out of the talk of peace and the hope of it, as usually happens, there sprang a neglect on the part of the Carthaginians and the Numidian to guard against any attack which might be made upon them in the meantime.
4.7. et ex mentione ac spe pacis neglegentia, ut fit, apud Poenos Numidamque orta cauendi ne quid hostile interim paterentur.
4.8. At last the answer was returned, including certain unreasonable terms adroitly added just because the Roman seemed extremely desirous of peace. These furnished Scipio, who was eager to denounce the truce, a very timely pretext.
4.8. tandem relatum responsum, quibusdam, quia nimis cupere Romanus pacem uidebatur, iniquis per occasionem adiectis, quae peropportune cupienti tollere indutias Scipioni causam praebuere;
4.9. And after stating to the king's messenger that he would lay the matter before his council, on the next day he reported that, while he alone strove in vain to bring about peace, no one else had favoured it. The messenger therefore, he said, should report that Syphax had no other hope of peace with the Romans except by abandoning the Carthaginians.
4.9. ac nuntio regis cum relaturum se ad consilium dixisset, postero die respondit se uno frustra tendente nulli alii pacem placuisse; renuntiaret igitur nullam aliam spem pacis quam relictis Carthaginiensibus Syphaci cum Romanis esse.
4.10. His purpose in denouncing the truce was that, being no longer bound by promises, he might carry out his undertaking.. And launching his ships —it was now the beginning of spring —he mounted engines of war and artillery upon them, as though intending to attack Utica from the sea. He also sent two thousand soldiers to seize the hill he had. previously held, looking down upon Utica, both in order to divert the attention of the enemy from his real purpose to anxiety about a different attack, and at the same time that, when he should himself set out to meet Syphax and Hasdrubal, there should be no sally from the city and no attack upon his camp when left with only a small garrison.
4.10. ita tollit indutias ut libera fide incepta exsequeretur; deductisque nauibus—et iam ueris principium erat—machinas tormentaque, uelut a mari adgressurus Uticam, imponit, et duo milia militum ad capiendum quem antea tenuerat tumulum super Uticam mittit, simul ut ab eo quod parabat in alterius rei curam conuerteret hostium animos, simul ne qua, cum ipse ad Syphacem Hasdrubalemque profectus esset, eruptio ex urbe et impetus in castra sua relicta cum leui praesidio fieret.
5.1. After these preparations, summoning the council, he ordered the spies to set forth what information they had to report, and Masinissa as well, who knew everything about the enemy. Finally he laid before them his plan for the following night.
5.1. his praeparatis aduocatoque consilio et dicere exploratoribus iussis quae comperta adferrent Masinissaque, cui omnia hostium nota erant, postremo ipse quid pararet in proximam noctem proponit;
5.2. To the tribunes he gave orders that, when the council had been dismissed and the trumpets had sounded, they should at once lead their legions out of the camp.
5.2. tribunis edicit ut ubi praetorio dimisso signa concinuissent extemplo educerent castris legiones. ita ut imperauerat signa sub occasum solis efferri sunt coepta;
5.3. In accordance with the orders he had given the standards were first set in motion just before sunset; at about the first watch the column was deployed. At midnight —for it was a march of seven miles —proceeding at a moderate speed they reached the enemy's camp.
5.3. ad primam ferme uigiliam agmen explicauerunt; media nocte—septem enim milia itineris erant—modico gradu ad castra hostium peruentum est.
5.4. There Scipio assigned to Laelius a part of the forces and Masinissa with his Numidians, and bade them burst into the camp of Syphax and set fire to it.
5.4. ibi Scipio partem copiarum Laelio Masinissamque ac Numidas attribuit et castra Syphacis inuadere ignesque conicere iubet.
5.5. He then led Laelius and Masinissa aside separately and implored each of them to make up by their diligence and alertness for all the foresight of which night deprived them.
5.5. singulos deinde separatim Laelium ac Masinissam seductos obtestatur ut quantum nox prouidentiae adimat tantum diligentia expleant curaque: se Hasdrubalem Punicaque castra adgressurum; ceterum non ante coepturum quam ignem in regiis castris conspexisset.
5.7. He was about to attack Hasdrubal, he said, and the Carthaginian camp; but he would not begin until he should see fire in the king's camp. Nor did that delay him long; for as soon as fire was thrown upon the first huts it caught, and then at once laying hold of everything that was near, and so on in unbroken succession, it spread hither and thither through the entire camp.
5.7. neque ea res morata diu est; nam ut primis casis iniectus ignis haesit, extemplo proxima quaeque et deinceps continua amplexus totis se passim dissipauit castris.
5.8. Great was the alarm, to be sure, as was inevitable in a fire so widespread in the night; but they thought the blaze accidental, not due to an enemy and war. Pouring out without arms to extinguish the flames, they encountered armed enemies, particularly Numidians posted in suitable places at the ends of the streets by Masinissa, familiar as he was with the king's camp.
