24.8. The people of Cosa at this time requested that the number of their colonists be increased; one thousand were ordered to be enrolled, with the proviso that no one should be included in the number who had been engaged in hostilities against the state since the consulship of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius.
24.8. Cosanis eodem anno postulantibus, ut sibi colonorum numerus augeretur, mille adscribi iussi, dum ne quis in eo numero esset, qui post P. Cornelium et Ti. Sempronium consules hostis fuisset.
25.1. The Roman Games were celebrated that year in the circus and theatre by the curule aediles Publius Cornelius Scipio and Gnaeus Manlius Volso. They were celebrated with greater splendour than at any other time, and were also viewed with greater joy because of the successes in war, and were thrice repeated entire.
25.1. ludi Romani eo anno in circo scaenaque ab aedilibus curulibus P. Cornelio Scipione et Cn. Manlio Vulsone et magnificentius quam alias facti et laetius propter res bello bene gestas spectati, totique ter instaurati.
25.2. The Plebeian Games were repeated seven times; Manius Acilius Glabrio and Gaius Laelius presided over these games, and out of the money received as fines they erected three bronze statues of Ceres and Liber and Libera.
25.2. plebei septiens instaurati; M'. Acilius Glabrio et C. Laelius eos ludos fecerunt; et de argento multaticio tria signa aenea, Cererem Liberumque et Liberam, posuerunt.
25.4. Lucius Furius and Marcus Claudius Marcellus were - duly inaugurated as consuls, and when the question of the provinces was brought up and the senate was for decreeing Italy to both consuls, they urged that they should draw lots for Macedonia along with Italy.
25.4. L. Furius et M. Claudius Marcellus consulatu inito, cum de provinciis ageretur et Italiam utrique provinciam senatus decerneret, ut Macedoniam cum Italia sortirentur tendebant.
25.5. Marcellus, who was more anxious for a province, by arguing that the peace was a make-believe and a fiction, and that the king would rebel once the army was withdrawn from there, unsettled the minds of the senators.
25.5. Marcellus, provinciae cupidior, pacem simulatam ac fallacem dicendo et rebellaturum, si exercitus inde deportatus esset, regem, dubios sententiae patres fecerat.
25.6. And the consul might have won his point, had not Quintus Marcius Ralla and Gaius Atinius Labeo, tribunes of the people, announced that they would veto any action if the question was not first referred to the assembly whether they wished and ordered that peace be made with King Philip.
25.6. et forsitan obtinuisset consul, ni Q. Marcius Ralla et C. Atinius Labeo tribuni plebis se intercessuros dixissent, ni prius ipsi ad plebem tulissent, vellent iuberentne cum rege Philippo pacem esse.
25.7. This motion was then laid before the people convened on the Capitoline; all the thirty-five tribes voted “aye.”
25.7. ea rogatio in Capitolio ad plebem lata est;
25.8. And that there might be more general rejoicing that peace in Macedonia had been ratified, serious news had come from Spain, and a letter was read announcing that “Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus had been defeated in battle in Nearer Spain, his army routed and put to flight, that many distinguished men had fallen on the field, and that Tuditanus himself had been carried from the battle severely wounded and had died soon after.”
25.8. omnes quinque et triginta tribus 'uti rogas' iusserunt. et quo magis pacem ratam esse in Macedonia vulgo laetarentur, tristis ex Hispania adlatus nuntius effecit vulgataeque litterae ' C. Sempronium Tuditanum proconsulem in citeriore Hispania proelio victum, exercitum eius fusum fugatum, multos inlustris viros in acie cecidisse, Tuditanum cum gravi vulnere relatum ex proelio haud ita multo post expirasse.
25.10. Italy was then decreed to both the consuls, with the same legions which the previous consuls had had, and it was further ordered that four new legions be recruited, two to guard the city, two to be sent wherever the senate directed;
25.10. ' consulibus ambobus Italia provincia cum iis legionibus, quas superiores consules habuissent, decreta, et ut quattuor legiones novas scriberent, duas urbanas, duas, quae quo senatus censuisset mitterentur;
25.11. in addition, that Titus Quinctius Flamininus should hold his province with the same legions: it appeared that the previous prorogation of his imperium was sufficient.
25.11. et T. Quinctius Flamininus [cum duabus legionibus] provinciam eodem exercitu obtinere iussus; imperium ei prorogatum satis iam ante videri esse.
26.1. The praetors then drew lots for their provinces: Lucius Apustius Fullo received the city jurisdiction, Manius Acilius Glabrio that between citizens and aliens, Quintus Fabius Buteo Farther Spain, Quintus Minucius Thermus Nearer Spain, Gaius Laelius Sicily, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus Sardinia.
26.1. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, L. Apustius Fullo urbanam iurisdictionem, M'. Acilius Glabrio inter civis et peregrinos, Q. Fabius Buteo Hispaniam ulteriorem, Q. Minucius Thermus citeriorem, C. Laelius Siciliam, Ti. Sempronius Longus Sardiniam.
26.2. A motion was passed that the consuls should transfer to Quintus Fabius Buteo and Quintus Minucius, to whose lots the Spanish provinces had fallen, one each of the four legions enlisted by them, the selection being left to
26.2. Q. Fabio Buteoni et Q. Minucio, quibus Hispaniae provinciae evenerant, consules legiones singulas ex quattuor ab se scriptis, quas videretur, ut darent decretum est et socium ac Latini nominis quaterna milia peditum, trecenos equites;
26.4. them, and in addition should assign to each four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry of the allies and the Latin confederacy; the praetors were ordered to leave at once for their provinces.
26.4. iique primo quoque tempore in provincias ire iussi. bellum in Hispania quinto post anno motum est, quam simul cum Punico bello fuerat finitum.
