37.1. During this period of alternating fortunes the other consul Lucius Furius Purpurio invaded the territory of the Boi by way of the tribus- Sapinia.
37.1. sub haec tam varia fortuna gesta L. Furius Purpurio alter consul per tribum Sapiniam in Boios venit.
37.2. When he was already approaching the fortified town of Mutilum, fearing that he would be cut off by the Boi and Insubres together, he led the army back by the same way he had come, and after a long roundabout march through country that was open, and therefore safe, he joined his colleague.
37.2. iam castro Mutilo adpropinquabat, cum veritus, ne intercluderetur simul a Bois Liguribusque, exercitum eadem via, qua adduxerat, reduxit et magno circuitu per aperta eoque tuta loca ad collegam pervenit.
37.3. Thenceforth with united forces they penetrated first the Boian territory as far as Felsina, plundering as they went.
37.3. inde iunctis exercitibus primum Boiorum agrum usque ad Felsinam oppidum populantes peragraverunt.
37.4. This city and all the forts in the neighbourhood and all the Boi except the men of military age, who were in arms in the hope of plunder — they had at this time retired into the pathless forests — surrendered. The army was then led against the Ligures.
37.4. ea urbs ceteraque circa castella et Boi fere omnes praeter iuventutem, quae praedandi causa in armis erat — tunc in devias silvas recesserat —, in deditionem venerunt.
37.5. The Boi, with the intention of falling suddenly upon the Roman column, which would not be under strict discipline, since the Boi would be believed to be far away, followed by secret paths.
37.5. in Ligures inde traductus exercitus. Boi neglegentius coactum agmen Romanorum, quia ipsi procul abesse viderentur, inproviso aggressuros se rati per occultos saltus secuti sunt.
37.6. Failing to overtake them, and suddenly crossing the Po in boats, when they had laid waste the country of the Laevi and Libui, and were returning from there loaded with the spoils of the country along the edges of the Ligurian territory, they encountered the Roman column.
37.6. quos non adepti, Pado repente navibus traiecto Laevos Libuosque cum pervastassent, redeuntes inde per Ligurum extremos fines cum agresti praeda in agmen incidunt Romanum.
37.7. A battle began, more sudden and furious than if they had clashed with minds prepared to fight at a predetermined time and place.
37.7. proelium celerius acriusque commissum, quam si tempore locoque ad certamen destinato praeparatis animis concurrissent.
37.8. There it was apparent how much stimulus passion can apply to courage; for the Romans fought with so much greater desire for slaughter than for victory that they left the enemy hardly a messenger to tell of the defeat.
37.8. ibi, quantam vim ad stimulandos animos ira haberet, apparuit; nam ita caedis magis quam victoriae avidi pugnarunt Romani, ut vix nuntium cladis hosti relinquerent.
37.9. By reason of these achievements, when the letters of the consuls were received in Rome, the senate decreed a thanksgiving of three days. A little later the consul Marcellus arrived in Rome, and was voted a triumph with the complete agreement of the senators.
37.9. ob has res gestas consulum litteris Romam adlatis supplicatio in triduum decreta est. brevi post Marcellus consul Romam venit, triumphusque ei magno consensu patrum est decretus.
37.10. - While still in office he triumphed over the Ligures and Comenses; the hope of a triumph over the Boi he left to his colleague, because he personally had suffered defeat at the hands of that people, but had been victorious when associated with his colleague.
37.10. triumphavit in magistratu de Insubribus Comensibusque; Boiorum triumphi spem collegae reliquit, quia ipsi proprie adversa pugna in ea gente evenerat, cum collega secunda.
37.11. Many spoils of the enemy were transported in captured carts, and many standards; three hundred and twenty thousand asses of bronze and two hundred and thirty-four thousand pieces of coined silver were carried.
37.11. multa spolia hostium captivis carpentis travecta, multa militaria signa; aeris lata trecenta viginti milia, argenti bigati ducenta triginta quattuor milia.
37.12. Each infantryman was given eighty asses, each cavalryman and centurion thrice that sum.
37.12. in pedites singulos dati octogeni aeris, triplex equiti centurionique.
38.1. In the same year King Antiochus, after wintering at Ephesus, tried to coerce all the cities of Asia into acknowledging the sovereignty which he had once exercised over them.
38.1. eodem anno Antiochus rex, cum hibernasset Ephesi, omnes Asiae civitates in antiquam imperii formulam redigere est conatus.
38.2. And he saw that the others, either because they were situated on level ground, or because they did not trust their walls or their weapons or their fighting men, would readily accept his yoke;
38.2. et ceteras quidem, aut quia locis planis positae erant aut quia parum moenibus armisque ac iuventuti fidebant, haud difficulter videbat iugum accepturas;
38.3. Zmyrna and Lampsacus were contending for their independence, and there was danger that if they were allowed what they demanded, other cities in Aeolis and Ionia would follow the example of Zmyrna, those on the Hellespont, of Lampsacus.
38.3. Zmyrna et Lampsacus libertatem usurpabant, periculumque erat, ne, si concessum iis foret quod intenderent, Zmyrnam in Aeolide Ioniaque, Lampsacum in Hellesponto aliae urbes sequerentur.
38.4. He therefore sent troops from Ephesus to invest Zmyrna and ordered his troops at Abydus to leave only a small guard there and march to attack Lampsacus.
38.4. igitur et ipse ab Epheso ad Zmyrnam obsidendam misit et, quae Abydi copiae erant, praesidio tantum modico relicto duci ad Lampsacum oppugnandam iussit.