5.8. et trepidatio quidem quantam necesse erat in nocturno effuso tam late incendio orta est; ceterum fortuitum non hostilem ac bellicum ignem rati esse, sine armis ad restinguendum incendium effusi in armatos incidere hostes, maxime Numidas ab Masinissa notitia regiorum castrorum ad exitus itinerum idoneis locis dispositos.
5.10. Many even in their beds and half-asleep were burned to death; many rushing pell-mell in headlong flight were trodden down in the narrow gateways.
5.10. multos in ipsis cubilibus semisomnos hausit flamma; multi [in] praecipiti fuga ruentes super alios alii in angustiis portarum obtriti sunt.
6.1. When the light of the fire had been seen, first by sentries of the Carthaginians and then by others whom the uproar in the night aroused, they likewise made the same mistake in believing the fire to be spontaneous.
6.1. relucentem flammam primo uigiles Carthaginiensium, deinde excitati alii nocturno tumultu cum conspexissent, ab eodem errore credere et ipsi sua sponte incendium ortum;
6.2. And outcries raised in the midst of slaughter and wounds made men unable to grasp the real situation, being half-inclined to think it due to a disturbance in the night.
6.2. et clamor inter caedem et uolnera sublatus an ex trepidatione nocturna esset confusis sensum ueri adimebat.
6.3. Accordingly, having no suspicion of any attack, they outdid one another in dashing out of all the gates unarmed, each taking the nearest way, carrying only what would be of use to extinguish the fire, and suddenly encountered the Roman column.
6.3. igitur pro se quisque inermes, ut quibus nihil hostile suspectum esset, omnibus portis, qua cuique proximum erat, ea modo quae restinguendo igni forent portantes in agmen Romanum ruebant.
6.4. When they had all been slain, not only because of an enemy's hatred, but also that no man might escape to tell the tale, Scipio at once burst into the gates, naturally unguarded in such a commotion.
6.4. quibus caesis omnibus praeterquam hostili odio etiam ne quis nuntius refugeret, extemplo Scipio neglectas ut in tali tumultu portas inuadit;
6.5. And then as firebrands were thrown upon the nearest roofs, the flames pouring out at first seemed to blaze at a number of scattered points; and then creeping along without a break they promptly consumed everything in one conflagration.
6.5. ignibusque in proxima tecta coniectis effusa flamma primo uelut sparsa pluribus locis reluxit, dein per continua serpens uno repente omnia incendio hausit.
6.6. Men and beasts of burden that had suffered burns blocked streets leading to the gates, at first by their panic-stricken flight and then by their fallen bodies.
6.6. ambusti homines iumentaque foeda primum fuga, dein strage obruebant itinera portarum. quos non oppresserat ignis ferro absumpti, binaque castra clade una deleta.
6.7. Those whom the fire had not overtaken were destroyed by the sword, and two camps were wiped out in a single disaster. Both of the generals, however, made their escape, and out of so many thousand armed men two thousand infantry and five hundred horsemen escaped half-armed, many of the men wounded and scorched by the flames.
6.7. duces tamen ambo et ex tot milibus armatorum duo milia peditum et quingenti equites semermes, magna pars saucii adflatique incendio, effugerunt.
6.8. Slain or burned to death were some forty thousand men, more than five thousand captured, many Carthaginian nobles, eleven senators.
6.8. caesa aut hausta flammis ad quadraginta milia hominum sunt, capta supra quinque milia, multi Carthaginiensium nobiles, undecim senatores;
6.9. Of military standards a hundred and seventy-four were taken, of Numidian horses over two thousand seven hundred. Six elephants were captured, eight destroyed by sword or by fire. A great number of arms were captured, and all of these the general-in-command dedicated to Vulcan and burned.
6.9. signa militaria centum septuaginta quattuor, equi Numidici supra duo milia septingentos; elephanti sex capti, octo ferro flammaque absumpti. magna uis armorum capta; ea omnia imperator Uolcano sacrata incendit.
7.1. Hasdrubal after fleeing had made his way with a few men to the nearest city of the Africans; and to it had come all the survivors, following the trail of their general. Then for fear that it might surrender to Scipio he left the city.
7.1. Hasdrubal ex fuga cum paucis Afrorum urbem proximam petierat, eoque omnes qui supererant uestigia ducis sequentes se contulerant; metu deinde ne dederetur Scipioni urbe excessit.
7.2. Soon after the gates were opened and the Romans admitted to the same city. And since they had voluntarily submitted no hostile step was taken. Thereafter two cities were captured and plundered. Their booty and what had been rescued from the flames when the camps were burned was granted to the soldiers.
7.2. mox eodem patentibus portis Romani accepti, nec quicquam hostile, quia uoluntate concesserant in dicionem, factum. duae subinde urbes captae direptaeque. ea praeda et quae castris incensis ex igne rapta erat militi concessa est.
7.3. Syphax established himself in a fortified place at a distance of about eight miles. Hasdrubal hastened to Carthage, that no weak action might be taken in the fear induced by the recent disaster.
