50.1. When they heard these words, as from a father's lips, tears of joy dropped from every eye, so that they even interrupted him in the midst of his speech.
50.1. has velut parentis voces cum audirent, manare omnibus gaudio lacrimae, adeo ut ipsum quoque confunderent dicentem.
50.2. For a while there was the murmur of those who approved his words and of those who urged one another to let that utterance sink into the mind and heart as if it had been spoken by an oracle.
50.2. paulisper fremitus approbantium dicta fuit monentiumque aliorum alios, ut eas voces velut oraculo missas in pectora animosque demitterent.
50.3. Then, when they had become silent, he asked them that any Roman citizens who might be in slavery in their states should be sought out and sent to him in Thessaly; it was unbecoming even for themselves that the liberators should be slaves in the land they had set free.
50.3. silentio deinde facto petiit ab iis, ut civis Romanos, si qui apud eos in servitute essent, conquisitos intra duos menses mitterent ad se in Thessaliam; ne ipsis quidem honestum esse in liberata terra liberatores eius servire.
50.4. All cried out that they owed him thanks for this too, among other things, because he had reminded them to perform so just and necessary an obligation.
50.4. omnes acclamarunt gratias se inter cetera etiam ob hoc agere, quod admoniti essent, ut tam pio, tam necessario officio fungerentur.
50.5. There was a great number of them, captives in the Punic War, whom Hannibal had sold when they were not ransomed by their relatives.
50.5. ingens numerus erat bello Punico captorum, quos Hannibal, cum ab suis non redimerentur, venum dederat.
50.6. It is an indication of their number that Polybius writes that this cost the Achaeans one hundred talents, although they had fixed the price per head to be paid to their owners at five hundred denarii. On that basis Achaea had one thousand two hundred.
50.6. multitudinis eorum argumentum est, quod Polybius scribit centum talentis eam rem Achaeis stetisse, cum quingenos denarios pretium in capita, quod redderetur dominis, statuissent. mille enim ducentos ea ratione Achaia habuit.
50.7. Calculate now, in proportion to this, how many there probably were in all Greece. The meeting had not been dismissed when they saw the garrison coming down from Acrocorinthus, marching towards the gate, and departing. The commander followed their column with all the assembly attending him and proclaiming him their preserver and liberator, and when he had taken leave of them and dismissed them he returned to Elatia over the same route by which he had come.
50.7. adice nunc pro portione, quot verisimile sit Graeciam totam habuisse. nondum conventus dimissus erat, cum respiciunt praesidium ab Acrocorintho descendens protinus duci ad portam atque abire. quorum agmen imperator secutus prosequentibus cunctis, servatorem liberatoremque acclamantibus, salutatis dimissisque iis eadem, qua venerat, via Elatiam rediit.
50.10. Thence he sent his lieutenant Appius Claudius away with all his troops, with orders to march through Thessaly and Epirus to Oricum and await him there, for it was his intention to transport the army thence to Italy.
50.10. inde cum omnibus copiis Ap. Claudium legatum dimittit. per Thessaliam atque Epirum ducere Oricum iubet atque se ibi opperiri;
50.11. He also wrote to his brother Lucius Quinctius, his lieutenant and commander of the fleet, to assemble there transports from all the coast of Greece.
50.11. inde namque in animo esse exercitum in Italiam traicere. et L. Quinctio fratri, legato et praefecto classis, scribit, ut onerarias ex omni Graeciae ora eodem contraheret.
51.1. He himself went to Chalcis, withdrawing the garrisons not from Chalcis alone but from Oreus and Eretria also, called a council there of the Euboean states and let them go after reminding them in what condition he had found them and in what he was leaving them.
51.1. ipse Chalcidem profectus, deductis non a Chalcide solum sed etiam ab Oreo atque Eretria praesidiis, conventum ibi Euboicarum habuit civitatium admonitosque, in quo statu rerum accepisset eos et in quo relinqueret, dimisit.
51.3. From there he proceeded to Demetrias; and having withdrawn the garrison he departed with all the citizens escorting him, as had happened at Corinth and Chalcis, and continued his journey to Thessaly, where there were the states not only to be set free, but also to be brought into some reasonable condition of order after all the chaos and confusion.
