13.14. It was agreed with Philip that he should surrender his son Demetrius and certain of his friends as hostages and pay two hundred talents, and send ambassadors to Rome with respect to other matters; for this purpose a truce of four months was granted. If peace was not obtained from the senate, it was agreed that Philip should recover his hostages and money.
13.14. cum Philippo ita convenit, ut Demetrium filium et quosdam ex amicorum numero obsides et ducenta talenta daret, de ceteris Romam mitteret legatos;
13.15. It is said that nothing influenced the Roman commander more strongly to secure a speedy peace than the ascertained fact that Antiochus was planning war and an invasion of Europe.
13.15. ad eam rem quattuor mensum indutiae essent. si pax non impetrata ab senatu foret, obsides pecuniamque reddi Philippo receptum est. causa Romano imperatori non alia maior fuisse dicitur maturandae pacis, quam quod Antiochum bellum transitumque in Europam moliri constabat.
14.1. At the same time, and, as some have related, on the very same day, the Achaeans routed the king's general Androsthenes in a pitched battle near Corinth.
14.1. eodem tempore atque, ut quidam tradidere, eodem die ad Corinthum Achaei ducem regium Androsthenem iusto proelio fuderunt.
14.2. Philip intended to hold this city as a stronghold against the Greek cities, and when he had invited there the leading citizens under pretence of discussing with them the number of cavalry the Corinthians could furnish for the war, he had held them as hostages, and in addition to five hundred Macedonians and eight hundred auxiliaries of various nations, the
14.2. eam urbem pro arce habiturus Philippus adversus Graeciae civitates et principes inde evocatos per speciem conloquendi, quantum equitum dare Corinthii ad bellum possent, retinuerat pro obsidibus, et praeter quingentos Macedonas mixtosque ex omni genere auxiliorum octingentos, quot iam ante ibi fuerant,
14.4. number that had already been there for some time, he had sent there a thousand Macedonians and twelve hundred Thracians and Illyrians and eight hundred Cretans, for this people fought on both sides.
14.4. mille Macedonum eo miserat et mille ac ducentos Illyrios Thracasque et Cretenses, qui in utraque parte militabant, octingentos.
14.5. Added to these were one thousand Boeotians, Thessalians and Acarnanians, all provided with shields, and seven hundred of the youth of the Corinthians themselves, filling up his numbers to six thousand armed men, and these gave Androsthenes confidence enough to risk a decisive battle.
14.5. his additi Boeoti Thessalique et Acarnanes mille, scutati omnes, et septingenti ex ipsorum Corinthiorum iuventute, impleta ut essent sex milia armatorum, fiduciam Androstheni fecerunt acie decernendi.
14.6. Nicostratus, the praetor of the Achaeans, was at Sicyon with two thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry, but, seeing himself inferior both in numbers and in the quality of his troops, he would not leave his fortifications.
14.6. Nicostratus, praetor Achaeorum, Sicyone erat cum duobus milibus peditum, centum equitibus, sed imparem se et numero et genere militum cernens moenibus non excedebat.
14.7. The king's infantry and cavalry were roaming about and ravaging the lands of Pellene, Phlius and Cleonae, and finally crossed into the territory of Sicyon, taunting the enemy with cowardice;
14.7. regiae copiae peditum equitumque vagae Pellenensem et Phliasium et Cleonaeum agrum depopulabantur;
14.8. likewise they skirted with their ships the whole coast of Achaea and laid it waste.
14.8. postremo exprobrantes metum hosti in finis Sicyoniorum transcendebant; navibus etiam circumvecti omnem oram Achaiae vastabant.
14.9. When the enemy was thus engaged in scattered groups and, as often happens in cases of over-confidence, with a lack of vigilance, - Nicostratus, in the hope of attacking them unexpectedly, sent secret messages to the neighbouring states, naming the day and fixing the numbers from each state to assemble at Apelaurum — this place is in the land of Stymphalia.
14.9. cum id effusius hostes et, ut fit ab nimia fiducia, neglegentius etiam facerent, Nicostratus spem nactus necopinantes eos adgrediendi circa finitimas civitates nuntium occultum mittit, quo die et quot ex quaque civitate armati ad Apelaurum — Stymphaliae terrae is locus est —
14.11. When all was ready on the appointed day, he at once set out by night through the country of the Phliasii and arrived at Cleonae, no one knowing what he was planning.
14.11. convenirent. omnibus ad diem edictam paratis profectus inde extemplo per Phliasiorum fines nocte Cleonas insciis omnibus, quid pararet, pervenit.
14.12. He had with him five thousand infantry, including... light-armed troops, and three hundred cavalry. With these forces, after first sending out scouts to find out in which direction the enemy was moving, he waited.
14.12. erant autem cum eo quinque milia peditum, ex quibus … armaturae levis, et trecenti equites. cum iis copiis, dimissis qui specularentur, quam in partem hostes effunderent sese, opperiebatur.
15.1. Androsthenes, in ignorance of all this, had left Corinth and encamped on the Nemea, which is a stream separating the lands of Corinth and Sicyon.
15.1. Androsthenes omnium ignarus Corintho profectus ad Nemeam — amnis est Corinthium et Sicyonium interfluens agrum — castra locat.
15.2. There he ordered half of his army, divided into three columns, and all his cavalry to lay waste at the same time the country of Pellene, Sicyon and Phlius.
15.2. ibi partem dimidiam exercitus, divisam trifariam, et omnes equites discurrere ad depopulandos simul Pellenensem Sicyoniumque agros et Phliasium iubet.
15.3. The three separate columns marched out. When this was reported to Nicostratus at Cleonae, he immediately sent out a strong force of mercenaries to close the pass which gives access to Corinthian territory, and posting the cavalry ahead of the infantry to lead the way, himself followed rapidly in two columns.