7.3. Syphax octo milium ferme inde spatio loco munito consedit; Hasdrubal Carthaginem contendit ne quid per metum ex recenti clade mollius consuleretur.
7.4. At first the news brought such alarm to the city that they believed Scipio would leave Utica to itself and forthwith besiege Carthage.
7.4. quo tantus primo terror est allatus ut omissa Utica Carthaginem crederent extemplo Scipionem obsessurum.
7.5. The senate was accordingly convened by the sufĕtes, whose authority corresponded to that of consuls. There it was a conflict between three proposals:
7.5. senatum itaque sufetes, quod uelut consulare imperium apud eos erat, uocauerunt.
7.6. one favoured peace envoys to Scipio; the second was for recalling Hannibal to defend their city from a war which meant destruction; the third showed a Roman steadfastness in adversity. This proposal was that they should repair the losses to the army and urge Syphax not to give up the war.
7.6. ibi tribus <sententiis certatum>; una de pace legatos ad Scipionem decernebat, altera Hannibalem ad tuendam ab exitiabili bello patriam reuocabat, tertia Romanae in aduersis rebus constantiae erat;
7.7. This motion was carried because Hasdrubal in person and all of the Barcine party supported the war.
7.7. reparandum exercitum Syphacemque hortandum ne bello absisteret censebat. haec sententia quia Hasdrubal praesens Barcinaeque omnes factionis bellum malebant uicit.
7.8. Then they began to conduct a levy in the city and in the country, and emissaries were sent to Syphax, who on his part also was making every effort to renew the war, since his wife had influenced him —no longer, as before, by caresses, effectual enough for the temper of a lover —but by prayers and moving entreaty, imploring him, as her eyes filled with tears, not to betray her father and her city and allow Carthage to be destroyed by the same flames with which the camps had been consumed.
7.8. inde dilectus in urbe agrisque haberi coeptus, et ad Syphacem legati missi, summa ope et ipsum reparantem bellum cum uxor non iam ut ante blanditiis, satis potentibus ad animum amantis, sed precibus et misericordia ualuisset, plena lacrimarum obtestans ne patrem suum patriamque proderet iisdemque flammis Carthaginem quibus castra conflagrassent absumi sineret.
7.10. Hope also at the right moment was brought by the emissaries in the news that four thousand Celtiberians, the flower of their youth, had met them near a city named Obba, having been hired in Spain by their own recruiting-officers; and Hasdrubal, they said, would soon arrive with a force by no means to be despised.
7.10. spem quoque opportune oblatam adferebant legati: quattuor milia Celtiberorum circa urbem nomine Obbam ab conquisitoribus suis conducta in Hispania, egregiae iuuentutis, sibi occurrisse; et Hasdrubalem propediem adfore cum manu haudquaquam contemnenda.
7.11. In consequence he not only gave a favourable answer to the legates but also showed them a large number of Numidian rustics to whom he had just been furnishing arms and horses, and assured them that he would call out all the young men from his kingdom.
7.11. igitur non benigne modo legatis respondit, sed ostendit etiam multitudinem agrestium Numidarum quibus per eosdem dies arma equosque dedisset, et omnem iuuentutem adfirmat ex regno exciturum:
7.12. He was aware, he said, that the disaster had been due to fire, not to battle; that a war is lost only by the man who is defeated in battle.
7.12. scire incendio non proelio cladem acceptam; eum bello inferiorem esse qui armis uincatur.
7.13. Such was his answer to the legates, and after a few days Hasdrubal and Syphax again united their forces. The total strength of that army was about thirty thousand armed men.
7.13. haec legatis responsa, et post dies paucos rursus Hasdrubal et Syphax copias iunxerunt. is omnis exercitus fuit triginta ferme milium armatorum.
8.1. Scipio, as though the war was already over so far as concerned Syphax and the Carthaginians, was intent upon the siege of Utica and already bringing up his engines to the walls when news of renewed hostilities turned his attention in another direction.
8.1. Scipionem, uelut iam debellato quod ad Syphacem Carthaginiensesque attineret, Uticae oppugnandae intentum iamque machinas admouentem muris auertit fama redintegrati belli;
8.2. And leaving sufficient land and sea forces merely to keep up the appearance of a blockade, he himself at once advanced with the main body of his army against the enemy.
8.2. modicisque praesidiis ad speciem modo obsidionis terra marique relictis ipse cum robore exercitus ire ad hostes pergit.
8.3. At first he established himself upon a hill about four miles from the king's camp. On the following day with his cavalry he went down into the so-called Great Plain, at the foot of that hill, and spent the day in light engagements, advancing against the enemy's outposts and challenging them.
8.3. primo in tumulo quattuor milia ferme distante ab castris regiis consedit; postero die cum equitatu in Magnos—ita uocant—campos subiectos ei tumulo degressus, succedendo ad stationes hostium lacessendoque leuibus proeliis diem absumpsit.