38.5. Nor did he seek only to frighten them by this show of force, but also through the mouths of his agents by courteous address and mild reproach for their rashness and stubbornness, to create the hope that they would soon have what they desired, but only when it was clear both to them and to everyone else that their liberty had been granted by the king and not attained through mere grasping at opportunity.
38.5. nec vi tantum terrebat, sed per legatos leniter adloquendo castigandoque temeritatem ac pertinaciam spem conabatur facere, brevi quod peterent habituros, sed cum satis et ipsis et omnibus aliis appareret, ab rege impetratam eos libertatem, non per occasionem raptam habere.
38.7. To this they responded that Antiochus should be neither surprised nor angry if they were not inclined to submit with indifference to their hope of liberty being deferred. At the beginning of spring Antiochus himself left Ephesus with his fleet and sailed for the Hellespont and ordered his land forces to be transported from Abydus to Chersonesus.
38.7. adversus quae respondebatur, nihil neque mirari neque suscensere Antiochum debere, si spem libertatis differri non satis aequo animo paterentur.
38.8. When he had united his army and navy at Madytus, a city in the Chersonesus, since the people had closed their gates, he surrounded the walls with armed men; and the town surrendered as he was on the point of moving forward his engines.
38.8. ipse initio veris navibus ab Epheso profectus Hellespontum petit, terrestris copias traici ab Abydo Chersonesum iussit.
38.9. Fear of the same fate caused the people of Sestus and other towns of the Chersonesus to yield. Thence he proceeded with all his forces, naval and military alike, to Lysimachia.
38.9. cum ad Madytum, Chersonesi urbem, terrestri navalem exercitum iunxisset, quia clauserant portas, circumdedit moenia armatis; et iam opera admoventi deditio facta est. idem metus Sestum incolentis aliasque Chersonesi urbes in deditionem dedit.
38.10. When he had found it almost entirely abandoned and in ruins (the Thracians had captured, plundered, and burned it a few years before), he was seized by the desire of rebuilding a city so famed and so advantageously situated. Therefore he undertook everything at once;
38.10. Lysimachiam inde omnibus simul navalibus terrestribus copiis venit. quam cum desertam ac stratam prope omnem ruinis invenisset — ceperant autem direptamque incenderant Thraces paucis ante annis —, cupido eum restituendi nobilem urbem et loco sitam opportuno cepit.
38.12. to rebuild the houses and walls, to ransom some of the Lysimachenses who were in slavery, to seek out and bring back some of them who had scattered in flight through the Hellespont and Chersonesus, to attract new colonists by the prospects of advantage held out to them, and to populate the city in every possible manner; at the same time, in order to dispel their fear of the Thracians, he set out in person with half his land forces to devastate the neighbouring parts of Thrace, leaving the rest and all the naval allies engaged in the work of rebuilding the city.
38.12. itaque omni cura simul est aggressus et tecta muros restituere et partim redimere servientis Lysimachenses, partim fuga sparsos per Hellespontum Chersonesumque conquirere et contrahere, partim novos colonos spe commodorum proposita adscribere et omni modo frequentare; simul, ut Thracum summoveretur metus, ipse parte dimidia terrestrium copiarum ad depopulanda proxima Thraciae est profectus, partem navalisque omnis socios reliquit in operibus reficiendae urbis.
39.1. At this time, too, Lucius Cornelius, sent by the senate to arbitrate the difference between the kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, stopped at Selymbria, - and some of the ten commissioners, Publius Lentulus from Bargyliae and Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius from Thasos, came to Lysimachia.
39.1. sub hoc tempus et L. Cornelius, missus ab senatu ad dirimenda inter Antiochum Ptolomaeumque reges certamina, Selymbriae substitit, et decem legatorum P.
39.2. Also, Lucius Cornelius from Selymbria and Antiochus from Thrace arrived there a few days later. There was a preliminary meeting with the ambassadors and then a kindly and hospitable reception, but when the debate over their instructions and the present situation in Asia began, there were displays of temper.
39.2. Lentulus a Bargyliis, P. Villius et L. Terentius ab Thaso Lysimachiam petierunt. eodem et ab Selymbria L. Cornelius et ex Thracia paucos post dies Antiochus convenerunt. primus congressus cum legatis et deinceps invitatio benigna et hospitalis fuit; ut de mandatis statuque praesenti Asiae agi coeptum est, animi exasperati sunt.
39.4. The Romans did not conceal the fact that his conduct, from the time he set sail from Syria, was displeasing to the senate, and they also deemed it right that all the cities which had belonged to Ptolemy should be restored to him;
39.4. Romani omnia acta eius, ex quo tempore ab Syria classem solvisset, displicere senatui non dissimulabant restituique et Ptolomaeo omnes civitates, quae dicionis eius fuissent, aequum censebant;
39.5. for, as regards the cities formerly held by Philip, which Antiochus had taken the opportunity to seize while Philip was engaged in the Roman war, they regarded it as surely unendurable that the Romans should have suffered so many toils and dangers for so many years on land and sea and that Antiochus should carry off the prizes of war.
39.5. nam quod ad eas civitates attineret, quas a Philippo possessas Antiochus per occasionem, averso Philippo in Romanum bellum, intercepisset, id vero ferendum non esse, Romanos per tot annos terra marique tanta pericula ac labores exhausisse, Antiochum belli praemia habere.
39.7. But, granting that the Romans pretended to ignore his advance into Asia as an act which did not concern them, what then? What of the fact that he was even then crossing into Europe with all his fleets and armies, and how far did that differ from an open declaration of war on the Romans? He, of course, would deny it, even if he crossed into Italy, but the Romans would not wait for him to have the power to do this.