51.3. Demetriadem inde proficiscitur; deductoque praesidio prosequentibus cunctis, sicut Corinthi et Chalcide, pergit ire in Thessaliam, ubi non liberandae modo civitates erant, sed ex omni colluvione et confusione in aliquam tolerabilem formam redigendae.
51.5. For they had been thrown into confusion not only by the faults of the times and the king's lawless and violent behaviour, but also by the restless character of the people, which from the earliest times down to the present day has never conducted a meeting or an assembly or a council without dissension and rioting.
51.5. nec enim temporum modo vitiis ac violentia et licentia regia turbati erant sed inquieto etiam ingenio gentis, nec comitia nec conventum nec concilium ullum non per seditionem ac tumultum iam inde a principio ad nostram usque aetatem traducentis.
51.6. He chose the senate and magistrates mainly on the basis of property and strove to make that element in the community more influential which found it advantageous to have everything peaceful and quiet.
51.6. a censu maxime et senatum et iudices legit potentioremque eam partem civitatium fecit, cui salva et tranquilla omnia esse magis expediebat.
52.1. When he had thus completed the organization of Thessaly, he marched through Epirus to Oricum, whence he planned to set sail.
52.1. ita cum percensuisset Thessaliam, per Epirum Oricum, unde erat traiecturus, venit.
52.2. From Oricum all his troops were conveyed across to Brundisium. Thence they proceeded all the way through Italy to Rome in a virtual triumph, the captured articles forming as long a column as the troops which marched ahead of him.
52.2. ab Orico copiae omnes Brundisium transportatae. inde per totam Italiam ad urbem prope triumphantes non minore agmine rerum captarum quam suo prae se acto venerunt.
52.3. When they arrived in Rome, Quinctius was granted an audience with the senate outside the city for the narration of his achievements, and a well-deserved triumph was voted by the eager senators.
52.3. postquam Romam ventum est, senatus extra urbem Quinctio ad res gestas edisserendas datus est triumphusque meritis ab lubentibus decretus.
52.4. The triumph lasted three days. On the first day the procession displayed the arms, weapons, and statues of bronze and marble, more of which had been captured from Philip than received from the cities of Greece; and on the second day the gold and silver, wrought, unwrought, and minted.
52.4. triduum triumphavit. die primo arma, tela signaque aerea et marmorea transtulit, plura Philippo adempta, quam quae ex civitatibus ceperat; secundo aurum argentumque factum infectumque et signatum.
52.5. Of unwrought silver he had forty-three thousand two hundred and seventy pounds; of wrought silver there were many vases of all varieties, most of them embossed and some of remarkable workmanship; there were besides many fashioned from bronze, and in addition ten shields of silver.
52.5. infecti argenti fuit quadraginta tria milia pondo et ducenta septuaginta, facti vasa multa omnis generis, caelata pleraque, quaedam eximiae artis; et ex aere multa fabrefacta;
52.6. Of minted silver there were eighty-four thousand Attic coins called “tetrachma,” and the weight of silver in them is about equivalent to three denarii each.
52.6. ad hoc clipea argentea decem. signati argenti octoginta quattuor milia fuere Atticorum; tetrachma vocant; trium fere denariorum in singulis argenti est pondus.
52.7. There were three thousand seven hundred and fourteen pounds of gold, one shield made completely of gold, and fourteen thousand five hundred and fourteen gold coins with the image of Philip upon them.
52.7. auri pondo fuit tria milia septingenta quattuordecim et clipeum unum ex auro totum et Philippei nummi aurei quattuordecim milia quingenti quattuordecim.
52.8. On the third day one hundred and fourteen golden crowns, gifts from the cities, were carried past; the victims were in the procession, and in front of the chariot there were many noble prisoners and hostages, among whom were Demetrius, the son of King Philip, and the Spartan Armenes, son of the tyrant Nabis. After them Quinctius himself entered the city. Following the chariot were throngs of soldiers, since the whole army had been brought back from the province.
52.8. tertio die coronae aureae, dona civitatium, tralatae centum quattuordecim; et hostiae ductae et ante currum multi nobiles captivi obsidesque, inter quos Demetrius, regis Philippi filius, fuit et Armenes, Nabidis tyranni filius, Lacedaemonius.