26.5. The war in Spain had broken out five years after it had been ended along with the Punic War. Before either these praetors had left for a war which was virtually new, since this was the first time the Spaniards had taken up arms on their own account and without any Carthaginian army or commander, or even the consuls had departed from the city, they were ordered to expiate the prodigies which were reported.
26.5. priusquam aut hi praetores ad bellum prope novum, quia tum primum suo nomine sine ullo Punico exercitu aut duce ad arma ierant, proficiscerentur, aut ipsi consules ab urbe moverent, procurare, ut adsolet, prodigia, quae nuntiabantur, iussi. P. Villius eques Romanus in Sabinos proficiscens fulmine ipse equusque exanimati fuerant;
26.7. - Publius Villius, a Roman knight, while travelling into the Sabine country, was struck by lightning and he and his horse were killed; the temple of Feronia, in the district of Capena, was struck by lightning;
26.7. aedis Feroniae in Capenati de caelo tacta erat; ad Monetae duarum hastarum spicula arserant; lupus Esquilina porta ingressus, frequentissima parte urbis cum in forum decurrisset, Tusco vico atque inde Cermalo per portam Capenam prope intactus evaserat.
26.8. near the temple of Juno Moneta the points of two spears burst into flame; a wolf entered through the Esquiline Gate, passed through the most crowded part of the city into the Forum, through the Vicus Tuscus and the Cermalus, and escaped almost unharmed by the Porta Capena. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims. At the same time Gnaeus Cornelius Blasio, who had been the predecessor of Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus in the governorship of Nearer Spain, entered the city in ovation by authorization of the senate.
26.8. haec prodigia maioribus hostiis sunt procurata. iisdem diebus Cn. Cornelius Blasio, qui ante C. Sempronium Tuditanum citeriorem Hispaniam obtinuerat, ovans ex senatus consulto urbem est ingressus.
27.2. He displayed in the procession fifteen hundred and fifteen pounds of gold, twenty thousand pounds of silver, and thirty-four thousand five hundred denarii of coined silver.
27.2. tulit prae se auri mille et quingenta quindecim pondo, argenti viginti milia, signati denarium triginta quattuor milia et quingentos.
27.3. Lucius Stertinius, returning from Farther Spain, without even putting in a claim to a triumph, deposited in the treasury fifty thousand pounds of silver, and out of the booty erected two arches in the Forum Boarium in front of the temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta, and one in the Circus Maximus, and on these arches he placed gilded statues.
27.3. L. Stertinius ex ulteriore Hispania, ne temptata quidem triumphi spe, quinquaginta milia pondo argenti in aerarium intulit et de manubiis duos fornices in foro bovario ante Fortunae aedem et matris Matutae, unum in maximo circo fecit et his fornicibus signa aurata inposuit.
27.5. These were the events of the winter. Titus Quinctius was at this time wintering at Elatia, and when the allies were making many requests of him, the Boeotians asked and were permitted to recover their fellow-countrymen who had served with Philip.
27.5. haec per hiemem ferme acta. hibernabat eo tempore Elatiae T. Quinctius, a quo cum multa socii peterent, Boeoti petierunt impetraveruntque, ut, qui suae gentis militassent apud Philippum, sibi restituerentur.
27.6. Quinctius readily granted this, not because he thought they really deserved it, but because in view of the suspicions entertained about King Antiochus he was anxious to win sympathy for the Roman people among the Greek states.
27.6. id a Quinctio facile impetratum, non quia satis dignos eos credebat, sed quia Antiocho rege iam suspecto favor conciliandus nomini Romano apud civitates erat.
27.7. When these had been restored, it at once became clear how little gratitude he had won from the Boeotians; for they sent ambassadors to Philip, thanking him for restoring their countrymen, just as if that boon had been granted to them and not to Quinctius and the Romans, and at the next election they chose as Boeotarch one Brachyllas, for no other reason than that he had commanded the Boeotians who had served with the king, passing over Zeuxippus and Pisistratus and others who had sponsored the alliance with Rome.
27.7. restitutis iis confestim apparuit, quam nulla inita apud Boeotos gratia esset; nam ad Philippum legatos gratias agentes ei pro redditis hominibus, perinde atque ipsis et non Quinctio et Romanis id datum esset, miserunt et comitiis proximis Boeotarchen ob nullam aliam causam Brachyllem quendam, quam quod praefectus Boeotorum apud regem militantium fuisset,
27.9. These men were incensed at this action for the moment and also fearful for the future:
27.9. fecerunt praeteritis Zeuxippo et Pisistrato aliisque, qui Romanae societatis auctores fuerant.
27.10. since such things happened with the Roman army encamped almost at the gates, what in the world would become of them when the Romans had gone back to Italy, and Philip, from his kingdom near by, was aiding his friends and opposing those who had belonged to the other party?
27.10. id aegre et in praesentia hi passi et in futurum etiam metum ceperunt: cum ad portas prope sedente exercitu Romano ea fierent, quidnam se futurum esse profectis in Italiam Romanis, Philippo ex propinquo socios adiuvante et infesto iis, qui partis adversae fuissent?
28.1. While they had the Roman army close at hand, they determined to do away with Brachyllas, the principal partisan of the king.
28.1. dum Romana arma in propinquo haberent, tollere Brachyllem, principem fautorum regis, statuerunt.
28.2. They chose for this an occasion when, after a public dinner, he was returning to his home in a drunken state and accompanied by a crowd of effeminate creatures who had been present as entertainers at the crowded dinner.
28.2. et tempore ad eam rem capto, cum in publico epulatus reverteretur domum temulentus prosequentibus mollibus viris, qui ioci causa convivio celebri interfuerant, ab sex armatis, quorum tres Italici, tres Aetoli erant, circumventus occiditur.
28.3. He was set upon by six armed men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, and killed. His companions scattered; there was a search and the noise of guards with torches hurrying through the whole city; the assassins escaped by the nearest gate.