15.3. haec tria diversa agmina discessere. quod ubi Cleonas ad Nicostratum perlatum est, extemplo validam mercennariorum manum praemissam ad occupandum saltum, per quem transitus in Corinthium est agrum, ante signa equitibus, ut praegrederentur, locatis ipse confestim agmine duplici sequitur.
15.5. In one marched the mercenaries with the light infantry, in the other the shield-wearers: these constitute the chief strength in the armies of those states. The infantry and cavalry were now not far from the camp, and some of the Thracians had made an attack upon the enemy, foraging and scattered through the fields, when sudden panic gripped the camp.
15.5. parte una mercennarii milites ibant cum levi armatura, altera clipeati; id in illarum gentium exercitibus robur erat. iam haud procul castris aberant pedites equitesque, et Thracum quidam in vagos palatosque per agros hostis impetum fecerant, cum repens terror castris infertur.
15.7. The commander was afraid, inasmuch as he had nowhere seen the enemy except in small detachments in the hills in front of Sicyon, not daring to march their column down into the plains, and had never believed that they would attack from Cleonae.
15.7. trepidare dux, ut qui hostes nusquam nisi raros in collibus ante Sicyonem non audentis agmen demittere in campos vidisset, ab Cleonis quidem accessuros numquam credidisset. revocari tuba iubet vagos a castris dilapsos;
15.8. He gave orders that the foragers should be recalled by a trumpet-blast and, hastily ordering the troops to arm, he marched out of the gate with his depleted column and formed his battle-line above the river.
15.8. ipse raptim capere arma iussis militibus infrequenti agmine porta egressus super flumen instruit aciem.
15.9. The rest of the force, assembled and formed with difficulty, did not oppose the enemy's initial charge; the Macedonians had rallied in the largest numbers of all to the standards, and for a long time they rendered the prospect of victory uncertain;
15.9. ceterae copiae, vix conligi atque instrui cum potuissent, primum hostium impetum non tulerunt;
15.10. at last, exposed by the flight of the rest, with two lines of the enemy advancing from different directions, the light infantry from the flank, the heavy infantry and peltasts from the front, as the hope of victory diminished they at first retired slowly, but then, as the pressure increased, they broke, and most of them threw away their arms, abandoning hope of holding the camp, and made for Corinth.
15.10. Macedones et maxime omnium frequentes ad signa fuerant et diu ancipitem victoriae spem fecerunt; postremo fuga ceterorum nudati, cum duae iam acies hostium ex diverso, levis armatura ab latere, clipeati caetratique a fronte urgerent, et ipsi re inclinata primo rettulere pedem, deinde inpulsi terga vertunt et plerique abiectis armis, nulla spe castrorum tenendorum relicta, Corinthum petierunt.
15.13. Nicostratus sent the mercenaries to follow them and the cavalry and Thracian auxiliaries against the raiders in the territory around Sicyon, and caused great slaughter there also, greater, almost, than in the battle itself.
15.13. Nicostratus mercennariis militibus ad hos persequendos, equitibus Thracumque auxiliis in populatores agri Sicyonii missis magnam ibi quo que caedem edidit, maiorem prope quam in proelio ipso.
15.14. Part of the troops, too, who had ravaged Pellene and Phlius, returning in disorder and ignorant of what had transpired, when near the camp, drifted into the enemy's outguards in the belief that they were their own, while part of them, suspecting from the confusion what the truth was, scattered in flight in every direction, with the result that as they wandered about they were set upon even by the country-people. The losses that day were fifteen hundred killed, three hundred captured.
15.14. ex iis quoque, qui Pellenen Phliuntaque depopulati erant, incompositi partim omniumque ignari ad castra revertentes in hostium stationes tamquam in suas inlati sunt, partim ex discursu id, quod erat, suspicati ita se in fugam passim sparserunt, ut ab ipsis agrestibus errantes circumvenirentur.
15.16. All Achaea was freed from great terror. Before the battle of Cynoscephalae, Lucius Quinctius had summoned to Corcyra the leading men of the Acarnanes, the only people in Greece which had held to the Macedonian alliance, and had made some progress toward a movement there.
15.16. ceciderunt eo die mille et quingenti, capti trecenti. Achaia omnis magno liberata metu. priusquam dimicaretur ad Cynoscephalas, L. Quinctius Corcyram excitis Acarnanum principibus, quae sola Graeciae gentium in societate Macedonum manserat, initium quoddam ibi motus fecit.
16.2. But two principal causes had kept them loyal to the king; one, their native habit of fidelity, the other, their fear and hatred of the Aetolians.
16.2. duae autem maxime causae eos tenuerant in amicitia regis, una fides insita genti, altera metus odiumque Aetolorum.
16.3. A council was called at Leucas. Not all the cities assembled there, nor did all who came agree; but two persons, leading men and magistrates, brought it to pass that an unofficial decree favouring a Roman alliance was adopted.
16.3. concilium Leucadem indictum est. eo neque cuncti convenere Acarnanum populi, nec iis, qui convenerant, idem placuit; sed duo principes et magistratus pervicerunt, ut privatum decretum Romanae societatis fieret.
16.4. All those who were not represented resented this bitterly; and in this time of confusion in the state, two prominent Acarnanians, Androcles and Echedemus, sent by Philip, succeeded not only in rescinding the decree for a Roman alliance, but in convicting before the council, on charges of treason, two men, both prominent in public life, Archelaus and Bianor, because they had proposed the decree, and in having Zeuxis the praetor removed from office because he had put the motion. The prisoners adopted a device rash but successful in its result.