52.10. Each of these received in the distribution two hundred and fifty asses for the infantry, twice that amount for the centurions, and thrice for the cavalry.
52.10. ipse deinde Quinctius in urbem est invectus. secuti currum milites frequentes ut exercitu omni ex provincia deportato.
52.11. A striking sight in the procession was furnished by the prisoners who had been released from slavery, following with shaven heads.
52.11. his duceni quinquageni aeris in pedites divisi, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. praebuerunt speciem triumpho capitibus rasis secuti, qui servitute exempti fuerant.
53.1. At the end of this year Quintus Aelius Tubero, the tribune of the people, on the authority of the senate, proposed to the people and the assembly voted that two Latin colonies should be founded, one among the Brutti, the other in the country around Thurii.
53.1. exitu anni huius Q. Aelius Tubero tribunus plebis ex senatus consulto tulit ad plebem, plebesque scivit, uti duae Latinae coloniae una in Bruttios, altera in Thurinum agrum deducerentur.
53.2. Triumvirs were chosen to establish these colonies, whose authority should continue through three years; for the colony among the Brutti, Quintus Naevius, Marcus Minucius Rufus, and Marcus Furius Crassipes; for the colony in the land of Thurium, Aulus Manlius, Quintus Aelius, and Lucius Apustius. These two elections were conducted by the city praetor Gnaeus Domitius on the Capitoline.
53.2. his deducendis triumviri creati, quibus in triennium imperium esset, in Bruttios Q. Naevius, M. Minucius Rufus, M. Furius Crassipes, in Thurinum agrum A. Manlius, Q. Aelius, L. Apustius. ea bina comitia Cn. Domitius praetor urbanus in Capitolio habuit.
53.3. Several temples were dedicated that year: one to Iuno Matuta in the Forum Olitorium, which had been vowed and contracted for four years before in the Gallic war by the consul Gaius Cornelius, who also, while censor, dedicated it; the second to Faunus;
53.3. aedes eo anno aliquot dedicatae sunt: una Iunonis Matutae in foro olitorio, vota locataque quadriennio ante a C. Cornelio consule Gallico bello;
53.4. two years earlier the contract for its construction out of the money received as fines had been let out by the aediles Gaius Scribonius and Gnaeus Domitius, the latter of whom dedicated it while city praetor.
53.4. censor idem dedicavit; altera Fauni; aediles eam biennio ante ex multaticio argento faciendam locarant C. Scribonius et Cn. Domitius, qui praetor urbanus eam dedicavit.
53.5. Also, Quintus Marcius Ralla, a duumvir created for this purpose, dedicated a temple to Fortuna Primigenia on the Quirinal hill;
53.5. et aedem Fortunae Primigeniae in colle Quirinali dedicavit Q. Marcius Ralla, duumvir ad id ipsum creatus;
53.6. Publius Sempronius Sophus the consul had vowed this temple ten years before, during the Punic war, and as censor he had let the contract.
53.6. voverat eam decem annis ante Punico bello P. Sempronius Sophus consul, locaverat idem censor.
53.7. Likewise, on the Island, Gaius Servilius the duumvir dedicated a temple to Jupiter; it had been vowed six years before in the Gallic war by the praetor Lucius Furius Purpurio, and contracted for by the same man as consul. These were the events of that year.
53.7. et in insula Iovis aedem C. Servilius duumvir dedicavit; vota erat sex annis ante Gallico bello ab L. Furio Purpurione praetore, ab eodem postea consule locata. haec eo anno acta.
54.1. Publius Scipio came back from the province of Gaul to choose the new consuls. The consular elections were held, at which Lucius Cornelius Merula and Quintus Minucius Thermus were returned.
54.1. P. Scipio ex provincia Gallia ad consules subrogandos venit. comitia consulum fuere, quibus creati sunt L. Cornelius Merula et Q. Minucius Thermus.
54.2. On the following day the praetors were elected, Lucius Cornelius Scipio, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Gaius Scribonius, Marcus Valerius Messala, Lucius Porcius Licinus, and Gaius Flaminius. At the Megalesian Games dramatic performances were for the first time introduced by the curule aediles Aulus Atilius Serranus and Lucius Scribonius Libo.