28.3. fuga comitum et quiritatio facta et tumultus per totam urbem discurrentium cum luminibus;
28.4. At daybreak there was a full assembly in the theatre, as if at a meeting called in advance or summoned by the voice of a herald.
28.4. percussores proxima porta evaserunt. luce prima contio frequens velut ex ante indicto aut voce praeconis convocata in theatro erat.
28.5. Openly the cry was that he had been killed by his own suite and the degenerates who were with him, but in their thoughts they pointed to Zeuxippus as instigator of the murder.
28.5. palam ab suo comitatu et obscenis illis viris fremebant interfectum, animis autem Zeuxippum auctorem destinabant caedis.
28.6. For the time being, it was voted that the men who were with him should be arrested and questioned.
28.6. in praesentia placuit comprehendi eos, qui simul fuissent, quaestionemque ex iis haberi.
28.7. While they were being examined, Zeuxippus, with ready courage, in order to divert suspicion from himself, came into the assembly, and declared that those men were mistaken who put the responsibility for so cruel a murder upon those eunuchs, and he put forth many plausible arguments to that effect, and by these he created the assurance in some that, if he had felt any sense of guilt, he would never have exposed himself to the crowd or made any reference to this murder without being called upon to do so; others had no doubt that he was shamelessly trying to avert suspicion by volunteering to meet the charge.
28.7. qui dum quaeruntur, Zeuxippus constanti animo avertendi ab se criminis causa in contionem progressus errare ait homines, qui tam atrocem caedem pertinere ad illos semiviros crederent, multaque in eam partem probabiliter argumentatus, quibus fidem apud quosdam fecit numquam, si sibi conscius esset, oblaturum se multitudini mentionemve eius caedis nullo lacessente facturum fuisse;
28.9. A little later the innocent witnesses were tortured, and, knowing nothing themselves, mentioned Zeuxippus and Pisistratus, treating as evidence the general suspicion, but citing no proof to show that they had any knowledge of the affair.
28.9. alii non dubitare inpudenter obviam crimini eundo suspicionem averti. torti post paulo insontes, cum scirent ipsi nihil, opinione omnium pro indicio Zeuxippum et Pisistratum nominaverunt nullo adiecto, cur scire quicquam viderentur, argumento.
28.10. Zeuxippus, nevertheless, and a certain Stratonidas fled to Tanagra by night, fearing his own conscience more than the testimony of men who knew nothing about the crime; Pisistratus paid no attention to the witnesses and remained in Thebes.
28.10. Zeuxippus tamen cum Stratonida quodam nocte perfugit Tanagram, suam magis conscientiam quam indicium hominum nullius rei consciorum metuens;
28.11. Zeuxippus had a slave, the go-between and agent in the whole affair, and fearing him as an informer, Pisistratus, by reason of that very fear, brought him forth to give evidence.
28.11. Pisistratus spretis indicibus Thebis mansit. servus erat Zeuxippi, totius internuntius et minister rei, quem indicem Pisistratus timens eo ipso timore ad indicium protraxit. litteras ad Zeuxippum mittit, ut servum conscium tolleret:
28.12. He sent word to Zeuxippus advising him to get rid of the slave who was his accomplice: he seemed to him, he said, less skilful in concealing an act than in performing it. The messenger had orders to deliver this letter to Zeuxippus as soon as possible, but being unable to find him at once, he gave it to that very same slave, whom he believed to be most faithful to his master of all the slaves, adding that it came from Pisistratus and contained information of the greatest interest to Zeuxippus.
28.12. non tam idoneum ad celandam rem eum videri sibi, quam ad agendam fuerit. has qui tulerat litteras iussus Zeuxippo dare quam primum, quia non statim conveniendi eius copia fuit, illi ipsi servo, quem ex omnibus domino fidissimum credebat, tradit et adicit a Pisistrato de re magno opere pertinente ad Zeuxippum esse.
28.14. The slave, conscious of guilt, promised to deliver it at once, but opened it and having read it fled in terror to Thebes and laid his testimony before the magistrates.
28.14. conscientia ictus, cum extemplo traditurum eas adfirmasset, aperit perlectisque litteris pavidus Thebas refugit et ad magistratus indicium defert.
28.15. And Zeuxippus, frightened at the flight of his slave, retired to Anthedon, thinking it a safer place of exile; Pisistratus and others were examined under torture and executed.
28.15. et Zeuxippus quidem fuga servi motus Anthedonem, tutiorem exilio locum ratus, concessit; de Pisistrato aliisque quaestiones tormentis habitae et sumptum supplicium est.
29.1. This murder roused the Thebans and all the Boeotians to a frenzy of hatred against the Romans, for they thought that Zeuxippus, a leading man in the state, would not have committed such a crime without the cognizance of the Roman commander.
29.1. efferavit ea caedes Thebanos Boeotosque omnis ad execrabile odium Romanorum, credentis non sine consilio imperatoris Romani Zeuxippum, principem gentis, id facinus conscisse. ad rebellandum neque vires neque ducem habebant;
29.2. They had neither army nor leader for a rebellion; turning to what was most like war, to brigandage, they cut off some soldiers in the taverns, others as they travelled about on various errands during the winter season.
29.2. proximum bello quod erat, in latrocinium versi alios in hospitiis, alios vagos per hiberna milites ad varios commeantis usus excipiebant.
29.3. Some on the public highways were lured by decoys into planned ambushes, some were brought by trickery to deserted inns and killed;
29.3. quidam in ipsis itineribus ad notas latebras ab insidiantibus, pars in deserta per fraudem deversoria deducti opprimebantur;
29.4. finally, such crimes were committed not only from hatred, but also from greed of booty, because the soldiers who were usually travelling on business had money in their purses on their journeys.