39.7. sed ut in Asiam adventus eius dissimulari ab Romanis tamquam nihil ad eos pertinens potuerit, quid? quod iam etiam in Europam omnibus navalibus terrestribusque copiis transierit, quantum a bello aperte Romanis indicto abesse? illum quidem, etiam si in Italiam traiciat, negaturum; Romanos autem non expectaturos, ut id posset facere.
40.1. To this Antiochus replied that he was surprised that the Romans were making such diligent inquiry into what King Antiochus should do or how far he should advance by land or sea, and that they did not see that Asia was no concern of theirs, and that they had no more right to ask what Antiochus was doing in Asia than Antiochus had to ask what the Roman people was doing in Italy.
40.1. adversus ea Antiochus mirari se dixit Romanos tam diligenter inquirere, quid regi Antiocho faciundum aut quousque terra marique progrediundum fuerit, ipsos non cogitare Asiam nihil ad se pertinere, nec magis illis inquirendum esse, quid Antiochus in Asia, quam Antiocho, quid in Italia populus Romanus faciat.
40.3. So far as Ptolemy was concerned, the loss of whose cities was a subject of complaint, he already had a treaty of friendship with Ptolemy and was taking steps which would soon lead to a tie of relationship as well.
40.3. quod ad Ptolomaeum attineat, cui ademptas civitates querantur, sibi cum Ptolomaeo et amicitiam esse, et id agere, ut brevi etiam adfinitas iungatur.
40.4. He had not even taken advantage of Philip's ill fortune to seize and plunder, nor had he entered Europe to threaten the Romans; but all the country which had once been the kingdom of Lysimachus, and which, on his defeat, had passed with his other possessions into the hands of Seleucus by right of conquest, he considered his own.
40.4. ne ex Philippi quidem adversa fortuna spolia ulla se petisse aut adversus Romanos in Europam traiecisse; sed qua Lysimachi quondam regnum fuerit, quo victo omnia, quae illius fuissent, iure belli Seleuci facta sint, existimare suae dicionis esse.
40.5. While his forefathers were busy with the disposition of other matters, possession of some of these towns had been seized, first by Ptolemy, then by Philip, usurping the property-rights of others.
40.5. occupatis maioribus suis rerum aliarum cura primo quaedam ex iis Ptolomaeum, inde et Philippum usurpanda aliena possessionis causa tenuisse.
40.6. Who could doubt that Lysimachus had been lord of the Chersonesus and the neighbouring parts of Thrace which are around Lysimachia? He himself had come only to recover his ancient possessions and to found anew Lysimachia, destroyed by the attack of the Thracians, that his son Seleucus might make it the capital of his kingdom.
40.6. Chersonesus quidem et proxima Thraciae, quae circa Lysimachiam sint, quem dubitare, quin Lysimachi fuerint? ad ea recipienda in antiquum ius venisse et Lysimachiam deletam Thracum impetu de integro condere, ut Seleucus filius eam sedem regni habeat.
41.1. They had spent some days in such debates when an unauthenticated rumour that King Ptolemy was dead caused no conclusion to be reached by their conversations.
41.1. his disceptationibus per dies aliquot habitis rumor sine ullo satis certo auctore allatus de morte Ptolomaei regis, ut nullus exitus inponeretur sermonibus, effecit.
41.2. For each party pretended not to have heard it, and Lucius Cornelius, to whom had been entrusted the embassy to the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, requested an adjournment of a short time, that he might visit Ptolemy, his purpose being that he might arrive in Egypt before any revolution should occur while the throne was changing hands, while Antiochus believed that Egypt would be his if he should have succeeded in gaining possession of it at this time.
41.2. nam et dissimulabat pars utraque se audisse, et L. Cornelius, cui legatio ad duos reges, Antiochum Ptolomaeumque, mandata erat, spatium modici temporis ad conveniendum Ptolomaeum petebat, ut, priusquam moveretur aliquid in nova possessione regni, praeveniret in Aegyptum, et Antiochus suam fore Aegyptum, si tum occupasset, censebat.
41.4. So he dismissed the Romans, leaving his son Seleucus with the army to rebuild Lysimachia according to plan, and himself sailed for Ephesus with his entire fleet, sending ambassadors to Quinctius to say, with a view to creating confidence, that the king would do nothing to modify their alliance.
41.4. itaque dimissis Romanis relictoque Seleuco filio cum terrestribus copiis ad restituendam, ut instituerat, Lysimachiam ipse omni classe navigat Ephesum, legatis ad Quinctium missis, qui ad fidem faciendam nihil novaturum regem de societate agerent.
41.5. Skirting the coast of Asia, he came to Lycia, and learning at Patara that Ptolemy was alive, he gave up his design of sailing to Egypt;
41.5. oram Asiae legens pervenit in Lyciam Patarisque cognito vivere Ptolomaeum navigandi quidem in Aegyptum omissum consilium est;
41.6. nevertheless, he set out for Cyprus, and when he had passed the promontory of Chelidoniae, he was delayed for a while in Pamphylia near the mouth of the Eurymedon river by a mutiny among his rowers.
41.6. Cyprum nihilo minus petens, cum Chelidoniarum promunturium superasset, paulisper seditione remigum est retentus in Pamphylia circa Eurymedontem amnem.
41.7. When he resumed his voyage and was off the mouth of the river which they call Sarus, a terrific storm almost overwhelmed him and his whole fleet. Many ships were wrecked, many driven ashore, many so swallowed up in the sea that no one escaped to the shore.
41.7. inde profectum eum ad capita quae vocant Sari fluminis foeda tempestas adorta prope cum omni classe demersit. multae fractae, multae naves eiectae, multae ita haustae mari, ut nemo in terram enaverit.