54.2. postero die creati sunt praetores L. Cornelius Scipio, M. Fulvius Nobilior, C. Scribonius, M. Valerius Messala, L. Porcius Licinus et C. Flaminius.
54.3. At the Roman Games given by these aediles, the senate for the first time looked on segregated from the common people, and this caused gossip, as every novelty usually does, some thinking that this distinction, which should have been granted long before, was at last bestowed upon a most honourable body; others taking the view that whatever was added to the majesty of the senate was subtracted from the dignity of the commons, and that all such discriminations, which tended to draw the orders apart, were dangerous to impartial harmony and freedom.
54.3. Megalesia ludos scaenicos A. Atilius Serranus, L. Scribonius Libo aediles curules primi fecerunt. horum aedilium ludos Romanos primum senatus a populo secretus spectavit, praebuitque sermones, sicut omnis novitas solet, aliis tandem, quod multo ante debuerit, tributum existimantibus amplissimo ordini, aliis demptum ex dignitate populi, quidquid maiestati patrum adiectum esset, interpretantibus et omnia discrimina talia, quibus ordines discernerentur, et concordiae et libertatis aequae minuendae esse.
54.6. For five hundred and fifty-eight years, they said, people had looked on from seats chosen at random; what had suddenly happened to make the Fathers unwilling to have the plebeians mingle with them in the crowd, or the rich man scorn the poor man as his neighbour at the show?
54.6. ad quingentesimum quinquagesimum octavum annum in promiscuo spectatum esse; quid repente factum, cur immisceri sibi in cavea patres plebem nollent?
54.7. This was a novel and arrogant caprice, never desired nor practised by the senate of any other people.
54.7. cur dives pauperem consessorem fastidiret? novam, superbam libidinem, ab nullius ante gentis senatu neque desideratam neque institutam.
54.8. It is reported that in the end even Africanus had repented that in his consulship he had suggested this innovation. So difficult it is to prove the need of any variation from ancient custom; people always prefer to stand by the old ways, unless experience convincingly proves them bad.
54.8. postremo ipsum quoque Africanum, quod consul auctor eius rei fuisset, paenituisse ferunt. adeo nihil motum ex antiquo probabile est; veteribus, nisi quae usus evidenter arguit, stari malunt.
55.1. In the beginning of this year, the consulship - of Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Minucius, earthquakes were reported with such frequency that people grew tired, not only of the cause itself, but of the ceremonies prescribed on that account;
55.1. principio anni, quo L. Cornelius Q. Minucius consules fuerunt, terrae motus ita crebri nuntiabantur, ut non rei tantum ipsius sed feriarum quoque ob id indictarum homines taederet;
55.2. for the senate could not be convened nor public business transacted, since the consuls were busy with sacrifices and rites of expiation.
55.2. nam neque senatus haberi neque res publica administrari poterat sacrificando expiandoque occupatis consulibus.
55.3. Finally, the decemvirs were directed to consult the Books, and in accordance with their report a three-day period of prayer was ordered.
55.3. postremo decemviris adire libros iussis, ex responso eorum supplicatio per triduum fuit.
55.4. Men with garlands on their heads made supplications at all the couches of the gods, and a decree was published that all who were of one family should offer their prayers collectively. Likewise, on the recommendation of the senate, the consuls proclaimed that on any day on which an earthquake had been reported and rites ordained, no one should report another earthquake.
55.4. coronati ad omnia pulvinaria supplicaverunt, edictumque est, ut omnes, qui ex una familia essent, supplicarent pariter. item ex auctoritate senatus consules edixerunt, ne quis, quo die terrae motu nuntiato feriae indictae essent, eo die alium terrae motum nuntiaret.
55.5. Then the consuls first and afterwards the praetors drew lots for the provinces.
55.5. provincias deinde consules prius, tum praetores sortiti.
55.6. Gaul fell to Cornelius, the Ligures to Minucius; the allotment to the praetors gave the city jurisdiction to Gaius Scribonius, that between citizens and aliens to Marcus Valerius, Sicily to Lucius Cornelius, Sardinia to Lucius Porcius, Nearer Spain to Gaius Flaminius, and Farther Spain to Marcus Fulvius.