29.4. postremo non tantum ab odio sed etiam aviditate praedae ea facinora fiebant, quia negotiandi ferme causa argentum in zonis habentes in commeatibus erant.
29.5. While at first the losses were small, but then grew larger day by day, all Boeotia began to have a bad name, and the soldiers were more afraid to leave camp than if they were in hostile territory. Then Quinctius sent agents among the cities to inquire into the charges of robbery.
29.5. cum primo pauci, deinde in dies plures desiderarentur, infamis esse Boeotia omnis coepit, et timidius quam in hostico egredi castris miles.
29.6. Most of the murders, it was found, had been committed around the Copaic swamp; there bodies were dug out of the muck and drawn from the marshes, with stones or jugs fastened to them so that the weight might drag them deeper into the mire; many other crimes were found to have been committed at Acraephia and Coronea.
29.6. tum Quinctius legatos ad quaerendum de latrociniis per civitates mittit. plurimae caedes circa Copaidem paludem inventae; ibi ex limo eruta extractaque ex stagno cadavera saxis aut amphoris, ut pondere traherentur in profundum, adnexa; multa facinora Acraephiae et Coroneae facta inveniebantur.
29.7. Quinctius at first ordered the criminals to be delivered to him by the Boeotians and a fine paid of five hundred talents for the five hundred soldiers, for so many had been killed.
29.7. Quinctius primo noxios tradi sibi iussit et pro quingentis militibus — tot enim interempti erant — quingenta talenta Boeotos conferre.
29.8. When the cities obeyed neither order, but merely made the verbal excuse that no act had been committed with official sanction, having sent ambassadors to Athens and into Achaea, to call the allies to witness that he was about to wage lawful and rightful war upon the Boeotians, he ordered Appius Claudius to proceed against Acraephia with part of the forces and himself with another detachment invested Coronea, after first devastating the country through which both columns marched from Elatia.
29.8. quorum neutrum cum fieret, verbis tantum civitates excusarent nihil publico consilio factum esse, missis Athenas et in Achaiam legatis, qui testarentur socios iusto pioque se bello persecuturum Boeotos, et cum parte copiarum Ap.
29.9. The Boeotians, dismayed by this calamity, when the whole region was filled with terror and flight, sent ambassadors.
29.9. Claudio Acraephiam ire iusso ipse cum parte Coroneam circumsidit vastatis prius agris, qua ab Elatia duo diversa agmina iere.
29.10. When these were not admitted to the camp, the Achaeans and Athenians arrived. The pleas of the Achaeans had more weight, because, if they did not obtain peace for the Boeotians, they had decided to join the war upon them.
29.10. hac perculsi clade Boeoti, cum omnia terrore ac fuga completa essent, legatos mittunt. qui cum in castra non admitterentur, Achaei Atheniensesque supervenerunt.
29.11. Through the Achaeans an opportunity was gained for the Boeotians to visit and address the Roman, and they were ordered to hand over the criminals and pay thirty talents by way of fine, and were granted peace and the discontinuance of the siege.
29.11. plus auctoritatis Achaei habuerunt deprecantes, quia, ni impetrassent pacem Boeotis, bellum simul gerere decreverant. per Achaeos et Boeotis copia adeundi adloquendique Romanum facta est iussisque tradere noxios et multae nomine triginta conferre talenta pax data et ab oppugnatione recessum.
30.1. A few days later the ten commissioners arrived from Rome, and with their approval peace was granted to Philip on these terms:
30.1. paucos post dies decem legati ab Roma venerunt, quorum ex consilio pax data Philippo in has leges est, ut omnes Graecorum civitates, quae in Europa quaeque in Asia essent, libertatem ac suas haberent leges;
30.2. that all the Greek cities which were in Europe or in Asia should enjoy their liberty and laws; that, whatever cities had been under the sway of Philip, from these Philip should withdraw his garrisons and should hand them over to the Romans, free of his troops, before the time of the Isthmian Games;
30.2. quae earum sub dicione Philippi fuissent, praesidia ex iis Philippus deduceret vacuasque traderet Romanis ante Isthmiorum tempus;
30.3. that he should withdraw also from the following cities in Asia: Euromum and Pedasa and Bargyliae and Iasus and Myrina and Abydus and Thasos and Perinthus (for it was determined that these too should be free); that, regarding the liberation of the Ciani, Quinctius should write to Prusias, king of Bithynia, the decision of the senate and the ten commissioners;
30.3. deduceret et ex iis, quae in Asia essent, Euromo Pedasisque et Bargyliis et Iaso et Myrina et Abydo et et Perintho: eas quoque enim placere liberas esse; de Cianorum libertate Quinctium Prusiae, Bithynorum regi, scribere, quid senatui et decem legatis placuisset;
30.5. that Philip should turn over to the Romans the prisoners and deserters, all his warships except five, and one royal galley of almost unmanageable size, which was propelled by sixteen tiers of oars; that he should have a maximum of five thousand soldiers and no elephants at all;
30.5. captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Romanis et navis omnis tectas tradere praeter quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant;
30.6. that he should wage no war outside Macedonia without the permission of the senate; that he should pay to the Roman people an indemnity of one thousand talents, half at once and half in ten annual instalments.
30.6. ne plus quinque milia armatorum haberet neve elephantum ullum; bellum extra Macedoniae fines ne iniussu senatus gereret; mille talentum daret populo Romano, dimidium praesens, dimidium pensionibus decem annorum.
30.8. Valerius Antias states that a tribute of four thousand pounds of silver annually for ten years was imposed upon the king; Claudius fixes the payments at four thousand two hundred pounds annually for thirty years and twenty thousand pounds immediately. The same writer mentions an explicit provision that he should not wage war with Eumenes, son of Attalus — he was the new king there.
30.8. Valerius Antias quaternum milium pondo argenti vectigal in decem annos inpositum regi tradit; Claudius in annos triginta quaterna milia pondo et ducena, in praesens viginti milia pondo.