8.4. And on the next two days by irregular charges, now from one side and now from the other by turns, they accomplished nothing worthy of mention. On the fourth day both went down into battle-line.
8.4. et per insequens biduum tumultuosis hinc atque illinc excursionibus in uicem nihil dictu satis dignum fecerunt: quarto die in aciem utrimque descensum est.
8.5. The Roman placed his principes behind the front line maniples, made up of the hastati, and as reserves the tiarii. The Italic cavalry he posted on the right wing, on the left the Numidians and Masinissa.
8.5. Romanus principes post hastatorum prima signa, in subsidiis triarios constituit: equitatum Italicum ab dextro cornu, ab laeuo Numidas Masinissamque opposuit.
8.6. Syphax and Hasdrubal opposed the Numidians to the Italic cavalry, the Carthaginians to Masinissa, and then placed the Celtiberians in the centre of the battle-line facing the maniples of the legions. In this formation they clashed.
8.6. Syphax Hasdrubalque Numidis aduersus Italicum equitatum, Carthaginiensibus contra Masinissam locatis Celtiberos in mediam aciem aduersus signa legionum accepere. ita instructi concurrunt.
8.7. By the first attack both wings, Numidians and Carthaginians alike, were beaten back at the same time. For neither could the Numidians, most of them rustics, withstand the Roman cavalry, nor could the Carthaginians, who were likewise raw recruits, hold out against Masinissa, a foe to be feared for other reasons and also on account of his recent victory.
8.7. primo impetu simul utraque cornua, et Numidae et Carthaginienses, pulsi; nam neque Numidae, maxima pars agrestes, Romanum equitatum neque Carthaginienses, et ipse nouus miles, Masinissam recenti super cetera uictoria terribilem sustinuere.
8.8. Stripped of both wings the line of the Celtiberians made a stand because they could see no safety in flight since they did not know the country, and they had no hope of pardon from Scipio since they had come to Africa as mercenaries to attack him in spite of his kind treatment of them and their tribe.
8.8. nudata utrimque cornibus Celtiberum acies stabat quod nec in fuga salus ulla ostendebatur locis ignotis neque spes ueniae ab Scipione erat, quem bene meritum de se et gente sua mercennariis armis in Africam oppugnatum euenissent.
8.9. Therefore when the enemy had completely encircled them, falling one above another they were resolute in dying. And while all the enemy were intent upon them Syphax and Hasdrubal took advantage of a considerable interval for flight. Nightfall surprised the victors exhausted by a slaughter outlasting the battle.
8.9. igitur circumfusis undique hostibus alii super alios cadentes obstinate moriebantur; omnibusque in eos uersis aliquantum ad fugam temporis Syphax et Hasdrubal praeceperunt. fatigatos caede diutius quam pugna uictores nox oppressit.
9.1. On the following day Scipio sent Laelius and Masinissa with all the Roman and Numidian cavalry and light-armed soldiers to pursue Syphax and Hasdrubal.
9.1. postero die Scipio Laelium Masinissamque cum omni Romano et Numidico equitatu expeditisque militum ad persequendos Syphacem atque Hasdrubalem mittit;
9.2. He himself with the main body of the army, partly by inspiring hope, partly by arousing fear, partly by the use of force, gained possession of neighbouring cities, all of which were subject to the Carthaginians.
9.2. ipse cum robore exercitus urbes circa, quae omnes Carthaginiensium dicionis erant, partim spe, partim metu, partim ui subigit.
9.3. At Carthage there was a veritable panic, and they believed that Scipio, whose forces were circling about them, after swiftly vanquishing all their neighbours would suddenly assail Carthage itself.
9.3. Carthagini erat quidem ingens terror, et circumferentem arma Scipionem omnibus finitimis raptim perdomitis ipsam Carthaginem repente adgressurum credebant.
9.4. Accordingly they were repairing the walls and providing them with battlements; and men also each for himself brought in from the country what was needed in order to endure a long siege.
9.4. itaque et muri reficiebantur propugnaculisque armabantur, et pro se quisque quae diutinae obsidionis tolerandae sunt ex agris conuehit.
9.5. Seldom was mention made of peace, more frequently they spoke of sending messengers to summon Hannibal.
9.5. rara mentio est pacis, frequentior legatorum ad Hannibalem arcessendum mittendorum;
9.6. The majority urged that they should take the fleet, which had been made ready to intercept supplies, and send it to surprise the ships at anchor before Utica while off their guard. Perhaps, men said, they would surprise the naval camp as well, which had been left with a small garrison.
9.6. pars maxima classem, quae ad commeatus excipiendos parata erat, mittere iubent ad opprimendam stationem nauium ad Uticam incaute agentem; forsitan etiam naualia castra relicta cum leui praesidio oppressuros.
9.7. To this plan they were particularly inclined, but voted to send messengers to Hannibal. For, they said, even supposing a great victory gained by the fleet, the siege of Utica would indeed be partially relieved; but for the defence of Carthage itself there remained no other general than Hannibal, no other army than that of Hannibal.