55.6. Cornelio Gallia, Minucio Ligures evenerunt; sortiti praetores C. Scribonius urbanam, M. Valerius peregrinam, L. Cornelius Siciliam, L. Porcius Sardiniam, C. Flaminius Hispaniam citeriorem, M. Fulvius Hispaniam ulteriorem.
56.1. Though the consuls expected no war that year, a letter came from Marcus Cincius — he was the prefect at Pisae — announcing that twenty thousand of the Ligures were in arms, had caused a conspiracy to be formed in all the towns of the whole tribe, and had first devastated the fields around Luna and then had entered the territory of Pisae and overrun the whole sea-coast.
56.1. nihil eo anno belli expectantibus consulibus litterae M. Cinci —praefectus is Pisis erat— adlatae, Ligurum viginti milia armatorum coniuratione per omnia conciliabula universae gentis facta Lunensem primum agrum depopulatos, Pisanum deinde finem transgressos omnem oram maris peragrasse.
56.3. Therefore Minucius, the consul to whom the Ligures had been allotted as his province, on the authorization of the senate mounted the rostra and proclaimed that the two city legions which had been enlisted the previous year should assemble at Arretium the tenth day hence; in their place he would enrol two city legions.
56.3. itaque Minucius consul, cui Ligures provincia evenerat, ex auctoritate senatus in rostra escendit et edixit, ut legiones duae urbanae, quae superiore anno conscriptae essent, post diem decimum Arretii adessent; in earum locum se duas legiones urbanas scripturum.
56.5. Also he sent notice to the allies of the Latin confederacy, that is, to their magistrates and ambassadors, who were under the obligation to furnish soldiers, that they should meet him on the Capitoline.
56.5. item sociis et Latino nomini, magistratibus legatisque eorum, qui milites dare debebant, edixit, ut in Capitolio se adirent.
56.6. For these he made up a list amounting to fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry, in accordance with the quota of young men in each state, and ordered them to go straight from the Capitoline to the gate and, in order to expedite the matter, proceed to hold the levy.
56.6. iis quindecim milia peditum et quingentos equites, pro numero cuiusque iuniorum, discripsit et inde ex Capitolio protinus ire ad portam et, ut maturaretur res, proficisci ad dilectum iussit.
56.8. Fulvius and Flaminius each received three thousand Roman infantry and one hundred cavalry as reinforcements, with five thousand infantry of the allies and the Latin confederacy and two hundred cavalry, and the praetors were instructed to discharge their veterans on their arrival in the province.
56.8. Fulvio Flaminioque terna milia Romanorum peditum, centeni equites in supplementum et quina milia socium Latini nominis et duceni equites decreti, mandatumque praetoribus, ut veteres dimitterent milites, cum in provinciam venissent.
56.9. When numerous soldiers who were in the city legions had appealed to the tribunes of the people to look into the cases of those who had given completed service or illness as bases for claims of exemption from military service, dispatches from Tiberius Sempronius put an end to their attempt: in these he wrote that ten thousand of the Ligures had entered the territory of Placentia and had laid it waste with slaughter and fire up to the very walls of the colony and the banks of the Po; the nation of the Boi was also considering a rebellion.
56.9. cum milites, qui in legionibus urbanis erant, frequentes tribunos plebei adissent, uti causas cognoscerent eorum, quibus aut emerita stipendia aut morbus causae essent, quo minus militarent, eam rem litterae Ti. Sempronii discusserunt, in quibus scriptum erat, Ligurum decem milia in agrum Placentinum venisse et eum usque ad ipsa coloniae moenia et Padi ripas cum caedibus et incendiis perpopulatos esse;
56.11. For these reasons the senate decreed that a state of civil war existed, and that it was their pleasure that the tribunes of the people should not investigate the cases of soldiers to prevent their mustering according to the proclamation.
56.11. Boiorum quoque gentem ad rebellionem spectare. ob eas res tumultum esse decrevit senatus; tribunos plebei non placere causas militaris cognoscere, quo minus ad edictum conveniretur.
56.12. They added also that the allies of the Latin confederacy who had been in the army of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius and had been discharged by those consuls should assemble on the day and at the place in Etruria which the consul Lucius Cornelius had announced in his proclamation, and that the consul Lucius Cornelius, on his way to the province, should enlist, in the towns and rural districts along his route, whatever soldiers he saw fit, should arm them and lead them with him, and that he should have the privilege of discharging whichever of them he desired and at whatever time.