30.9. Hostages were taken to insure performance, among them Demetrius, the son of Philip.
30.9. idem nominatim adiectum scribit, ne cum Eumene Attali filio — novus is tum rex erat — bellum gereret.
30.10. Valerius Antias adds that the island of Aegina and the elephants were presented as a gift to Attalus, who was absent, that the Rhodians were given Stratonicea and other cities in Caria which Philip had held, and the Athenians the islands of Paros, Imbros, Delos, and Scyros.
30.10. in haec obsides accepti, inter quos Demetrius Philippi filius. adicit Antias Valerius Attalo absenti Aeginam insulam elephantosque dono datos, et Rhodiis Stratoniceam Cariaeque alias urbes, quas Philippus tenuisset; Atheniensibus insulas datas Lemnum, Imbrum, Delum, Scyrum.
31.1. While all the Greek cities approved this settlement, only the Aetolians with secret grumblings criticized the decision of the ten commissioners:
31.1. omnibus Graeciae civitatibus hanc pacem adprobantibus soli Aetoli decretum legatorum clam mussantes carpebant:
31.2. mere words had been trimmed up with the empty show of liberty; why were some cities delivered to the Romans without being named, others specified and ordered to be free without such delivery, unless the purpose was that those which were in Asia, being more secure by reason of their remoteness, should be set free, but those which were in Greece, not being named, should become Roman property, to wit, Corinth and Chalcis and Oreus along with Eretria and Demetrias?
31.2. litteras inanis vana specie libertatis adumbratas esse; cur enim alias Romanis tradi urbes nec nominari eas, alias nominari et sine traditione liberas iubere esse, nisi quod, quae in Asia sint, liberentur, longinquitate ipsa tutiores, quae in Graecia sint, ne nominatae quidem intercipiantur, Corinthus et Chalcis et Oreus cum Eretria et Demetriade?
31.4. Their complaint was not altogether groundless. For there was some uncertainty with respect to Corinth and Chalcis and Demetrias, because in the decree of the senate, under which the ten commissioners were sent from Rome, the other cities of Greece and Asia were beyond question set free, but regarding these threecities the commissioners were instructed to take such action as the public interest should have proved to demand, in accordance with the general good and their own sense of honour.
31.4. nec tota ex vano criminatio erat. dubitabatur enim de Corintho et Chalcide et Demetriade, quia in senatus consulto, quo missi decem legati ab urbe erant, ceterae Graeciae atque Asiae urbes haud dubie liberabantur, de iis tribus urbibus legati, quod tempora rei publicae postulassent, id e re publica fideque sua facere ac statuere iussi erant.
31.6. There was King Antiochus, who, there was no doubt, would invade Europe as soon as his forces seemed adequate; they did not wish to leave these cities, so favourably located, open to his occupancy.
31.6. Antiochus rex erat, quem transgressurum in Europam, cum primum ei vires suae satis placuissent, non dubitabant; ei tam opportunas ad occupandum patere urbes nolebant.
31.7. Quinctius with the ten commissioners moved from Elatia to Anticyra and thence to Corinth. There plans for the liberation of Greece were discussed almost every day at meetings of the ten commissioners.
31.7. ab Elatia profectus Quinctius Anticyram cum decem legatis, inde Corinthum traiecit. ibi consilia de libertate Graeciae dies prope totos in concilio decem legatorum agitabantur.
31.8. Quinctius urged repeatedly that all Greece should be set free, if they wished to stop the muttering of the Aetolians and to create genuine affection and respect for the Roman name among all the Greeks, and if they wished to convince them that they had crossed the sea to liberate Greece and not to transfer dominion from Philip to themselves. The others said nothing opposed to this as regards the freedom of the cities, but they believed it safer for the Greeks themselves to remain for a while under the protection of Roman garrisons than to receive Antiochus as lord in place of Philip.
31.8. identidem Quinctius liberandam omnem Graeciam, si Aetolorum linguas retundere, si veram caritatem ac maiestatem apud omnis nominis Romani vellent esse, si fidem facere ad liberandam Graeciam, non ad transferendum a Philippo ad se imperium sese mare traiecisse. nihil contra ea de libertate urbium alii dicebant; ceterum ipsis tutius esse manere paulisper sub tutela praesidii Romani quam pro Philippo Antiochum dominum accipere.
31.11. Finally, this decision was reached: Corinth should be given over to the Achaeans, a garrison, however, to be retained in Acrocorinthus; Chalcis and Demetrias should be held until the anxiety about Antiochus should have passed.
31.11. postremo ita decretum est: Corinthus redderetur Achaeis, ut in Acrocorintho tamen praesidium esset; Chalcidem ac Demetriadem retineri, donec cura de Antiocho decessisset.
32.1. The appointed time of the Isthmian Games was at hand, a spectacle always, even on other occasions, attended by crowds, on account of the fondness, native to the race, for exhibitions in which there are trials of skill in every variety of art as well as of strength and swiftness of foot;
32.1. Isthmiorum statum ludicrum aderat, semper quidem et alias frequens cum propter spectaculi studium insitum genti, quo certamina omnis generis artium viriumque et pernicitatis visuntur, tum quia propter opportunitatem loci, per duo diversa maria omnium rerum usus ministrantis humano generi, concilium Asiae Graeciaeque is mercatus erat;
32.2. moreover, they came because, on account of the favourable situation of the place, lying between the two opposite seas and furnishing mankind with abundance of all wares, the market was a meeting-place for Asia and Greece.