16.4. id omnes, qui afuerant, aegre passi; et in hoc fremitu gentis a Philippo missi duo principes Acarnanum, Androcles et Echedemus, non ad tollendum modo decretum Romanae societatis valuerunt, sed etiam ut Archelaus et Bianor, principes gentis ambo, quod auctores eius sententiae fuissent, proditionis in concilio damnarentur, et Zeuxidae praetori, quod de ea re rettulisset, imperium abrogaretur.
16.6. Though their friends advised them to yield to the situation and take refuge with the Romans at Corcyra, they determined to throw themselves on the mercy of the assembly, and, by so doing, either mollify their wrath or endure what fortune had in store for them.
16.6. rem temerariam, sed eventu prosperam damnati fecerunt. suadentibus nam que amicis, cederent tempori et Corcyram ad Romanos abirent, statuerunt offerre se multitudini et aut eo ipso lenire iras aut pati, quod casus tulisset.
16.8. When they entered the crowded assembly, there was first applause and a demonstration of admiration, then silence, due to respect for their former high station and pity for their present state.
16.8. cum se frequenti concilio intulissent, primo murmur ac fremitus admirantium, silentium mox a verecundia simul pristinae dignitatis ac misericordia praesentis fortunae ortum est.
16.9. When they were allowed to speak, they began like suppliants, but as their speech progressed and they reached the stage of defending themselves against the charges, they spoke with all the confidence that innocence gave them;
16.9. potestate quoque dicendi facta principio suppliciter, procedente autem oratione, ubi ad crimina diluenda ventum est, cum tanta fiducia, quantam innocentia dabat, disseruerunt;
16.10. finally, daring even to complain somewhat and to rebuke at once the injustice and the harshness of their treatment, they roused such feelings that a majority defeated all the decrees proposed against them but nevertheless voted to abide by the treaty with Philip and reject the friendship of the Romans.
16.10. postremo ultro aliquid etiam queri et castigare iniquitatem simul in se crudelitatemque ausi ita adfecerunt animos, ut omnia, quae in eos decreta erant, frequentes tollerent neque eo minus redeundum in societatem Philippi abnuendamque Romanorum amicitiam censerent.
17.1. Such were the decrees at Leucas. This was the capital of Acarnania, and thither all the peoples were wont to come to council.
17.1. Leucade haec sunt decreta. id caput Acarnaniae erat, eoque in concilium omnes populi conveniebant.
17.2. Accordingly, when this sudden change was reported to the lieutenant Flamininus at Corcyra, he at once set out with his fleet to Leucas and anchored in the harbour called Heraeum.
17.2. itaque cum haec repentina mutatio Corcyram ad legatum Flamininum perlata esset, extemplo cum classe profectus Leucadem ad Heraeum, quod vocant, naves adplicuit.
17.3. He approached the walls with all kinds of artillery and equipment with which cities are assaulted, thinking that their minds would turn towards peace at the first alarm.
17.3. inde cum omni genere tormentorum machinarumque, quibus expugnantur urbes, ad muros accessit, ad primum terrorem ratus inclinari animos posse.
17.4. But when they showed no signs of a peaceful disposition then he began to erect sheds and towers and to move the battering-ram towards the walls.
17.4. postquam pacati nihil ostendebatur, tum vineas turresque erigere et arietem admovere muris coepit.
17.5. Acarnania as a whole lies between Aetolia and Epirus, facing the west and the Sicilian sea.
17.5. Acarnania universa inter Aetoliam atque Epirum posita solem occidentem et mare Siculum spectat.
17.6. Leucadia is now an island, cut off from Acarnania by a shallow channel dug by hand; then it was a peninsula, joined to Acarnania by a narrow neck of land on its western side; this neck of land was about five hundred paces long and not more than one hundred twenty paces wide.
17.6. Leucadia nunc insula est, vadoso freto, quod perfossum manu est, ab Acarnania divisa; tum paeninsula erat, occidentis regione artis faucibus cohaerens Acarnaniae;
17.7. In this constricted place lay Leucas, clinging to a hill facing the east and Acarnania; the lower parts of the town were flat, lying along the sea which separates Leucadia from Acarnania.
17.7. quingentos ferme passus longae eae fauces erant, latae haud amplius centum et viginti. in iis angustiis Leucas posita est, colli adplicata verso in orientem et Acarnaniam;
17.8. On that side it is vulnerable by land and sea, for the shallows are more like a pool than a sea and the whole country is flat and favourable for siege-works. So the walls in many places were either undermined or thrown down by the battering-ram.
17.8. ima urbis plana sunt, iacentia ad mare, quo Leucadia ab Acarnania dividitur. inde terra marique expugnabilis est; nam et vada sunt stagno similiora quam mari, et campus terrenus omnis operique facilis.
17.9. But as the city itself was exposed to attack, just so were the minds of the enemy invincible.
17.9. itaque multis simul locis aut subruti aut ariete decussi ruebant muri. sed quam urbs ipsa opportuna oppugnantibus erat, tam inexpugnabiles hostium animi.
17.10. By day and night they laboured to rebuild the shattered walls, to close the ways laid open by their fall, to enter battle courageously, and to defend the walls with weapons rather than themselves with walls.
17.10. die ac nocte intenti reficere quassata muri, obstruere, quae patefacta ruinis erant, proelia inpigre inire et armis magis muros quam se ipsos moenibus tutari;
17.11. They would have prolonged the siege beyond Roman expectations had not certain exiles of the Italian race, living in Leucas, come down from the citadel and admitted the soldiers.
17.11. diutiusque spe Romanorum obsidionem eam extraxissent, ni exules quidam Italici generis Leucade habitantes ab arce milites accepissent.