9.7. in hoc consilium maxime inclinant; legatos tamen ad Hannibalem mittendos censent: quippe classi ut felicissime geratur res, parte aliqua leuari Uticae obsidionem: Carthaginem ipsam qui tueatur neque imperatorem alium quam Hannibalem neque exercitum alium quam Hannibalis superesse.
9.9. Consequently ships were launched next day and at the same time the messengers sailed for Italy. There was also haste in all that they did under the goad of misfortune, while every one felt that if he should relax any effort he would be betraying the safety of all.
9.9. deductae ergo postero die naues, simul et legati in Italiam profecti; raptimque omnia stimulante fortuna agebantur, et in quo quisque cessasset prodi ab se salutem omnium rebatur.
9.10. Scipio, who was slowly leading an army laden -now with the spoils of many cities, sent captives and the rest of the spoils to the old camp before Utica, and being now intent upon Carthage, took possession of Tynes, abandoned by a fleeing garrison. The place is about fifteen miles from Carthage and defended by fortifications and particularly by its natural situation.
9.10. Scipio grauem iam spoliis multarum urbium exercitum trahens, captiuis aliaque praeda in uetera castra ad Uticam missis iam in Carthaginem intentus occupat relictum fuga custodum Tyneta—abest ab Carthagine quindecim milia ferme passuum—, locum cum operibus tum suapte natura
9.12. It can also be seen from Carthage, at the same time itself affording a view both towards that city and towards the sea around the city.
9.12. tutum et qui et ab Carthagine conspici et praebere ipse prospectum cum ad urbem tum ad circumfusum mare urbi possit.
10.1. From that point, just as they were throwing up an earthwork, the Romans sighted the enemy's fleet making towards Utica from Carthage.
10.1. inde cum maxime uallum Romani iacerent, conspecta classis hostium est Uticam ab Carthagine petens.
10.2. Accordingly work was dropped, marching orders given and the standards hastily set in motion, that the ships, headed towards land and. the besieged city, also in no condition for a naval battle, might not be taken by surprise.
10.2. igitur omisso opere pronuntiatum iter signaque raptim ferri sunt coepta ne naues in terram et ad obsidionem uersae ac minime nauali proelio aptae opprimerentur:
10.3. For how could an easily manœuvred fleet, properly rigged with ship's gear and armed, have been resisted by ships carrying artillery and engines, and either converted now into transports or lying so close to the walls as to make scaling possible as if from an embankment and drawbridges?
10.3. qui enim restitissent agili et nautico instrumento aptae et armatae classi naues tormenta machinasque portantes et aut in onerariarum usum uersae aut ita adpulsae muris ut pro aggere ac pontibus praebere adscensum possent?
10.4. Consequently Scipio, on reaching the place, gave those war-ships which might have defended the others a place in the rear line near the land, contrary to the usual practice in a naval battle. On the other hand he placed four lines of transports as a bulwark against the enemy. To prevent the lines from being broken in the confusion of the battle he also held these transports together by placing masts and yards crosswise from ship to ship and lashing them with stout ropes as if by a single cable. In addition he laid down planks above to make a gangway the whole length of the line of ships; and beneath these bridges he left openings where scouting vessels could dash out against the enemy and return in safety.
10.4. itaque Scipio, postquam eo uentum est, contra quam in nauali certamine solet rostratis quae praesidio aliis esse poterant in postremam aciem receptis prope terram, onerariarum quadruplicem ordinem pro muro aduersus hostem opposuit, easque ipsas, ne in tumultu pugnae turbari ordines possent, malis antennisque de naue in nauem traiectis ac ualidis funibus uelut uno inter se uinculo inligatis comprendit,
10.6. These preparations having been hastily completed as best the circumstances permitted, about a thousand picked fighting men were placed on board the transports.
10.6. tabulasque superinstrauit ut peruium in totum nauium ordinem esset, et sub ipsis pontibus interualla fecit qua procurrere speculatoriae naues in hostem ac tuto recipi possent.
10.7. A vast number of weapons, chiefly missiles, were assembled, that they might be sufficient for a battle no matter how long-continued. Thus equipped and alert they were awaiting the approach of the enemy.
10.7. his raptim pro tempore instructis, mille ferme delecti propugnatores onerariis imponuntur; telorum maxime missilium ut quamuis longo certamine sufficerent uis ingens congeritur.
10.8. The Carthaginians, whose first attack, had they made it in good time, would have been overpowering when everything was confused by the mass of men dashing about, were discouraged by their disastrous defeats on the land. And having in consequence no sufficient confidence on the sea either, where lay their own superiority, after spending the day in sailing slowly, they put in with their fleet about sunset into a harbour called Rusucmon by the Africans.