41.8. A large number of men perished, not only rowers and the nameless mass of soldiers, but some of the nobles, friends of the king. Collecting the remnants left from the wreck, and being in no condition to try an expedition to Cyprus, he returned to Seleucia with a train less rich than that with which he had set out.
41.8. magna vis hominum ibi interiit, non remigum modo militumque ignotae turbae sed etiam insignium regis amicorum.
41.9. There he ordered the ships to be hauled up on land — for winter was now at hand — and went into winter quarters at Antioch. The affairs of the kings were in this state.
41.9. collectis reliquiis naufragii, cum res non in eo essent, ut Cyprum temptaret, minus opulento agmine, quam profectus erat, Seleuciam rediit. ibi subduci navibus iussis — iam enim et hiems instabat — ipse in hiberna Antiochiam concessit. in hoc statu regum erant res.
42.1. At Rome, in this year for the first time, the tresviri epulones were elected — Gaius Licinius Lucullus, tribune of the people, who had proposed the law for their election, Publius Manlius, and Publius Porcius Laeca. These triumvirs, like the pontiffs, were given the right to wear the toga praetexta.
42.1. Romae eo primum anno tresviri epulones facti C. Licinius Lucullus tribunus plebis, qui legem de creandis iis tulerat, et P. Manlius et P. Porcius Laeca. iis triumviris item ut pontificibus lege datum est togae praetextae habendae ius.
42.2. But a bitter struggle broke out that year between the whole body of priests and the city quaestors, Quintus Fabius Labeo and Lucius Aurelius.
42.2. sed magnum certamen cum omnibus sacerdotibus eo anno fuit quaestoribus urbanis, Q. Fabio Labeoni et L. Aurelio.
42.3. Money was needed because it had been decided to pay to the private lenders the last instalment of the money contributed for the war.
42.3. pecunia opus erat, quod ultimam pensionem pecuniae in bellum collatae persolvi placuerat privatis.
42.4. The quaestors demanded it of the augurs and pontiffs because they had not paid the taxes during the war. The priests appealed in vain to the tribunes of the people, and the money was collected for the whole period in which it had not been paid.
42.4. quaestores ab auguribus pontificibusque quod stipendium per bellum non contulissent petebant. ab sacerdotibus tribuni plebis nequiquam appellati, omniumque annorum, per quos non dederant, exactum est.
42.5. In the same year two pontiffs died and new ones were appointed in their place, the consul Marcus Marcellus to replace Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus, who had fallen while serving as praetor in Spain, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus in place of Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.
42.5. eodem anno duo mortui pontifices, novique in eorum locum suffecti, M. Marcellus consul in locum C. Semproni Tuditani, qui praetor in Hispania decesserat, et L. Valerius Flaccus in locum M. Corneli Cethegi.
42.6. - Quintus Fabius Maximus the augur also died while still a young man, before he had held any public office, and this year no augur was chosen in his stead.
42.6. et Q. Fabius Maximus augur mortuus est admodum adulescens, priusquam ullum magistratum caperet; nec eo anno augur in eius locum est suffectus.
42.7. Marcus Marcellus the consul presided over the consular elections, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus Porcius Cato were announced as successful. Then the praetors were chosen, Gnaeus Manlius Volso, Appius Claudius Nero, Publius Porcius Laeca, Gaius Fabricius Luscinus, Gaius Atinius Labeo, and Publius Manlius.
42.7. comitia inde consularia habita a M. Marcello consule. creati consules L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato. praetores inde facti Cn. Manlius Volso, Ap. Claudius Nero, P. Porcius Laeca, C. Fabricius Luscinus, C. Atinius Labeo, P. Manlius.
42.8. In that year the curule aediles, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and Gaius Flaminius, distributed to the people one million measures of grain at two asses per measure. The Sicilians had brought this to Rome as a mark of respect to Gaius Flaminius himself and to his father; Flaminius had shared the credit for it with his colleague. The Roman Games were celebrated splendidly and were thrice repeated entire.
42.8. eo anno aediles curules, M. Fulvius Nobilior et C. Flaminius, tritici deciens centena milia binis aeris populo discripserunt. id C. Flamini honoris causa ipsius patrisque advexerant Siculi Romam;
42.9. The plebeian aediles, Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Gaius Scribonius Curio, brought many grazers to trial before the people; three of them were convicted, and out of the money paid by them as fines they built a temple to Faunus on the Island.
42.9. Flaminius gratiam eius communicaverat cum collega. ludi Romani et apparati magnifice sunt et ter toti instaurati.
42.10. The Plebeian Games were repeated for two days and a banquet held on the occasion of the games. When Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus - Porcius Cato the consuls had, on the Ides of March, on which day they were inaugurated, laid before the senate the question of the provinces, the Fathers voted it as their decision that, since so great a war was raging in Spain that it now needed a consular commander and a consular army, the consuls should either arrange between themselves or cast lots for Nearer Spain and Italy as their provinces;
42.10. aediles plebis, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus et C. Scribonius Curio [maximus], multos pecuarios ad populi iudicium adduxerunt; tres ex his condemnati sunt; ex eorum multaticia pecunia aedem in insula Fauni fecerunt. ludi plebei per biduum instaurati, et epulum fuit ludorum causa. L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato consules idibus Martiis, quo die magistratum inierunt, de provinciis cum ad senatum rettulissent, patres censuerunt, quoniam in Hispania tantum glisceret bellum, ut iam consulari et duce et exercitu opus esset, placere consules Hispaniam citeriorem Italiamque provincias aut comparare inter se aut sortiri;
43.3. that whichever received Spain as his province should take with him two legions, fifteen thousand of the allies of the Latin confederacy and eight hundred cavalry, and should take with him twenty war-ships;
43.3. utri Hispania provincia evenisset, eum duas legiones et quindecim milia socium Latini nominis et octingentos equites secum portare et naves longas viginti ducere;
43.4. that the other consul should recruit two legions; that the province of Gaul could be adequately defended with these, since the spirits of the Insubres and the Boi had been broken the previous year.