17.12. The Leucadians, nevertheless, rushing down from the higher ground with loud shouts and drawing up their array in the forum, resisted for a time in pitched battle. Meanwhile the fortifications in many places were taken by escalade, and entrance to the city was gained over piles of stones and fallen buildings, and now the lieutenant himself with a strong force had surrounded the defenders.
17.12. eos tamen ex superiore loco magno cum tumultu decurrentes acie in foro instructa iusto proelio aliquamdiu Leucadii sustinuerunt. interim et scalis capta multis locis moenia, et per stragem lapidum ac ruinas transcensum in urbem;
17.14. Part fell in the mellay, some threw down their arms and surrendered to the victor. And a few days later, when news came of the battle which had been fought at Cynoscephalae, all the states of Acarnania submitted to the control of the lieutenant.
17.14. iamque ipse legatus magno agmine circumvenerat pugnantes. tum pars in medio caesi, pars armis abiectis dediderunt sese victori. et post dies paucos audito proelio, quo ad Cynoscephalas pugnatum erat, omnes Acarnaniae populi in dicionem legati venerunt.
18.1. At the same time, when everything was going one way, the Rhodians also, with a view to reclaiming from Philip the district on the mainland — Peraea is its name — which their forefathers had held, dispatched Pausistratus the praetor with eight hundred Achaean infantry and about one thousand eight hundred auxiliaries collected from different states:
18.1. iisdem diebus, omnia simul inclinante fortuna, Rhodii quoque ad vindicandam a Philippo continentis regionem — Peraeam vocant — possessam a maioribus suis, Pausistratum praetorem cum octingentis Achaeis peditibus, mille et octingentis fere armatis, ex vario genere auxiliorum collectis, miserunt;
18.3. these were Gauls and Pisuetae and Nisuetae and Tamiani and Arei from Africa and Laudiceni from Asia.
18.3. Galli et Pisuetae et Nisuetae et Tamiani et Arei ex Africa et Laudiceni ex Asia erant.
18.4. With these forces Pausistratus took Tendeba, a city in the territory of Stratonicea and well situated, without the knowledge of the king's forces who were on Thera.
18.4. cum iis copiis Pausistratus Tendeba in Stratonicensi agro, locum peropportunum, ignaris regiis, qui Therae erant, occupavit.
18.5. There reinforcements, summoned at this time and for this purpose, to wit, one thousand Achaean infantry with one hundred cavalry, met them; Theoxenus was their commander.
18.5. in tempore et ad id ipsum excitum auxilium, mille Achaei pedites cum centum equitibus supervenerunt; Theoxenus iis praeerat.
18.6. Dinocrates, the king's prefect, first moved his camp towards Tendeba itself for the purpose of recovering the fortress, then to another fort, also in the country of Stratonicea — they call it Astragon — recalling all the garrisons which had been scattered far and wide and Thessalian auxiliaries from Stratonicea itself, and began to march towards Alabanda, where the enemy lay. The Rhodians did not decline the battle. So, placing their camp near by, they came down to the battle-field.
18.6. Dinocrates, regius praefectus, reciperandi castelli causa primo castra ad ipsa Tendeba movet, inde ad alterum castellum, item Stratonicensis agri — Astragon vocant —; omnibusque [ex] praesidiis, quae multifariam disiecta erant, devocatis et ab ipsa Stratonicea Thessalorum auxiliaribus ad Alabanda, ubi hostes erant, ducere pergit.
18.8. Dinocrates placed five hundred Macedonians on his right flank and the Agrianes on the left;
18.8. nec Rhodii pugnam detractaverunt. ita castris in propinquo locatis extemplo in aciem descensum est.
18.9. in the centre he posted the troops gathered up from the garrisons of the forts — they were mostly Carians — and he covered the flanks with the cavalry and the Cretan and Thracian auxiliaries.
18.9. Dinocrates quingentos Macedonas dextro cornu, laevo Agrianas locat, in medium accipit contractos ex castellorum — Cares maxime erant — praesidiis, equites cornibus circumdat et Cretensium auxiliares Thracumque.
18.10. The Rhodians had in the centre the Achaeans, a picked force of infantry, and the auxiliaries, made up of men of different races, and the cavalry and what there was of light infantry placed outside the flanks.
18.10. Rhodii Achaeos dextro cornu, sinistro mercennarios milites, lectam peditum manum, habuere, medios mixta ex pluribus gentibus auxilia, equites levisque armaturae quod erat cornibus circumiectum.
18.12. On that day both lines merely remained standing on the banks of the river flowing between them, - which was then a small stream, and after hurling a few missiles retired to their camps. The next day the two armies were similarly formed and a battle began, severer than might be expected from the numbers of the combatants.
18.12. eo die steterunt tantum acies utraque super ripam torrentis, qui tenui tum aqua interfluebat, paucisque telis emissis in castra receperunt sese. postero die eodem ordine instructi maius aliquanto proelium quam pro numero edidere pugnantium.
18.13. For there were not more than three thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry on either side, but they fought not only with equal numbers and similar weapons but with the same courage and equal hope as well. The Achaeans at first crossed the river and attacked the Agrianes, and then almost the whole line hastily crossed the stream on the run. The issue was long in doubt.
18.13. neque enim plus terna milia peditum fuere et centeni ferme equites; ceterum non numero tantum nec armorum genere, sed animis quoque paribus et aequa spe pugnarunt.
18.15. By weight of numbers, the Achaeans, a thousand strong, dislodged the four hundred;
18.15. Achaei primi torrente superato in Agrianas impetum fecerunt; deinde tota prope cursu transgressa amnem acies est. diu anceps pugna stetit.
18.16. then, as the left gave way, the whole effort was directed against the right flank.