10.8. ita parati atque intenti hostium aduentum opperiebantur. Carthaginienses, qui, si maturassent, omnia permixta turba trepidantium primo impetu oppressissent, perculsi terrestribus cladibus atque inde ne mari quidem ubi ipsi plus poterant satis fidentes, die segni nauigatione absumpto sub occasum solis in portum—Rusucmona Afri uocant— classem adpulere.
10.10. On the next day about sunrise they drew up their ships in the open sea, as if for a regular naval battle and anticipating that the Romans would come out against them.
10.10. postero die sub ortum solis instruxere ab alto naues uelut ad iustum proelium nauale et tamquam exituris contra Romanis.
10.11. After keeping their position for a long time and observing no movement on the part of the enemy, then only did they attack the transports.
10.11. cum diu stetissent postquam nihil moueri ab hostibus uiderunt, tum demum onerarias adgrediuntur.
10.12. It was not in the least like a naval battle, but had almost the appearance of ships attacking the walls of a city. The transports were considerably higher.
10.12. erat res minime certamini nauali similis, proxime speciem muros oppugnantium nauium. altitudine aliquantum onerariae superabant;
10.13. From their war-ships the Carthaginians generally hurled their weapons to no purpose against a higher position, since they did so leaning backwards, while a hit from the transports above was heavier and from its mere weight had more force.
10.13. ex rostratis Poeni uana pleraque, utpote supino iactu, tela in locum superiorem mittebant; grauior ac pondere ipso libratior superne ex onerariis ictus erat.
10.14. Scouting vessels and other light craft, which kept dashing out through openings underneath the bridges, were at first themselves sunk by the mere momentum and mass of the war-ships.
10.14. speculatoriae naues ac leuia alia nauigia, quae sub constratis pontium per interualla excurrebant, primo ipsae tantum impetu ac magnitudine rostratarum obruebantur;
10.15. Later they interfered with the fighting men as well because, as they mingled with the enemy's vessels, they often compelled the soldiers to withhold their missiles for fear in their uncertain aim they might hit their own men.
10.15. deinde propugnatoribus quoque incommodae erant quod permixtae cum hostium nauibus inhibere saepe tela cogebant metu ne ambiguo ictu suis inciderent.
10.16. Finally poles with an iron hook at the end —grappling-irons the soldiers call them —began to be thrown from the Carthaginian ships upon the Roman.
10.16. postremo asseres ferreo unco praefixi—harpagones uocat miles — ex Punicis nauibus inici in Romanas coepti.
10.17. Since the crews were unable either to cut off these poles or the chains by which they were hanging when thrown, whenever a warship was propelled astern, dragging a transport grappled by the hook, one might have seen men breaking up the links by which it had been bound to others, and even several of the vessels being towed away together.
10.17. quos cum neque ipsos neque catenas quibus suspensi iniciebantur incidere possent, ut quaeque retro inhibita rostrata onerariam haerentem unco traheret, scindi uideres uincula quibus aliis innexa erat, seriem aliam simul plurium nauium trahi.
10.19. Much after this fashion the bridges in the first line were broken down and hardly enough time was given the fighting men to spring across to the second line of ships.
10.19. hoc maxime modo lacerati [quidem] omnes pontes et uix transiliendi in secundum ordinem nauium spatium propugnatoribus datum est.
10.20. About sixty transports were towed away by the stern to Carthage. Rejoicing for that was excessive, but all the more acceptable because, in the midst of uninterrupted defeats and sorrows, one ray of joy however small had unexpectedly beamed upon them. In addition it was clear to them that the Roman fleet had narrowly escaped destruction, and would have been destroyed if the captains of their own ships had not loitered, and if Scipio had not come to its aid in the nick of time.
10.20. sexaginta ferme onerariae puppibus abstractae Carthaginem sunt. maior quam pro re laetitia, sed eo gratior quod inter adsiduas clades ac lacrimas unum quantumcumque ex insperato gaudium adfulserat, cum eo ut appareret haud procul exitio fuisse Romanam classem ni cessatum a praefectis suarum nauium foret et Scipio in tempore subuenisset.
11.1. About the same time, as it happened, after Laelius and Masinissa had reached Numidia in about fifteen days, the Maesulians, that is, the kingdom of Masinissa's father, joyfully submitted to his rule, as that of a long-wished-for king.
11.1. per eosdem forte dies cum Laelius et Masinissa quinto decimo ferme die in Numidiam peruenissent, Maesulii, regnum paternum Masinissae, laeti ut ad regem diu desideratum concessere.
11.2. Syphax, when his commanders and garrisons had been driven out, confined himself to his old kingdom with no intention of remaining inactive. Love-sick, he was spurred on by his wife and father-in-law, and he had men and horses in such abundance that, when the forces of a kingdom that had flourished for many years were before his eyes, they could have roused a spirit that was even less barbarous and uncontrollable.
11.2. Syphax pulsis inde praefectis praesidiisque suis uetere se continebat regno, neutiquam quieturus stimulabat aegrum amore uxor socerque, et ita uiris equisque abundabat ut subiectae oculis regni per multos florentis annos uires etiam minus barbaro atque impotenti animo spiritus possent facere.