32.2. tum vero non ad solitos modo usus undique convenerant, sed expectatione erecti, qui deinde status futurus Graeciae, quae sua fortuna esset;
32.3. But at this time they had assembled from all quarters not only for the usual purposes, but especially because they were consumed with wonder what thenceforth the state of Greece would be, and what their own condition; they not only had their own silent thoughts, some believing one thing and others another, but discussed openly what the Romans would do; almost no one was convinced that they would withdraw from all Greece. They had taken their seats at the games and the herald with the trumpeter, as is the custom, had come forth into the midst of the arena, where the games are regularly opened with a ritual chant, and proclaiming silence with a trumpet-call, the herald read the decree:
32.3. alii alia non taciti solum opinabantur sed sermonibus etiam ferebant Romanos facturos; vix cuiquam persuadebatur Graecia omni cessuros. ad spectaculum consederant, et praeco cum tubicine, ut mos est, in mediam aream, unde sollemni carmine ludicrum indici solet, processit et tuba silentio facto ita pronuntiat:
32.5. “The Roman senate and Titus Quinctius, imperator, having conquered King Philip and the Macedonians, declare to be free, independent, and subject to their own laws, the Corinthians, the Phocians, all the Locrians, the island of Euboea, the Magnesians, the Thessalians, the Perrhaebians, and the Phthiotic Achaeans.”
32.5. 'senatus Romanus et T. Quinctius imperator Philippo rege Macedonibusque devictis liberos, inmunes, suis legibus esse iubet Corinthios, Phocenses, Locrensesque omnis et insulam Euboeam et Magnetas, Thessalos, Perrhaebos, Achaeos Phthiotas.
32.6. He had named all the states which had been subject to King Philip. When the herald's voice was heard there was rejoicing greater than men could grasp in its entirety. They could scarce believe that they had heard aright, and they looked at one another marvelling as at the empty vision of a dream; they asked their neighbours what concerned each one, unwilling to trust the evidence of their own ears.
32.6. ' percensuerat omnis gentis, quae sub dicione Philippi regis fuerant. audita voce praeconis maius gaudium fuit, quam quod universum homines acciperent. vix satis credere se quisque audisse, et alii alios intueri mirabundi velut ad somni vanam speciem; quod ad quemque pertinebat, suarum aurium fidei minimum credentes, proximos interrogabant.
32.8. The herald was recalled, each one desiring not only to hear but to behold the man who brought the tidings of his freedom, and again the herald read the same decree.
32.8. revocatus praeco, cum unusquisque non audire modo sed videre libertatis suae nuntium averet, iterum pronuntiavit eadem.
32.9. Then, when the ground for their joy was certain, such a storm of applause began and was so often repeated that it was easily apparent that of all blessings none pleases a throng more than liberty.
32.9. tum ab certo iam gaudio tantus cum clamore plausus est ortus totiensque repetitus, ut facile appareret nihil omnium bonorum multitudini gratius quam libertatem esse.
32.10. The contests were then rapidly finished, no man's eyes or thoughts being fixed upon the sight; joy alone had so completely replaced their perception of all other delightful things.
32.10. ludicrum deinde ita raptim peractum est, ut nullius nec animi nec oculi spectaculo intenti essent; adeo unum gaudium praeoccupaverat omnium aliarum sensum voluptatium.
33.1. When the games were over, almost everyone rushed towards the Roman commander, so that he was endangered by the crowd that rushed to one place, desiring to draw near him, to touch his hand, and showering garlands and chaplets upon him.
33.1. ludis vero dimissis cursu prope omnes tendere ad imperatorem Romanum, ut ruente turba in unum adire, contingere dextram cupientium, coronas lemniscosque iacientium haud procul periculo fuerit.
33.3. But he was only about thirty-three years old, and both the vigour of youth and the joy he felt at so remarkable a reward of fame gave him strength.
33.3. sed erat trium ferme et triginta annorum, et cum robur iuventae tum gaudium ex tam insigni gloriae fructu vires suppeditabat.
33.4. Nor did the rejoicing spend itself at once, but was renewed for many days in thoughts and expressions of gratitude: there was one people in the world which would fight for others' liberties at its own cost, to its own peril and with its own toil, not limiting its guaranties of freedom to its neighbours, to men of the immediate vicinity, or to countries that lay close at hand, but ready to cross the sea that there might be no unjust empire anywhere and that everywhere justice, right, and law might prevail.
33.4. nec praesens tantummodo effusa est laetitia, sed per multos dies gratis et cogitationibus et sermonibus renovata: esse aliquam in terris gentem, quae sua inpensa, suo labore ac periculo bella gerat pro libertate aliorum nec hoc finitimis aut propinquae vicinitatis hominibus aut terris continentibus iunctis praestet,
33.7. By the single voice of a herald, they said, all the cities of Greece and Asia had been set free; to conceive hopes of any such thing as this required a bold mind; to bring it to pass was the proof of immense courage and good fortune as well.
33.7. sed maria traiciat, ne quod toto orbe terrarum iniustum imperium sit, ubique ius, fas, lex potentissima sint. una voce praeconis liberatas omnis Graeciae atque Asiae urbes; hoc spe concipere audacis animi fuisse, ad effectum adducere et virtutis et fortunae ingentis.
34.1. After the Isthmian Games Quinctius and the ten commissioners received the embassies from the kings and states.
34.1. secundum Isthmia Quinctius et decem legati legationes regum gentiumque audivere.
34.2. First of all, the representatives of King Antiochus were summoned. As they made about the same deceptive speech that they had previously made at Rome, no ambiguous answer was now given, as on the former occasion, when the future was uncertain and Philip was unconquered, but clear warning was given him, to withdraw from the cities in Asia which had belonged to King Philip or King Ptolemy, to keep his hands off the free states and molest none of them in war: all the Greek cities everywhere must enjoy both peace and liberty. Before all, he was warned not to cross to Europe in person nor to send troops there.