56.12. adiecerunt etiam, ut socii nominis Latini, qui in exercitu P. Cornelii Ti. Sempronii fuissent et dimissi ab iis consulibus essent, ut, ad quam diem L. Cornelius consul edixisset et in quem locum edixisset Etruriae, convenirent, et uti L. Cornelius consul in provinciam proficiscens in oppidis agrisque, qua iturus esset, si quos ei videretur, milites scriberet armaretque et duceret secum, dimittendique ei, quos eorum quandoque vellet, ius esset.
57.1. After the consuls had conducted their levies and departed to their provinces, Titus Quinctius demanded that the senate should listen to an account of the arrangements which he, in concert with the ten commissioners, had made, and should, if it was their pleasure, ratify them by their vote;
57.1. postquam consules dilectu habito profecti in provincias sunt, tum T. Quinctius postulavit, ut de iis, quae cum decem legatis ipse statuisset, senatus audiret eaque, si videretur, auctoritate sua confirmaret;
57.2. they would accomplish this more easily if they would hear the words of the ambassadors who had come from all Greece and a great part of Asia and those who had come from the kings.
57.2. id eos facilius facturos, si legatorum verba, qui ex universa Graecia et magna parte Asiae quique ab regibus venissent, audissent.
57.3. These embassies were introduced to the senate by the city praetor, Gaius Scribonius, and were accorded a courteous reception.
57.3. eae legationes a C. Scribonio praetore urbano in senatum introductae sunt, benigneque omnibus responsum.
57.4. Since the discussion with Antiochus was of longer duration, it was referred to the ten commissioners, part of whom had met the king either in Asia or at Lysimachia.
57.4. cum Antiocho quia longior disceptatio erat, decem legatis, quorum pars aut in Asia aut Lysimachiae apud regem fuerant, delegata est.
57.5. Titus Quinctius was instructed to hear, in the company of the commissioners, what the king's ambassadors had to say, and to make such a reply to them. as was consistent with the dignity and the interest of the Roman people.
57.5. T. Quinctio mandatum, ut adhibitis iis legatorum regis verba audiret responderetque iis, quae ex dignitate atque utilitate populi Romani responderi possent.
57.6. Menippus and Hegesianax were the leaders of the king's embassy. On their behalf, Menippus said that he did not see what there was in their embassy that was so difficult, since they had come merely to ask for friendship and conclude an alliance.
57.6. Menippus et Hegesianax principes regiae legationis erant. ex iis Menippus ignorare se dixit, quidnam perplexi sua legatio haberet, cum simpliciter ad amicitiam petendam iungendamque societatem venissent.
57.7. There were three kinds of treaties, he said, by which states and kings concluded friendships: one, when in time of war terms were imposed upon the conquered; for when everything was surrendered to him who was the more powerful in arms, it is the victor's right and privilege to decide what of the conquered's property he wishes to confiscate; the second, when states that are equally matched in war conclude peace and friendship on terms of equality;
57.7. esse autem tria genera foederum, quibus inter se paciscerentur amicitias civitates regesque: unum, cum bello victis dicerentur leges; ubi enim omnia ei, qui armis plus posset, dedita essent, quae ex iis habere victos, quibus multari eos velit, ipsius ius atque arbitrium esse;
57.8. under these conditions demands for restitution are made and granted by mutual agreement, and if the ownership of any property has been rendered uncertain by the war, these questions are settled according to the rules of traditional law or the convenience of each party;
57.8. alterum, cum pares bello aequo foedere in pacem atque amicitiam venirent; tunc enim repeti reddique per conventionem res et, si quarum turbata bello possessio sit, eas aut ex formula iuris antiqui aut ex partis utriusque commodo componi;
57.9. the third exists when states that have never been at war come together to pledge mutual friendship in a treaty of alliance; neither party gives or accepts conditions; for that happens when a conquering and a conquered party meet. Since Antiochus was in this last class, he wondered on what account the Romans deemed it right to impose terms upon him.
57.9. tertium esse genus, cum, qui numquam hostes fuerint, ad amicitiam sociali foedere inter se iungendam coeant; eos neque dicere nec accipere leges;
57.10. prescribing what cities of Asia he was to leave free and independent and what he was to make tributary to him, and what cities they forbade the king's armies and the king to enter.