18.16. numero Achaei, mille ipsi, quadringentos loco pepulere; inclinato deinde laevo cornu in dextrum omnes conisi.
18.17. The Macedonians could not be moved as long as the line held and the phalanx was, so to speak, compact; when, after their left flank was exposed, they tried to change front so as to meet the enemy that was attacking them in flank, they first caused immediate disorder and confusion among themselves, then they began to fall back, and finally threw away their arms and fled at full speed. The fugitives made for Bargyliae, and Dinocrates sought refuge in the same place.
18.17. Macedones, usque dum ordines et veluti stipata phalanx constabat, moveri nequiverunt; postquam laevo latere nudato circumagere hastas in venientem ex transverso hostem conati sunt, turbati extemplo tumultum primo inter se fecerunt, terga deinde vertunt, postremo abiectis armis in praecipitem fugam effunduntur.
18.19. The Rhodians followed as long as daylight lasted and then returned to camp. It is quite clear that if the victors had at once marched to Stratonicea, this city could have been recovered without a struggle.
18.19. Bargylias petentes fugerunt; eodem et Dinocrates perfugit. Rhodii quantum diei superfuit secuti receperunt sese in castra. satis constat, si confestim victores Stratoniceam petissent, recipi eam urbem sine certamine potuisse.
18.20. The opportunity for this was lost while they consumed time in occupying the forts and towns of Peraea.
18.20. praetermissa eius rei occasio est, dum in castellis vicisque recipiendis Peraeae tempus teritur.
18.21. Meanwhile the courage of those who were holding Stratonicea with the garrison was renewed, and presently Dinocrates entered the walls with the troops that had survived the battle. In vain was the city then invested and besieged, nor was it recovered until some time later through the aid of Antiochus.
18.21. interim animi eorum, qui Stratoniceam praesidio obtinebant, confirmati sunt. mox et Dinocrates cum iis, quae proelio superfuerant, copiis intravit muros.
18.22. Such were the events of this period, which took place during, we may almost say, the same days in Thessaly, Achaea, and Asia.
18.22. nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nec recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochum potuit. haec in Thessalia, haec in Achaia, haec in Asia per eosdem dies ferme gesta.
19.1. When Philip learned that the Dardani had crossed the borders, out of contempt for his stricken kingdom, and were then laying waste the farther frontiers of Macedonia, although he was hard pressed in every quarter of the world, since fortune
19.1. Philippus cum audisset Dardanos transgressos finis ab contemptu concussi tum regni superiora Macedoniae evastare, quamquam toto prope orbe terrarum, undique se suosque exigente fortuna,
19.3. had turned against him and his people, nevertheless, thinking that to be robbed of the possession of Macedonia was a sadder fate than death, he quickly levied troops in the cities of Macedonia and with six thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry suddenly fell upon the enemy near Stobi in Paeonia.
19.3. urgebatur, tamen morte tristius ratus Macedoniae etiam possessione pelli, dilectu raptim per urbes Macedonum habito cum sex milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus circa Stobos Paeoniae improviso hostes oppressit.
19.4. Many men fell in the battle, many more through their lust for booty while roving through the fields. Those to whom flight was possible returned to their country without even risking the hazard of a battle.
19.4. magna multitudo hominum in proelio, maior cupidine praedandi palata per agros caesa est. quibus fuga in expedito fuit, ne temptato quidem casu pugnae in finis suos redierunt.
19.5. Philip returned to Thessalonica with the courage of his people renewed by this one expedition, so different in its outcome from his other experiences.
19.5. ea una expeditione, non pro reliquo statu fortunae facta, refectis suorum animis Thessalonicam sese recepit.
19.6. The end of the Punic War, coming in time to free the Romans from the necessity of fighting Philip at the same moment, was no more fortunate than the defeat of Philip when Antiochus was already preparing war from Syria;
19.6. non tam in tempore Punicum bellum terminatum erat, ne simul et cum Philippo foret bellandum, quam opportune iam Antiocho ex Syria movente bellum Philippus est superatus;
19.7. for, in addition to the fact that war is more easily waged against one at a time than when two have brought their united strength to bear upon one, in Spain also about the same time there was a grave uprising and revolt.
19.7. nam praeterquam quod facilius cum singulis, quam si in unum ambo simul contulissent vires, bellatum est, Hispania quoque sub idem tempus magno tumultu ad bellum consurrexit.
19.8. When Antiochus, during the preceding summer, had transferred all the cities which are situated in Coele Syria from the power of Ptolemy to his own dominion and had retired to Antioch for the winter, this period was as full of activity as the summer had been.
19.8. Antiochus cum priore aestate omnibus, quae in Coele Syria sunt, civitatibus ex Ptolomaei dicione in suam potestatem redactis in hiberna Antiocheam concessisset, nihilo quietiora ea ipsis aestivis habuit.
19.9. For, when he had assembled huge military and naval forces by exerting all the strength of his kingdom, in the beginning of spring he sent his two sons, Ardyes and Mithradates, ahead with the army by land. Ordering them to wait for him at Sardis, he set out in person with one hundred decked ships and besides two hundred lighter vessels, schooners and brigs, with the double purpose of trying to win over the cities which had been under the control of Ptolemy along the whole shore of Cilicia, Lycia, and Caria, and of aiding Philip with his army and navy — for that war had not yet been ended.
19.9. omnibus enim regni viribus conixus cum ingentis copias terrestris maritimasque comparasset, principio veris praemissis terra cum exercitu filiis duobus, Ardye ac Mithridate, iussisque Sardibus se opperiri ipse cum classe centum tectarum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercurisque ac lembis ducentis proficiscitur, simul per omnem oram Ciliciae Lyciaeque et Cariae temptaturus urbes, quae in dicione Ptolomaei essent, simul Philippum — necdum enim debellatum erat — exercitu navibusque adiuturus.