11.4. Therefore, concentrating all the men fit for war, he assigned them horses, arms and missile weapons. He organized cavalry in troops, infantry in cohorts, in the manner he had formerly learned from Roman centurions. With an army no smaller than that which he had had before, but almost entirely raw and untrained, he at once advanced against the enemy.
11.4. igitur omnibus qui bello apti erant in unum coactis equos arma tela diuidit; equites in turmas, pedites in cohortes, sicut quondam ab Romanis centurionibus didicerat, distribuit.
11.5. And after a camp had been pitched not far away, at first a few horsemen rode forth from the outposts, scouting from a safe distance; then being driven away by lances they dashed back- to their own men.
11.5. exercitu haud minore quam quem prius habuerat, ceterum omni prope nouo atque incondito, ire ad hostes pergit.
11.6. Next in order came attacks made from both sides and, as men beaten back were inflamed by anger, more and more came to help them —the usual provocation in cavalry engagements, when either hope adds reinforcements to the successful or anger to those who have been repulsed.
11.6. et castris in propinquo positis primo pauci equites ex tuto speculantes ab stationibus progredi, dein iaculis summoti recurrere ad suos; inde excursiones in uicem fieri et cum pulsos indignatio accenderet plures subire, quod inritamentum certaminum equestrium est cum aut uincentibus spes aut pulsis ira adgregat suos.
11.8. So on this occasion, the battle having been begun by a few, all the cavalry of both sides in the end were sent pouring out by their zest for the fray. And so long as it was purely a cavalry battle, the great numbers of the Masaesulians, while Syphax was sending out huge columns, could hardly be withstood.
11.8. ita tum a paucis proelio accenso omnem utrimque postremo equitatum certaminis studium effudit. ac dum sincerum equestre proelium erat, multitudo Masaesuliorum ingentia agmina Syphace emittente sustineri uix poterat;
11.9. Then when Roman infantry by a sudden movement into the openings made for them by troops of their own cavalry had steadied the battle-line and checked the wild charge of the enemy, the barbarians at first gave their horses less rein, then were at a standstill and all but confounded by the strange tactics. Finally they not only gave way before the infantry but did not withstand the cavalry either, who were emboldened by the protection of infantry.
11.9. deinde ut pedes Romanus repentino per turmas suis uiam dantes intercursu stabilem aciem fecit absterruitque effuse inuehentem sese hostem, primo barbari segnius permittere equos, dein stare ac prope turbari nouo genere pugnae, postremo non pediti solum cedere sed ne equitem quidem sustinere, peditis praesidio audentem.
11.11. And now the units of legionaries also were approaching. Then indeed the Masaesulians failed to sustain not only the first attack but even the sight of the standards and arms. Such was the effect either of remembering former defeats or of their present alarm.
11.11. iam signa quoque legionum adpropinquabant. tum uero Masaesulii non modo primum impetum sed ne conspectum quidem signorum atque armorum tulerunt; tantum seu memoria priorum cladium seu praesens terror ualuit.
12.1. Then Syphax, while riding up to the enemy's troops of cavalry in the hope that by putting his men to shame, by exposing himself, he might be able to stem their flight, was thrown from a horse which had been seriously wounded, was overpowered, captured and brought alive to Laelius, a welcome sight presently to Masinissa above all others. The slaughter in that battle was not in proportion to the scale of the victory, since only a cavalry battle had been fought.
12.1. ibi Syphax dum obequitat hostium turmis si pudore, si periculo suo fugam sistere posset, equo grauiter icto effusus opprimitur capiturque et uiuus, laetum ante omnes Masinissae praebiturus spectaculum, ad Laelium pertrahitur.
12.3. Not more than five thousand men were slain; less than half of that number were captured in an attack upon the camp, to which very many men, losing heart with the loss of their king, had retreated.
12.3. caedes in eo proelio minor quam uictoria fuit quia equestri tantummodo proelio certatum fuerat:
12.4. Cirta was the capital of the kingdom of Syphax, and to that city came a vast number of men from the rout. Masinissa said that, while for himself nothing was at that moment more attractive than to visit as victor his ancestral kingdom, recovered after so long an interval, nevertheless in success as well as in misfortune no time is allowed for loitering.
12.4. non plus quinque milia occisa, minus dimidium eius hominum captum est impetu in castra facto quo perculsa rege amisso multitudo se contulerat. Cirta caput regni Syphacis erat;
12.5. If Laelius should permit him to go on in advance to Cirta with the cavalry and with Syphax in chains, he would surprise everybody in the excitement due to alarm. Laelius, he said, could follow with the infantry in short marches. With Laelius' assent he went to Cirta in advance and ordered that the leading Cirtensians be called out of the city to a conference. But with men who were unaware of the king's misadventure he accomplished nothing by revealing what had taken place, nor by threats nor by persuasion, until the king was placed before their eyes in chains.