43.4. alter consul duas scriberet legiones; iis Galliam obtineri provinciam satis esse fractis proximo anno Insubrum Boiorumque animis:
43.5. Cato received Spain in the drawing and Valerius Italy. Then the praetors received their assignments: Gaius Fabricius Luscinus the city jurisdiction, Gaius Atinius Labeo that between citizens and aliens, Gnaeus Manlius Volso Sicily, Appius Claudius Nero Farther Spain, Publius Porcius Laeca Pisae, that he might be in the rear of the Ligures, and Publius Manlius was assigned to Nearer Spain as assistant to the consul.
43.5. Cato Hispaniam, Valerius Italiam est sortitus. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, C. Fabricius Luscinus urbanam, C. Atinius Labeo peregrinam, Cn. Manlius Volso Siciliam, Ap. Claudius Nero Hispaniam ulteriorem, P. Porcius Laeca Pisas, ut ab tergo Liguribus esset; P. Manlius in Hispaniam citeriorem adiutor consuli datus.
43.6. Since not only Antiochus and the Aetolians were causes of concern, but now, in addition, Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, the authority of Titus Quinctius was extended for a year, with the command of two legions. If any addition to these forces should be needed, the consuls were directed to enlist them and send them to Macedonia.
43.6. T. Quinctio suspectis non solum Antiocho et Aetolis, sed iam etiam Nabide, Lacedaemoniorum tyranno, prorogatum in annum imperium est, duas legiones ut haberet. in eas si quid supplementi opus esset, consules scribere et mittere in Macedoniam iussi.
43.7. Appius Claudius was permitted to enrol two thousand infantry and two hundred new cavalry in addition to the legion which Quintus Fabius had commanded.
43.7. Ap. Claudio praeter legionem, quam Q. Fabius habuerat, duo milia peditum et ducentos equites novos ut scriberet, permissum.
43.8. An equal number of new infantry and cavalry was authorized for Publius Manlius in Nearer Spain, and he was given the same legion which had served under the praetor Quintus Minucius.
43.8. par numerus peditum equitumque novorum et P. Manlio in citeriorem Hispaniam decretus et legio eadem, quae fuerat sub Q. Minucio praetore, data.
43.9. Also, to Publius Porcius Laeca were assigned ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry for service in Etruria in the neighbourhood of Pisae. In Sardinia, the command of Tiberius Sempronius Longus was extended.
43.9. et P. Porcio Laecae [ad Etruriam] circa Pisas decem milia peditum et quingenti equites ex Gallico exercitu decreti. in Sardinia prorogatum imperium Ti. Sempronio Longo.
44.1. When the provinces had been thus assigned, - the consuls, before they left the city, were instructed, in accordance with the decision of the priests, to conduct the ceremony of the “sacred spring” which the praetor Aulus Cornelius Mammula had vowed by decree of the senate and vote of the people, in the consulship of Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Flaminius.
44.1. provinciis ita distributis consules, priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur, ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum iussi facere, quod A.
44.2. The performance took place twenty-one years after the vow. At this time Gaius Claudius Pulcher, son of Appius, was chosen augur in place of Quintus Fabius Maximus, who had died the year before, and was installed in office.
44.2. Cornelius Mammula praetor voverat de senatus sententia populique iussu Cn. Servilio C. Flaminio consulibus. annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum. per eosdem dies C. Claudius Appi filius Pulcher augur in Q. Fabi Maximi locum, qui priore anno mortuus erat, lectus inauguratusque est.
44.4. When everyone wondered why the war which Spain had begun was receiving so little attention, a letter arrived from Quintus Minucius, saying that he had fought successfully in a pitched battle near the town of Turda with Budares and Baesadines, the Spanish commanders; that twelve thousand of the enemy had been killed, Budares their general captured, and the rest routed and put to flight.
44.4. mirantibus iam vulgo hominibus, quod Hispania movisset bellum neglegi, litterae a Q. Minucio adlatae sunt se ad Turdam oppidum cum Budare et Baesadine, imperatoribus Hispanis, signis conlatis prospere pugnasse; duodecim milia hostium caesa, Budarem imperatorem captum, ceteros fusos fugatosque.
44.5. When this letter was read, less fear was felt with respect to Spain, where a great war had been anticipated; all their anxieties, especially after the return of the ten commissioners, were centred on King Antiochus.
44.5. his litteris lectis minus terroris ab Hispanis erat, unde ingens bellum expectatum fuerat; omnes curae, utique post adventum decem legatorum, in Antiochum regem conversae.
44.6. These reported what had been done in the matter of Philip and on what terms peace had been granted, and gave warning that a war of no less magnitude was threatened by Antiochus: he had already invaded Europe with a huge fleet and a splendid army, and if an idle hope — sprung from an idler rumour — of invading Egypt, had not diverted his attention, Greece would presently be flaming with war; for not even the Aetolians would remain quiet, a people both naturally restless and ill-disposed towards the Romans.
44.6. hi expositis prius, quae cum Philippo acta essent et quibus legibus data pax, non minorem belli molem instare ab Antiocho docuerunt: ingenti classe, egregio terrestri exercitu in Europam eum traiecisse et, nisi avertisset vana spes, ex vaniore rumore orta, Aegypti invadendae, mox bello Graeciam arsuram fuisse; neque enim ne Aetolos quidem quieturos, cum ingenio inquietam tum iratam Romanis gentem.