20.1. Many are the noble ventures which the Rhodians have undertaken on land and sea, to testify to their loyalty to the Roman people and in behalf of the whole race of the Greeks, but they have done nothing more glorious than on this occasion, when, unterrified by the magnitude of the impending war, they sent ambassadors to the king, ordering him not to pass Chelidoniae — a promontory in Cilicia, made famous by the ancient treaty between the Athenians and the Persian kings:
20.1. multa egregie Rhodii pro fide erga populum Romanum proque universo nomine Graecorum terra marique ausi sunt, nihil magnificentius, quam quod ea tempestate, non territi tanta mole inminentis belli, legatos ad regem miserunt, ne Chelidonias — promunturium Ciliciae est, inclutum foedere antiquo Atheniensium cum regibus Persarum — superaret: si eo fine non contineret classem copiasque suas,
20.3. if Antiochus did not keep his fleet and army within this limit, they vowed that they would oppose him, not from any ill-will towards him, but to prevent his joining Philip and interfering with the Romans who were undertaking to liberate Greece.
20.3. se obviam ituros, non ab odio ullo, sed ne coniungi eum Philippo paterentur et inpedimento esse Romanis liberantibus Graeciam.
20.4. Antiochus was at the time besieging Coracesium, having recovered Zephyrium and Soli and Aphrodisias and Corycus, and Selinus, after rounding Anemurium — this also is a cape in Cilicia.
20.4. Coracesium eo tempore Antiochus operibus oppugnabat, Zephyrio et Solis et Aphrodisiade et Coryco et superato Anemurio — promunturium id quoque Ciliciae est — Selinunte recepto.
20.5. All these and other forts on this coast having surrendered to him without resistance, either from fear or voluntarily, Coracesium unexpectedly closed its gates and delayed him. There the ambassadors of the Rhodians were given audience.
20.5. omnibus his aliisque eius orae castellis aut metu aut voluntate sine certamine in dicionem acceptis, Coracesium praeter spem clausis portis tenebat eum.
20.6. And although their message was one to inflame the king's mind, he restrained his anger and answered that he would send ambassadors to Rhodes with instructions to renew the long-standing relations existing between him and his ancestors and that state, and to bid them have no fears of the king's coming: no fraud or mischief was planned either for them or for their allies; for he would not violate the friendship of the Romans, in evidence whereof he cited both his own recent embassy to them and the senate's complimentary decrees and replies to him.
20.6. ibi legati Rhodiorum auditi. et quamquam ea legatio erat, quae accendere regium animum posset, temperavit irae et legatos se Rhodum missurum respondit iisque mandaturum, ut renovarent vetusta iura cum ea civitate sua maiorumque suorum et vetarent eos pertimescere adventum regis: nihil aut iis aut sociis eorum noxiae futurum fraudive;
20.8. At that time, as it happened, his ambassadors had returned from Rome, where they had been heard and dismissed courteously, as the situation demanded, the outcome of the war with Philip being still in doubt.
20.8. nam Romanorum amicitiam se non violaturum, argumento et suam recentem ad eos legationem esse et senatus honorifica in se decreta responsaque.
20.9. While the ambassadors of the king were relating this before the assembly of the Rhodians, the news came that the war had been ended at Cynoscephalae.
20.9. tum forte legati redierant ab Roma comiter auditi dimissique, ut tempus postulabat, incerto adhuc adversus Philippum eventu belli.
20.10. Their fear of Philip having been dispelled by the receipt of this news, the Rhodians abandoned their design of going to meet Antiochus with the fleet; their other concern they did not forget, to wit, that of maintaining the liberty of the cities allied with Ptolemy, which were threatened with war by Antiochus.
20.10. cum haec legati regis in contione Rhodiorum agerent, nuntius venit debellatum ad Cynoscephalas esse. hoc nuntio accepto Rhodii dempto metu a Philippo omiserunt consilium obviam eundi classe Antiocho;
20.11. For some they helped with reinforcements, some by warnings and information as to the enemy's plans, and they were responsible for preserving the liberty of the people of Caunus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, and Samos.
20.11. illam alteram curam non omiserunt tuendae libertatis civitatum sociarum Ptolomaei, quibus bellum ab Antiocho imminebat. nam alias auxiliis iuverunt, alias providendo ac praemonendo conatus hostis, causaque libertatis fuerunt Cauniis, Myndiis, Halicarnassensibus Samiisque.
20.13. It is hardly worth while to record in detail the events in this part of the world, since I am scarce able to recount those things which belong properly to the Roman war.
20.13. non operae est persequi, ut quaeque acta in his locis sint, cum ad ea, quae propria Romani belli sunt, vix sufficiam.
21.1. At the same time King Attalus, who had fallen ill at Thebes and then removed from Thebes to Pergamum, died in his seventy-second year, after he had been on the throne for forty-four years.
21.1. eodem tempore Attalus rex aeger ab Thebis Pergamum advectus moritur altero et septuagesimo anno, cum quattuor et quadraginta annos regnasset.
21.2. Fortune had bestowed upon this man nothing but wealth to give him hope of royal power. By using this both wisely and splendidly he brought it about that he seemed worthy of the throne, first in his own eyes, then in those of others.
21.2. huic viro praeter divitias nihil ad spem regni fortuna dederat. iis simul prudenter, simul magnifice utendo effecit, primum ut sibi, deinde ut aliis non indignus videretur regno.
21.3. Then when in a single battle he had conquered the Gauls, a people the more terrible to Asia by reason of their recent arrival, he assumed the title of king, and thenceforth his greatness of soul always matched the greatness of his distinction.