12.5. eoque ex fuga ingens hominum se contulerat uis. Masinissa sibi quidem dicere nihil esse in praesentia pulchrius quam uictorem reciperatum tanto post interuallo patrium inuisere regnum, sed tam secundis quam aduersis rebus non dari spatium ad cessandum;
12.7. Then before a sight so grievous wailing began, and in alarm some deserted the walls, others with the sudden agreement of men who curry favour with the victor threw open the gates.
12.7. si se Laelius cum equitatu uinctoque Syphace Cirtam praecedere sinat, trepida omnia metu se oppressurum; Laelium cum peditibus subsequi modicis itineribus posse.
12.8. And Masinissa, first sending detachments to all the gates and to favourable points on the walls, that no one might have a way of escape open to him, rode at full speed to take possession of the palace. As he was entering the forecourt Sophoniba, the wife of Syphax, daughter of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian, met him at the very threshold.
12.8. adsentiente Laelio praegressus Cirtam euocari ad conloquium principes Cirtensium iubet. sed apud ignaros regis casus nec quae acta essent promendo nec minis nec suadendo ante ualuit quam rex uinctus in conspectum datus est.
12.9. And when in the midst of the column of armed men she caught sight of Masinissa, conspicuous both by his arms and the rest of his dress, thinking it was the king, as was the fact, she clasped his knees and said: “All power over us has indeed been given you by the gods and by your courage and good fortune.”
12.9. tum ad spectaculum tam foedum comploratio orta, et partim pauore moenia sunt deserta, partim repentino consensu gratiam apud uictorem quaerentium patefactae portae.
12.10. “But if a captive is permitted in the house of the master of her life and death to lift the ” “voice of a suppliant, if she may touch his knees, his victorious right hand, I pray and entreat you by the royal state in which we too have lived a short time ago, by the name of the Numidian race, which you have shared with Syphax, by the gods of this palace here —and may they receive you under better auspices than those under which they sent Syphax away!”
12.10. et Masinissa praesidio circa portas opportunaque moenium dimisso ne cui fugae pateret exitus, ad regiam occupandam citato uadit equo. intranti uestibulum in ipso limine Sophoniba, uxor Syphacis, filia Hasdrubalis Poeni, occurrit; et cum in medio agmine armatorum Masinissam insignem cum armis tum cetero habitu conspexisset, regem esse, id quod erat, rata genibus aduoluta eius 'omnia quidem ut possis' inquit 'in nobis di dederunt uirtusque et felicitas tua;
12.12. “—I beg you to grant this favour to a suppliant, that, whatever your inclination, you yourself decide in regard to your captive and do not suffer me to be subjected to the haughty and cruel decision of any Roman.” “If I had been nothing else than the wife of Syphax, still I should have preferred to trust the word of a Numidian and a man born in the same Africa as myself rather than that of a foreigner by birth and nationality.”
12.12. sed si captiuae apud dominum uitae necisque suae uocem supplicem mittere licet, si genua, si uictricem attingere dextram, precor quaesoque per maiestatem regiam, in qua paulo ante nos quoque fuimus, per gentis Numidarum nomen, quod tibi cum Syphace commune fuit, per huiusce regiae deos, qui te melioribus ominibus accipiant quam Syphacem hinc miserunt,
12.14. “What a Carthaginian woman, what a daughter of Hasdrubal has to fear from a Roman you see. If by no other means you are able to do so, I beg and implore you to save me by death from the decision of Romans.” Her beauty was conspicuous and her age at full bloom.
12.14. hanc ueniam supplici des ut ipse quodcumque fert animus de captiua tua statuas neque me in cuiusquam Romani superbum et crudele arbitrium uenire sinas.
12.15. Consequently while she was clasping now his knees and now his right hand, begging for his promise not to surrender her to any Roman, and her words were now more nearly those of a charmer than of a suppliant, the heart of the victor was quickly moved not to pity only, but with the amorous susceptibility of the Numidian race the victor was captivated by love of the captive.
12.15. si nihil aliud quam Syphacis uxor fuissem, tamen Numidae atque in eadem mecum Africa geniti quam alienigenae et externi fidem experiri mallem:
12.16. He gave her his right hand as a pledge for the fulfilment of her request and withdrew into the palace. Then he began by himself to consider how he could guarantee that the promise would be kept. As he was unable to solve that problem he borrowed from love a plan that was reckless and unbecoming.
12.16. quid Carthaginiensi ab Romano, quid filiae Hasdrubalis timendum sit uides. si nulla re alia potes, morte me ut uindices ab Romanorum arbitrio oro obtestorque.' forma erat insignis et florentissima aetas. itaque cum modo <genua modo> dextram amplectens in id ne cui Romano traderetur fidem exposceret propiusque blanditias iam oratio esset quam preces, non in misericordiam modo prolapsus est animus uictoris, sed, ut est genus Numidarum in uenerem praeceps, amore captiuae uictor captus.