44.8. There was, they said, another great evil in Greece, clinging to its vitals, Nabis, now tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, but soon, if it were permitted, to be tyrant of all Greece, the equal in greed and cruelty of all the tyrants known to fame;
44.8. haerere et aliud in visceribus Graeciae ingens malum, Nabim, nunc Lacedaemoniorum, mox, si liceat, universae Graeciae futurum tyrannum, avaritia et crudelitate omnis fama celebratos tyrannos aequantem;
44.9. if he were allowed to hold Argos, which dominates Peloponnesus almost like a citadel, when the Roman armies were withdrawn to Italy, the liberation of Greece from Philip would prove to have been in vain, and in place of a king who was at least far distant, if nothing else could be said for him, they would have as master a tyrant close at hand.
44.9. cui si Argos velut arcem Peloponneso inpositam tenere liceat, deportatis in Italiam Romanis exercitibus nequiquam liberatam a Philippo Graeciam fore, pro rege, si nihil aliud, longinquo vicinum tyrannum dominum habituram.
45.1. When they heard words like these from men whose opinion carried such weight, especially on matters which they had investigated personally, the more important question, that which concerned Antiochus, called more for urgent action, but since the king for some reason or other had gone back to Syria, the question of the tyrant was rather one for debate.
45.1. haec cum ab tam gravibus auctoribus, tum qui omnia per se ipsos explorata adferrent, audirentur, maior res, quod ad Antiochum attineret, maturanda magis, quoniam rex quacumque de causa in Syriam concessisset, de tyranno consultatio visa est.
45.3. After it had long been debated whether there seemed sufficient cause for declaring war, or whether the decision should be left to Titus Quinctius, they gave him the responsibility of taking such action, in the case of Nabis the Lacedaemonian, as would be to the advantage of the state, thinking that such action, whether accelerated or retarded, was not of so very great importance to the general interest of the state;
45.3. cum diu disceptatum esset, utrum satis iam causae videretur, cur decerneretur bellum, an permitterent T. Quinctio, quod ad Nabim Lacedaemonium attineret, faceret, quod e re publica censeret esse, permiserunt, eam rem esse rati, quae maturata dilatave non ita magni momenti ad summam rem publicam esset;
45.5. it was more to be considered what Hannibal and the Carthaginians would do if war should break out with King Antiochus.
45.5. magis id animadvertendum esse, quid Hannibal et Carthaginienses, si cum Antiocho bellum motum foret, acturi essent.
45.6. The members of the faction opposed to Hannibal kept writing, each to his own friends among the leaders at Rome, that Hannibal had been sending messengers and letters to Antiochus and receiving from the king his secret agents; that, as some wild beasts can in no wise be tamed, so this man's temper was violent and implacable;
45.6. adversae Hannibali factionis homines principibus Romanis, hospitibus quisque suis, identidem scribebant nuntios litterasque ab Hannibale ad Antiochum missas, et ab rege ad eum clam legatos venisse;
45.7. that he complained that a nation wasted away in a state of peace and could be aroused from its stupor only by the din of arms. The recollection of the recent war, not more waged than caused by this one man, made these accounts seem plausible.
45.7. ut feras quasdam nulla mitescere arte, sic inmitem et inplacabilem eius viri animum esse; marcescere otii situ queri civitatem et inertia sopiri nec sine armorum sonitu excitari posse.
45.8. He had, moreover, provoked the wrath of the leading citizens of Carthage by his recent conduct.
45.8. haec probabilia memoria prioris belli per unum illum non magis gesti quam moti faciebat. irritaverat etiam recenti facto multorum potentium animos.
46.1. The order of judges at that time was in control in Carthage, principally because the same men were judges for life.
46.1. iudicum ordo Carthagine ea tempestate dominabatur, eo maxime, quod iidem perpetui iudices erant.
46.2. The property, reputation, and life of every citizen were in their hands. A man who offended one of the judges made enemies of them all, nor was there any lack of persons to bring accusations before hostile judges.
46.2. res, fama vitaque omnium in illorum potestate erat. qui unum eius ordinis offendisset, omnis adversos habebat, nec accusator apud infensos iudices deerat.
46.3. Under their administration, marked by such violence — for they did not use their excessive wealth in the spirit of a free state — Hannibal had been elected praetor and summoned a quaestor to report to him.
46.3. horum in tam inpotenti regno—neque enim civiliter nimiis opibus utebantur—praetor factus Hannibal vocari ad se quaestorem iussit.
46.4. The quaestor ignored the order; for he belonged to the opposing faction, and since he would be promoted from the quaestorship to the all-powerful order of judges, he already displayed arrogance proportioned to the power he would presently exercise.
46.4. quaestor id pro nihilo habuit; nam et adversae factionis erat et, quia ex quaestura in iudices, potentissimum ordinem, referebatur, iam pro futuris mox opibus animos gerebat.
46.5. Hannibal, thinking this conduct highly improper, sent a messenger to arrest the quaestor, and haling him before the assembly, assailed him and not less the order of judges, in comparison with whose pride of place and power the laws were as nought, and the magistrates as well.
46.5. enimvero indignum id ratus Hannibal viatorem ad prendendum quaestorem misit subductumque in contionem non ipsum magis quam ordinem iudicum, prae quorum superbia atque opibus nec leges quicquam essent nec magistratus, accusavit.
46.6. When he saw that his speech was well received, and that their haughty spirits menaced the liberty of the lowest classes also, he immediately proposed and enacted a law, that judges should be elected for one year each, and that no one should be a judge for two consecutive terms.