57.10. id enim victoris et victi esse. ex eo genere cum Antiochus esset, mirari se, quod Romani aequum censeant leges ei dicere, quas Asiae urbium liberas et immunis, quas stipendiarias esse velint, quas intrare praesidia regia regemque vetent.
57.11. For in that way it was proper to make peace with Philip, an enemy, but not a treaty of alliance with Antiochus, a friend.
57.11. cum Philippo enim hoste pacem, non cum Antiocho amico societatis foedus ita sanciendum esse.
58.1. Quinctius replied thus: “Since it is your pleasure to discuss the matter systematically and to enumerate the different ways of establishing friendships, I shall set forth two conditions without which you may report to the king that there is no way to form a friendship with the Roman people:” “first, that if he wishes us to have no interest in what concerns the cities of Asia, he too must himself keep entirely out of Europe;”
58.1. ad ea Quinctius: ‘quoniam vobis distincte agere libet et genera iungendarum amicitiarum enumerare, ego quoque duas condiciones ponam, extra quas nullam esse regi nuntietis amicitiae cum populo Romano iungendae, unam si nos nihil, quod ad urbes Asiae attinet, curare velit, ut et ipse omni Europa abstineat;
58.3. “second, that if he will not keep himself within the limits of Asia, but crosses into Europe, the Romans too shall have the right both to defend the existing friendships with the cities of Asia and to add new treaties of alliance.”
58.3. alteram, si se ille Asiae finibus non contineat et in Europam transcendat, ut et Romanis ius sit Asiae civitatium amicitias et tueri, quas habeant, et novas complecti.
58.4. It was indeed monstrous, replied Hegesianax, even to listen to a proposal that Antiochus should be excluded from the cities of Thrace and Chersonesus, districts which his forefather Seleucus, when he had defeated King Lysimachus in war and slain him in battle, had most honourably gained and bequeathed to his successors, and part of which, when they had been seized by the Thracians, Antiochus had with equal glory recovered in war, part of which, when abandoned, like Lysimachia itself, he had repopulated by recalling the inhabitants, and which, when destroyed by calamities and fires, he had rebuilt at great expense.
58.4. ’ enimvero id auditu etiam dicere indignum esse Hegesianax, Thraciae et Chersonesi urbibus arceri Antiochum, cum, quae Seleucus, proavus eius, Lysimacho rege bello victo et in acie caeso per summum decus parta reliquerit, pari cum laude eadem ab Thracibus possessa, partim armis receperit Antiochus, partim deserta, sicut ipsam Lysimachiam, et revocatis cultoribus frequentaverit et, quae strata ruinis atque incendiis erant, ingentibus impensis aedificaverit.
58.6. What kind of analogy was there then between the two cases, that Antiochus should be ousted from this possession, so acquired and so recovered, and that the Romans should keep out of Asia, which has never been theirs?
58.6. quid igitur simile esse ex ea possessione, ita parta, ita recuperata, deduci Antiochum, et Romanos abstinere Asia, quae numquam eorum fuerit?
58.7. Antiochus is seeking the friendship of the Romans, but a friendship which when obtained will be a source of honour and not a cause for shame.
58.7. amicitiam expetere Romanorum Antiochum, sed quae impetrata gloriae sibi, non pudori sit.
58.8. To this Quinctius responded: “Inasmuch as we are weighing the honourable, as it indeed ought to be considered either the only or at least the first object of concern to the foremost people of the world and to so great a king, which, pray, seems the more ” “honourable, to wish all the cities of Greece which are found everywhere to be free, or to make them slaves and tributaries?”
58.8. ad haec Quinctius ‘quando quidem’ inquit ‘honesta pensamus, sicut aut sola aut prima certe pensari decet principi orbis terrarum populo et tanto regi, utrum tandem videtur honestius, liberas velle omnis, quae ubique sunt, Graeciae urbis, an servas et vectigalis facere?
58.10. “If Antiochus believes it noble for him that the cities which his great-grandfather held by the law of war, but which his grandfather and his father never treated as their property, be reduced to slavery, then the Roman people ” “likewise considers it an obligation, imposed by its loyalty and consistency, not to abandon that championship of the liberty of the Greeks which it has taken upon itself.”