21.3. victis deinde proelio uno Gallis, quae tum gens recenti adventu terribilior Asiae erat, regium adscivit nomen, cuius magnitudini semper animum aequavit.
21.4. He ruled his subjects with perfect justice, exhibited remarkable fidelity to his allies, was courteous to his wife and sons — four survived him — and kind and generous to his friends; he left a kingdom so strong and well-established that possession of it was handed down to the third generation.
21.4. summa iustitia suos rexit, unicam fidem sociis praestitit, comis uxori ac liberis — quattuor superstites habuit —, mitis ac munificus amicis fuit; regnum adeo stabile ac firmum reliquit, ut ad tertiam stirpem possessio eius descenderit.
21.6. While this was the state of affairs in Asia, Greece, and Macedonia, the war with Philip having been scarcely finished and peace, at any rate, not yet assured, a great war broke out in Farther Spain. Marcus Helvius was now governor of that province.
21.6. cum hic status rerum in Asia Graeciaque et Macedonia esset, vixdum terminato cum Philippo bello, pace certe nondum perpetrata, ingens in Hispania ulteriore coortum est bellum.
21.7. He sent dispatches to the senate that two petty kings, Culcha and Luxinius, were in arms, that seventeen towns had joined Culcha and the powerful cities of Carmo and Baldo were with Luxinius, and that on the coast, the Malacini and Sexetani and all Baeturia and other states which had not yet disclosed their intentions would soon rise to join the revolt of their neighbours.
21.7. M. Helvius eam provinciam obtinebat. is litteris senatum certiorem fecit Culcham et Luxinium regulos in armis esse, cum Culcha decem et septem oppida, cum Luxinio validas urbes Carmonem et Baldonem, in maritima ora Malacinos Sexetanosque et Baeturiam omnem et quae nondum animos nudaverant ad finitimorum motus consurrectura.
21.9. This letter was read to the senate by Marcus Sergius, the praetor who exercised jurisdiction in cases between citizens and aliens, and the Fathers voted that as soon as the praetorian elections were over the praetor to whom the province of Spain had by then been allotted should at the earliest possible moment refer to the senate the question of the Spanish war.
21.9. his litteris a M. Sergio praetore, cuius iurisdictio inter civis et peregrinos erat, recitatis decreverunt patres, ut comitiis praetorum perfectis, cui praetori provincia Hispania obvenisset, is primo quoque tempore de bello Hispaniae ad senatum referret.
22.1. At about the same time the consuls returned to Rome; when they summoned the senate to meet in the temple of Bellona and demanded a triumph for their successes in the war, Gaius Atinius Labeo and Gaius Afranius, tribunes of the people, insisted that the consuls offer separate motions regarding the triumph: they would not allow a common motion to be voted on, lest equal honour be bestowed upon unequal merit.
22.1. sub idem tempus consules Romam venerunt; quibus in aede Bellonae senatum habentibus postulantibusque triumphum ob res prospere bello gestas C. Atinius Labeo et C. Afranius tribuni plebis, ut separatim de triumpho agerent consules, postularunt: communem se relationem de ea re fieri non passuros, ne par honos in dispari merito esset.
22.3. Quintus Minucius replied that the province of Italy had fallen to the lot of both consuls and that he and his colleague had acted in accordance with a common policy and plan of campaign, and Gaius Cornelius added that the Boi, who were crossing the Po against him, to aid the Insubres and Cenomani, had been called away to defend their own homes when his colleague laid waste their towns and farms.
22.3. cum Q. Minucius utrique Italiam provinciam obtigisse diceret, communi animo consilioque se et collegam res gessisse, et C. Cornelius adiceret Boios adversus se transgredientis Padum, ut Insubribus Cenomanisque auxilio essent, depopulante vicos eorum atque agros collega ad sua tuenda aversos esse, tribuni res tantas bello gessisse C.
22.5. To this the tribunes rejoined that they agreed that Gaius Cornelius had accomplished in the war results of such magnitude that there was no more question of his triumph than there could be of paying honour to the immortal gods; — yet neither he nor any other citizen was so powerful in influence and resources that, when he had obtained a well-earned triumph, he could bestow the same unmerited honour upon a colleague who had the effrontery to demand it.
22.5. Cornelium fateri, ut non magis de triumpho eius quam de honore diis inmortalibus habendo dubitari possit; non tamen nec illum nec quemquam alium civem tantum gratia atque opibus valuisse, ut, cum sibi meritum triumphum inpetrasset, collegae eundem honorem inmeritum inpudenter petenti daret.
22.7. Quintus Minucius, they continued, had fought some unimportant battles in Liguria, hardly worthy of mention, and in Gaul had lost a great number of his men;
22.7. Q. Minucium in Liguribus levia proelia, vix digna dictu, fecisse, in Gallia magnum numerum militum amisisse;
22.8. they even mentioned by name Titus Iuventius and Gnaeus Ligurius, military tribunes of the fourth legion, who had fallen in the defeat along with many other brave men, citizens and allies. The surrender of small towns and villages had taken place, but this was fictitious, manufactured for the occasion, and without guarantees.
22.8. nominabant etiam tribunos militum, T. Iuventium, Cn. Ligurium legionis quartae: adversa pugna cum multis aliis viris fortibus, civibus ac sociis, cecidisse.
22.9. These debates between the consuls and the tribunes continued for two days, but at last, overcome by the stubbornness of the tribunes, the consuls offered separate motions.
22.9. oppidorum paucorum ac vicorum falsas et in tempus simulatas sine ullo pignore deditiones factas esse. hae inter consules tribunosque altercationes biduum tenuerunt, victique perseverantia tribunorum consules separatim rettulerunt.