34.2. primi omnium regis Antiochi vocati legati sunt. iis eadem fere, quae Romae egerant, verba sine fide rerum iactantibus nihil iam perplexe, ut ante, cum dubiae res incolumi Philippo erant, sed aperte denuntiatum, ut excederet Asiae urbibus, quae Philippi aut Ptolomaei regum fuissent, abstineret liberis civitatibus, neu quam lacesseret armis: et in pace et in libertate esse debere omnis ubique Graecas urbes.
34.4. After the departure of the king's ambassadors, a council of the cities and states began, and its work was accomplished the more speedily because the decisions of the ten commissioners were addressed to the states by name.
34.4. ante omnia denuntiatum, ne in Europam aut ipse transiret aut copias traiceret.
34.5. To the Orestae — that is a tribe of the Macedonians — their own laws were restored, because they had been the first to revolt against the king.
34.5. dimissis regis legatis conventus civitatum gentiumque est haberi coeptus; eoque maturius peragebatur, quod decreta decem legatorum in civitates nominatim pronuntiabantur.
34.6. The Magnesians, Perrhaebians, and Dolopians were likewise declared free. The Thessalian people, in addition to receiving their liberty, were granted the Phthiotic Achaeans with the exception of Phthiotic Thebes and Pharsalus.
34.6. Orestis — Macedonum ea gens est —, quod primi ab rege defecissent, leges suae redditae. Magnetes et Perrhaebi et Dolopes liberi quoque pronuntiati.
34.7. The Aetolians demanded that Pharsalus and Leucas should be restored to them in accordance with the treaty, and their petition was referred to the senate.
34.7. Thessalorum genti praeter libertatem concessam Achaei Phthiotae dati, Thebis Phthioticis et Pharsalo excepta. Aetolos de Pharsalo et Leucade postulantes, ut ex foedere sibi restituerentur, ad senatum reiecerunt.
34.8. The Phocians and the Locrians were annexed to them, as they had formerly been, the sanction of a decree having been added, Corinth and Triphylia and Heraea — this too is a city in the Peloponnesus — were given back to the Achaeans.
34.8. Phocenses Locrensesque, sicut ante fuerant, adiecta decreti auctoritate iis contribuerunt. Corinthus et Triphylia et Heraea — Peloponnesi et ipsa urbs est — reddita Achaeis.
34.10. Oreus and Eretria the ten commissioners gave to King Eumenes, the son of Attalus, despite the protests of Quinctius; this one question was referred to the decision of the senate; the senate bestowed freedom upon these states, with the addition of Carystus.
34.10. Oreum et Eretriam decem legati Eumeni regi, Attali filio, dabant dissentiente Quinctio; ea una res in arbitrium senatus reiecta est; senatus libertatem his civitatibus dedit Carysto adiecta.
34.11. Lychnidus and the Parthini were given to Pleuratus; both of these Illyrian states had been under the control of Philip. They directed Amynander to hold the forts which he had taken from Philip during the period of the war.
34.11. Pleurato Lychnidus et Parthini dati; Illyriorum utraque gens sub dicione Philippi fuerant. Amynandrum tenere iusserunt castella, quae per belli tempus Philippo capta ademisset.
35.1. After the dismissal of the council the ten commissioners, dividing up the tasks among themselves, went their several ways, each to liberate the cities in his own territory.
35.1. dimisso conventu decem legati, partiti munia inter se, ad liberandas suae quisque regionis civitates discesserunt, P.
35.2. Publius Lentulus went to Bargyliae, Lucius Stertinius to Hephaestia and Thasos and the cities of Thrace, Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius to King Antiochus, Gnaeus Cornelius to Philip.
35.2. Lentulus Bargylias, L. Stertinius Hephaestiam et Thasum et Thraeciae urbes, P. Villius et L. Terentius ad regem Antiochum, Cn. Cornelius ad Philippum.
35.3. He, after performing the less important tasks assigned him, asked the king whether he was disposed to listen to advice that was both sound and profitable. When the king replied that he would receive it gratefully, if he suggested anything advantageous to him, Cornelius urged him earnestly, now that he had been granted peace, to send ambassadors to Rome to ask for a treaty of alliance and friendship, lest, if Antiochus made any disturbance, he might seem to have dallied and to have watched for an opportunity to revolt. The meeting with Philip took place at Thessalian Tempe.
35.3. qui de minoribus rebus editis mandatis percunctatus, si consilium non utile solum sed etiam salutare admittere auribus posset, cum rex gratias quoque se acturum diceret, si quid, quod in rem suam esset, expromeret, magno opere ei suasit, quoniam pacem impetrasset, ad societatem amicitiamque petendam mitteret Romam legatos, ne, si quid Antiochus moveret, expectasse et temporum opportunitates captasse ad rebellandum videri posset.
35.7. When he had replied that he would at once send ambassadors, Cornelius went to Thermopylae, where a full meeting of the states of Greece is held on stated days — they call this the Pylaic council;
35.7. ad Tempe Thessalica Philippus est conventus. qui cum se missurum extemplo legatos respondisset, Cornelius Thermopylas, ubi frequens Graeciae statis diebus esse solet conventus —
35.9. the Aetolians especially he advised to abide resolutely and faithfully by the alliance with the Roman people.
35.9. Pylaicum appellant —, venit; Aetolos praecipue monuit, constanter et fideliter in amicitia populi Romani permanerent.
35.10. Some of the Aetolian leaders complained mildly that the attitude of the Romans towards their people was not the same after their victory as it had been during the war, others more loudly reproached and taunted them, saying that Philip could not have been conquered without the Aetolians, and, more than that, the Romans could not even have crossed to Greece.
35.10. Aetolorum principes alii leniter questi sunt, quod non idem erga suam gentem Romanorum animus esset post victoriam, qui in bello fuisset, alii ferocius incusarunt exprobraruntque non modo vinci sine Aetolis Philippum, sed ne transire quidem in Graeciam Romanos potuisse.