46.6. et ut secundis auribus accipi orationem animadvertit et infimorum quoque libertati gravem esse superbiam eorum. legem extemplo promulgavit pertulitque, ut in singulos annos iudices legerentur, neu quis biennium continuum iudex esset.
46.7. But whatever influence he gained in this way with the commons, to the same extent he roused the animosity of a large party among the nobility.
46.7. ceterum quantam eo facto ad plebem inierat gratiam, tantum magnae partis principum offenderat animos.
46.8. Moreover, by another act he served the public interest but roused personal enmities against himself. The public revenues were being partly wasted through carelessness, partly appropriated as their booty and spoils of office by some of the prominent men and magistrates, and money to pay the tribute to the Romans each successive year was lacking, and a heavy assessment seemed to threaten the citizens.
46.8. adiecit et aliud, quo bono publico sibi proprias simultates irritavit. vectigalia publica partim neglegentia dilabebantur, partim praedae ac divisui et principum quibusdam et magistratibus erant, et pecunia, quae in stipendium Romanis suo quoque anno penderetur, deerat, tributumque grave privatis inminere videbatur.
47.1. When Hannibal had investigated the revenues, how much was collected as taxes on land and as duty at the ports, for what purposes it was spent, how much the ordinary expenses of the state required, and how much embezzlement took from the treasury, he asserted in the assembly that the state would be rich enough, if it collected the revenues not otherwise used and omitted the assessment on individual citizens, to pay its debt to the Romans, and this assertion he was able to make good.
47.1. Hannibal postquam, vectigalia quanta terrestria maritimaque essent et in quas res erogarentur, animadvertit, et quid eorum ordinarii rei publicae usus consumerent, quantum peculatus averteret, omnibus residuis pecuniis exactis, tributo privatis remisso satis locupletem rem publicam fore ad vectigal praestandum Romanis pronuntiavit in contione et praestitit promissum.
47.3. But now the men whom embezzlement from the treasury had maintained for many years, as if they were being robbed of their property instead of being made to give up the profits of their thefts, in passion and anger tried to bring upon Hannibal the wrath of the Romans, who were themselves seeking an excuse for venting their hatred upon him.
47.3. tum vero ii, quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furtorum manubiis extortis infensi et irati Romanos in Hannibalem, et ipsos causam odii quaerentis, instigabant.
47.4. So, although Publius Scipio Africanus resisted this tendency for a long time, urging that it was undignified for the Roman people to become parties to the animosities of Hannibal's accusers, to lend the support of official prestige to party strife at Carthage, and, not satisfied with having conquered Hannibal in battle, acting, so to speak, as his prosecutors, to assert good faith and
47.4. ita diu repugnante P. Scipione Africano, qui parum ex dignitate populi Romani esse ducebat subscribere odiis accusatorum Hannibalis et factionibus Carthaginiensium inserere publicam auctoritatem nec satis habere bello vicisse Hannibalem, nisi velut accusatores calumniam in eum iurarent ac nomen deferrent, tandem pervicerunt,
47.6. bring charges against him, they at length prevailed upon the senate to send an embassy to Carthage which should lay charges before their senate that Hannibal was conspiring with King Antiochus to foment war.
47.6. ut legati Carthaginem mitterentur, qui ad senatum eorum arguerent Hannibalem cum Antiocho rege consilia belli faciendi inire.
47.7. Three ambassadors were sent — Gnaeus Servilius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Quintus Terentius Culleo. When they arrived in Carthage, on the advice of Hannibal's enemies, they caused the answer to be given to those who asked what their errand was, that they had come to put an end to the disputes which had arisen between the Carthaginians and Masinissa, king of the Numidians.
47.7. legati tres missi, Cn. Servilius, M. Claudius Marcellus, Q. Terentius Culleo. qui cum Carthaginem venissent, ex consilio inimicorum Hannibalis quaerentibus causam adventus dici iusserunt, venisse se ad controversias, quae cum Masinissa rege Numidarum Carthaginiensibus essent, dirimendas.
47.9. This was generally accepted; but Hannibal did not fail to see that he and he alone was the object of the Romans' attack and that peace had been granted to the Carthaginians with the reservation that with him alone there should be implacable war.
47.9. id creditum vulgo; unum Hannibalem se peti ab Romanis non fallebat et ita pacem Carthaginiensibus datam esse, ut inexpiabile bellum adversus se unum maneret.
47.10. So he decided to give way to the emergency and his fate; and having already made all his preparations in advance for his departure, he spent that day in the forum in order to avert suspicion and at dusk, clad in his ordinary dress, he made his way to the gate with two companions who were ignorant of his design.
47.10. itaque cedere tempori et fortunae statuit; et praeparatis iam ante omnibus ad fugam, obversatus eo die in foro avertendae suspicionis causa, primis tenebris vestitu forensi ad portam cum duobus comitibus ignaris consilii est egressus.
48.1. When he had found the horses ready in the place he had ordered them to be, he crossed by night the territory which they call Byzacium and arrived next day at his castle on the coast between Acylla and Thapsus.
48.1. cum equi, quo in loco iusserat, praesto fuissent, nocte Byzacium—ita regionem quandam agri vocant—transgressus, postero die ad mare inter Acyllam et Thapsum ad suam turrem pervenit.
48.2. There a ship was waiting for him, manned and equipped. Thus Hannibal left Africa, bewailing his country's fate more often than his own. The same day he reached the island of Cercina.
48.2. ibi eum parata instructaque remigio excepit navis. ita Africa Hannibal excessit, saepius patriae quam suum eventum miseratus.
48.3. Since there were in port many Phoenician vessels, loaded with merchandise, and crowds of people came to pay their respects to him as he landed, he bade that the answer be given to their questions that he had been sent on an embassy to Tyre.