23.1. Gaius Cornelius was granted a triumph with the consent of all. The people of Placentia and Cremona contributed to the applause given the consul, expressing their gratitude to him and testifying that they had been freed by him from the peril of siege, and many even that they had been rescued from slavery after they had been prisoners in the hands of the enemy.
23.1. C. Cornelio omnium consensu decretus triumphus. et Placentini Cremonensesque addiderunt favorem consuli, gratias agentes commemorantesque obsidione sese ab eo liberatos, plerique etiam, cum capti apud hostes essent, servitute exemptos.
23.3. Quintus Minucius, simply offering a motion, when he saw the whole senate opposed to him, declared that he would celebrate his triumph on the Alban Mount, both by virtue of his consular imperium and with the precedent of many distinguished men.
23.3. Q. Minucius temptata tantum relatione, cum adversum omnem senatum videret, in monte Albano se triumphaturum et iure imperii consularis et multorum clarorum virorum exemplo dixit.
23.4. Gaius Cornelius the consul, while still in office, triumphed over the Insubres and Cenomani. In the procession were displayed many standards, much Gallic spoil was carried in captured carts, many noble Gauls were led before his chariot, and some say that Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was among them;
23.4. C. Cornelius de Insubribus Cenomanisque in magistratu triumphavit. multa signa militaria tulit, multa Gallica spolia captivis carpentis transvexit, multi nobiles Galli ante currum ducti, inter quos quidam Hamilcarem, ducem Poenorum, fuisse auctores sunt;
23.6. but what especially attracted attention was the throng of colonists of Cremona and Placentia, following his car with caps of liberty upon their heads.
23.6. ceterum magis in se convertit oculos Cremonensium Placentinorumque colonorum turba, pilleatorum currum sequentium.
23.7. He carried in the triumph two hundred and thirty-seven thousand asses of bronze, and seventy-nine thousand pieces of coined silver; his gifts to the soldiers were seventy asses of bronze each, twice that amount to each centurion and thrice to each cavalryman.
23.7. aeris tulit in triumpho ducenta triginta septem milia quingentos, argenti bigati undeoctoginta milia; septuageni aeris militibus divisi, duplex equiti centurionique.
23.8. Quintus Minucius the consul triumphed over the Ligures and Gallic Boi on the Alban Mount. This triumph was of lesser note because of the place where it was held, the gossip about his exploits, and because all knew that the cost of it was taken, not duly requisitioned, from the treasury, but nevertheless in standards and wagons and spoils it almost equalled the other.
23.8. Q. Minucius consul de Liguribus Boisque Gallis in monte Albano triumphavit. is triumphus, ut loco et fama rerum gestarum et, quod sumptum non erogatum ex aerario omnes sciebant, inhonoratior fuit, ita signis carpentisque et spoliis ferme aequabat.
23.9. The amount of money too was about the same: the money carried amounted to two hundred and fifty-four thousand asses of bronze, fifty-three thousand two hundred pieces of coined silver; his donatives to his soldiers were the same as his colleague's.
23.9. pecuniae etiam prope par summa fuit; aeris tralata ducenta quinquaginta quattuor milia, argenti bigati quinquaginta tria milia et ducenti; militibus centurionibusque et equitibus idem in singulos datum, quod dederat collega.
24.1. After the triumph the consular elections were held. The choice fell on Lucius Furius Purpurio and Marcus Claudius Marcellus.
24.1. secundum triumphum consularia comitia habita. creati consules L. Furius Purpurio et M. Claudius Marcellus.
24.2. Next day praetors were elected — Quintus Fabius Buteo, Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, Lucius Apustius Fullo, and Gaius Laelius.
24.2. praetores postero die facti Q. Fabius Buteo, Ti. Sempronius Longus, Q. Minucius Thermus, M'. Acilius Glabrio, L. Apustius Fullo, C. Laelius.
24.3. About the end of the year a letter arrived from Titus Quinctius, stating that he had met King Philip in pitched battle in Thessaly and that the army of the enemy had been routed and put to flight.
24.3. exitu ferme anni litterae a. T. Quinctio venerunt se signis conlatis cum rege Philippo in Thessalia pugnasse, hostium exercitum fusum fugatumque.
24.4. This letter was read by Marcus Sergius the praetor, first in the senate, and then, by order of the senate, in the assembly, and by reason of this victory a thanksgiving of five days was decreed. Soon after ambassadors arrived both from Titus Quinctius and from King Philip.
24.4. hae litterae prius in senatu a M. Sergio praetore, deinde ex auctoritate patrum in contione sunt recitatae et ob res prospere gestas in dies quinque supplicationes decretae.
24.5. The Macedonians were conducted outside the city to the villa publica, and were there furnished quarters and hospitality, and were granted an audience before the senate in the temple of Bellona. Their message was brief, to the effect that the king promised to do whatever the senate should have ordered.
24.5. brevi post legati et ab T. Quinctio et ab rege Philippo venerunt. Macedones deducti extra urbem in villam publicam, ibique eis locus et lautia praebita et ad aedem Bellonae senatus datus.
24.6. In the traditional manner, a commission of ten was created, with whose advice Titus Quinctius the commander should determine the conditions of peace for Philip, and a clause was added, providing that Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who as consuls had held the province of Macedonia, should be members of the commission.
24.6. ibi haud multa verba facta, cum Macedones, quodcumque senatus censuisset, id regem facturum esse dicerent. decem legati more maiorum, quorum ex consilio T. Quinctius imperator leges pacis Philippo daret, decreti, adiectumque, ut in eo numero legatorum P. Sulpicius et P. Villius essent, qui consules provinciam Macedoniam obtinuissent.