35.12. The Roman, after declining to reply to this, lest the argument degenerate into a quarrel, said that they would obtain full justice if they appealed to Rome. Therefore, on his suggestion, ambassadors were decided upon. This was the end of the war with Philip.
35.12. adversus ea respondere, ne in altercationem excederet res, cum supersedisset Romanus, omnia eos aequa impetraturos, si Romam misissent, dixit. itaque ex auctoritate eius decreti legati sunt. hunc finem bellum cum Philippo habuit.
36.1. While these events were taking place in Greece, Macedonia, and Asia, a slave insurrection rendered Etruria almost a battle-field.
36.1. cum haec in Graecia Macedoniaque et Asia gererentur, Etruriam infestam prope coniuratio servorum fecit.
36.2. Manius Acilius Glabrio, the praetor exercising jurisdiction in cases between citizens and aliens, was sent with one of the two city legions to investigate and suppress it, and destroyed part of them, cutting them off in detail, part of them by encountering them in a body;
36.2. ad quaerendam opprimendamque eam M'. Acilius Glabrio praetor, cui inter civis peregrinosque iurisdictio obtigerat, cum una ex duabus legione urbana est missus, alios …, alios iam congregatos pugnando vicit;
36.3. many of them were killed and many captured; some, who had been the instigators of the revolt, he scourged and crucified, others he turned over to their masters.
36.3. ex his multi occisi, multi capti; alios verberatos crucibus adfixit, qui principes coniurationis fuerant, alios dominis restituit.
36.4. The consuls departed to their provinces. As Marcellus was entering the territory of the Boi, and was pitching camp on a certain hill, his troops being exhausted by building roads all the day, a chieftain of the Boi, Corolamus by name, fell upon him with a large force and killed about three thousand of his men;
36.4. consules in provincias profecti sunt. Marcellum Boiorum ingressum finis fatigato per diem totum milite via facienda castra in tumulo quodam ponentem Corolamus quidam, regulus Boiorum, cum magna manu adortus ad tria milia hominum occidit;
36.5. some distinguished men fell in that surprise attack, among them Titus Sempronius Gracchus and Marcus Iunius Silanus, commanders of allied detachments, and Marcus Ogulnius and Publius Claudius, military tribunes of the second legion.
36.5. et illustres viri aliquot in illo tumultuario proelio ceciderunt, inter quos praefecti socium T. Sempronius Gracchus et M. Iunius Silanus et tribuni militum de legione secunda M. Ogulnius et P. Claudius.
36.6. The camp, however, was strongly fortified and stubbornly held by the Romans, when the enemy, elated by their victory, had assaulted it in vain.
36.6. castra tamen ab Romanis inpigre permunita retentaque, cum hostes prospera pugna elati nequiquam oppugnassent.
36.7. For some days after that he remained in the same camp, while he was treating the wounded and restoring the courage of his men after so serious an alarm.
36.7. stativis deinde iisdem per dies aliquot sese tenuit, dum et saucios curaret et a tanto terrore animos militum reficeret.
36.8. The Boi — a people intolerant of the tiresomeness of delay — gradually dispersed to their forts and towns.
36.8. Boi, ut est gens minime ad morae taedium ferendum patiens, in castella sua vicosque passim dilapsi sunt.
36.9. Marcellus quickly crossed the Po and led the legions into the district of Comum, where the Insubres were encamped after calling the Comenses to arms. The Gauls, encouraged by the success of the Boi a few days before, attacked while still in march formation, and their first charge was so vigorous that it drove in the Roman front line.
36.9. Marcellus Pado confestim traiecto in agrum Comensem, ubi Insubres Comensibus ad arma excitis castra habebant, legiones ducit. Galli, feroces Boiorum ante dies paucos pugna, in ipso itinere proelium committunt; et primo adeo acriter invaserunt, ut antesignanos inpulerint.
36.10. When Marcellus observed this and feared that once broken they would be routed, he threw in a cohort of the Marsi and then sent all the squadrons of the Latin cavalry against the enemy.
36.10. quod ubi Marcellus animadvertit, veritus, ne moti semel pellerentur, cohortem Marsorum cum opposuisset, equitum Latinorum omnis turmas in hostem emisit.
36.11. Their first and second charges dulled the edge of the enemy's spirited attack, and the rest of the Roman line, with renewed courage, first resisted and then charged fiercely. The Gauls did not continue the contest longer, but turned and fled in all directions.
36.11. quorum cum primus secundusque impetus rettudisset inferentem se ferociter hostem, confirmata et reliqua acies Romana restitit primo, deinde signa acriter intulit.
36.12. Valerius Antias writes that more than forty thousand men perished in that battle, and that eighty-seven standards were taken and seven hundred and thirty-two wagons and many necklaces of gold, one of which, of great weight, Claudius says was deposited in the temple on the Capitoline as a gift to Jupiter. The Gallic camp was captured and plundered that day, and the town of Comum was taken a few days later.
36.12. nec ultra sustinuere certamen Galli, quin terga verterent atque effuse fugerent. in eo proelio supra quadraginta milia hominum caesa Valerius Antias scribit, octoginta septem signa militaria capta et carpenta septingenta triginta duo et aureos torques multos, ex quibus unum magni ponderis Claudius in Capitolio Iovi donum in aede positum scribit.
36.14. After that, twenty-eight strongholds went over to the consul. This question, too, is debated by the writers, whether the consul led his army against the Boi first or the Insubres, and whether the victory wiped out the memory of the defeat or the success gained at Comum was marred by the defeat among the Boi.
36.14. castra eo die Gallorum expugnata direptaque, et Comum oppidum post dies paucos captum. castella inde duodetriginta ad consulem defecerunt. id quoque inter scriptores ambigitur, utrum in Boios prius an Insubres consul exercitum duxerit adversamque prospera pugna oblitteraverit, an victoria ad Comum parta deformata clade in Bois accepta sit.