48.3. eodem die in Cercinam insulam traiecit. ubi cum in portu naves aliquot Phoenicum onerarias cum mercibus invenisset et ad egressum eum e nave concursus salutantium esset factus, percunctantibus legatum se Tyrum missum dici iussit.
48.4. Fearing nevertheless that one of these ships might leave at night and take the word to Thapsus or Hadrumetum that he had been seen at Cercina, he ordered preparations made for a sacrifice and the ship-captains and merchants invited to dinner and the sails and yards borrowed from their ships to provide a canopy — it chanced to be midsummer — for the diners on the shore.
48.4. veritus tamen, ne qua earum navis nocte profecta Thapsum aut Hadrumetum nuntiaret se Cercinae visum, sacrificio apparari iusso magistros navium mercatoresque invitari iussit et vela cum antemnis ex navibus conrogari, ut umbraclum — media aestas forte erat—cenantibus in litore fieret.
48.5. The dinner was given that day with all the pomp the situation and the time permitted, and the feasting was prolonged until late into the night with abundance of wine.
48.5. quanto res et tempus patiebatur apparatu celebratae eius diei epulae sunt; multoque vino in serum noctis convivium productum. Hannibal, cum primum fallendi eos, qui in portu erant, tempus habuit, navem solvit.
48.7. As soon as Hannibal found an opportunity to elude the men who were in the harbour, he set sail. The rest were sound asleep, and when they finally woke from slumber the next day, still heavy with wine, too late to accomplish anything, they spent some hours with the rigging, carrying it back to the ships, setting it up, and adjusting it.
48.7. ceteri sopiti cum postero die tandem ex somno pleni crapulae surrexissent, ad id quod serum erat, aliquot horas referendis in naves collocandisque et aptandis armamentis absumpserunt.
48.8. At Carthage, the crowd of people which was accustomed to visit Hannibal gathered about the doors of his house.
48.8. Carthagine [et] multitudinis adsuetae domum Hannibalis frequentare concursus ad vestibulum aedium est factus.
48.9. When it was generally known that he could not be found, the crowd rushed to the forum, demanding their foremost citizen;
48.9. ut non comparere eum vulgatum est, in forum turba convenit principem civitatis quaerentium;
48.10. some said that he had escaped, which was the case, others that he had been murdered at the instigation of the Romans, and this aroused the greater resentment; one could see the various looks natural in a state made up of men of opposing parties and torn by factional strife; finally word came that he had been seen at Cercina.
48.10. et alii fugam conscisse, id quod erat, alii fraude Romanorum interfectum, idque magis vulgo fremebant, variosque vultus cerneres ut in civitate aliorum alias partes foventium et factionibus discordi; visum deinde Cercinae eum tandem allatum est.
49.1. The Roman ambassadors stated in the senate that proof had been furnished the Fathers at Rome, first, that King Philip had made war upon the Roman people mainly at the instigation of Hannibal, second, that recently letters and messages had been sent by him to Antiochus and the Aetolians, stating that plans had been considered for drawing Carthage into the revolt, and that he had gone nowhere else than to Antiochus; he would never rest, they said, until he had roused the whole world to war;
49.1. et Romani legati cum in senatu exposuissent compertum patribus Romanis esse, et Philippum regem ante ab Hannibale maxime accensum bellum populo Romano fecisse, et nunc litteras nuntiosque ab eo ad Antiochum et Aetolos missos, consiliaque inita inpellendae ad defectionem Carthaginis, nec alio eum quam ad Antiochum regem profectum; haud quieturum eum, antequam bellum toto orbe terrarum concisset;
49.3. they added that such conduct should not go unpunished if the Carthaginians wished to convince the Roman people that none of these things had been done with their approval or with public sanction.
49.3. id ei non debere impune esse, si satisfacere Carthaginienses populo Romano vellent nihil eorum sua voluntate nec publico consilio factum esse:
49.4. The Carthaginians responded that they would do whatever the Romans should have determined was proper.
49.4. Carthaginienses responderunt, quidquid aecum censuissent Romani, facturos esse.
49.5. Hannibal arrived at Tyre after a prosperous voyage and was received by the founders of Carthage as coming from a second home-land, a man so distinguished by everykind of honour.
49.5. Hannibal prospero cursu Tyrum pervenit exceptusque a conditoribus Carthaginis, ut ab altera patria, vir tam clarus omni genere honorum, paucos moratus dies Antiochiam navigat.
49.6. After a brief stay he sailed to Antioch, and when, on his arrival there, he heard that the king had already gone to Asia, he met his son, who was holding the ritual games at Daphne, and after a courteous reception he set sail without delay.
49.6. ibi profectum iam regem in Asiam cum audisset filiumque eius sollemne ludorum ad Daphnen celebrantem convenisset, comiter ab eo exceptus nullam moram navigandi fecit.
49.7. At Ephesus he overtook the king, still wavering in mind and undecided about the war with Rome, but the arrival of Hannibal was no small factor in making up his mind.
49.7. Ephesi regem est consecutus, fluctuantem adhuc animo incertumque de Romano bello; sed haud parvum momentum ad animum eius moliendum adventus Hannibalis fecit.
49.8. At that time, too, the Aetolians were inclined to abandon their alliance with Rome, since the ambassadors whom they had sent to recover Pharsalus and Leucas and certain other cities in accordance with the original treaty had been referred by the senate to Titus Quinctius.
49.8. Aetolorum quoque eodem tempore alienati ab societate Romana animi sunt, quorum legatos Pharsalum et Leucadem et quasdam alias civitates ex primo foedere repetentis senatus ad T. Quinctium reiecit.