58.10. si sibi Antiochus pulchrum esse censete, quas urbes proavus belli iure habuerit, avus paterque numquam usurpaverit pro suis, eas repetere in servitutem, et populus Romanus susceptum patrocinium libertatis Graecorum non deserere fidei constantiaeque suae ducit esse.
58.12. “As it liberated Greece from Philip, so it intends to free from Antiochus the cities of Asia which are of the Greek race.”
58.12. sicut a Philippo Graeciam liberavit, ita et ab Antiocho Asiae urbes, quae Graii nominis sint, liberare in animo habet.
58.13. “For colonies were not sent out to Aeolis and Ionia to become the slaves of asking, but to increase the population and extend the influence of a most ancient people throughout the world.”
58.13. neque enim in Aeolidem Ioniamque coloniae in servitutem regiam missae sunt, sed stirpis augendae causa gentisque vetustissimae per orbem terrarum propagandae.’
59.1. At this Hegesianax hesitated, and could not deny that it was more honourable to go out under the banner of liberty than of slavery, and Publius Sulpicius, the eldest of the ten commissioners, said: “Why not stop beating around the bush?”
59.1. cum haesitaret Hegesianax nec infitiari posset honestiorem causam libertatis quam servitutis praetexi titulo,’quin mittimus ambages?‘inquit P. Sulpicius, qui maximus natu ex decem legatis erat;
59.2. “Choose one of the two conditions so clearly stated by Quinctius a while ago, or cease to talk of friendship.” “But we,” replied Menippus, “have neither the desire nor the authority to make any settlement by which the power of Antiochus will be diminished.” The next day, when Quinctius had brought into the senate all the embassies from Greece and Asia, that they might know what was the attitude of the Roman people and what that of Antiochus towards the cities of Greece, he set forth both the king's demands and his own:
59.2. ‘alteram ex duabus condicionibus, quae modo diserte a Quinctio latae sunt, legite aut supersedete de amicitia agere‘ ’nos vero‘inquit Menippus ‘nec volumus nec possumus pacisci quicquam, quo regnum Antiochi minuatur.’ postero die Quinctius legationes universas Graeciae Asiaeque cum in senatum introduxisset, ut scirent, quali animo populus Romanus, quali Antiochus erga civitates Graeciae essent, postulata et regis et sua exposuit:
59.5. he bade them carry word back to their states that with the same courage and the same fidelity with which the Roman people had won their liberty from Philip, they would win it from Antiochus if he did not retire from Europe.
59.5. renuntiarent civitatibus suis populum Romanum, qua virtute quaque fide libertatem eorum a Philippo vindicaverit, eadem ab Antiocho, nisi decedat Europa, vindicaturum.
59.6. Then Menippus began to beg both Quinctius and the Fathers not to make a hasty decision, as a result of which they would throw the whole world into confusion;
59.6. tum Menippus deprecari et Quinctium et patres institit, ne festinarent decernere, quo decreto turbaturi orbem terrarum essent;
59.7. let them both take for themselves and grant to the king time to consider; that he would be enabled to do so when the terms had been reported to him, and would either win some concession or else yield for the sake of peace. Accordingly the whole matter was postponed.
59.7. tempus et sibi sumerent et regi ad cogitandum darent; cogitaturum, cum renuntiatae condiciones essent, et impetraturum aliquid aut pacis causa concessurum. ita integra dilata res est.
59.8. It was decided to send to the king the same ambassadors who had met him at Lysimachia, namely, Publius Sulpicius, Publius Villius, and Publius Aelius.
59.8. legatos mitti ad regem eosdem, qui Lysimachiae apud eum fuerant, placuit, P. Sulpicium, P. Villium, P. Aelium.
60.1. They had hardly left the city when the ambassadors from Carthage reported that Antiochus was beyond doubt preparing for war with the aid of Hannibal, and created a feeling of anxiety lest a Punic war also was being provoked.
60.1. vixdum hi profecti erant, cum a Carthagine legati bellum haud dubie parare Antiochum Hannibale ministro attulerunt inieceruntque curam, ne simul et Punicum excitaretur bellum.
60.2. Hannibal, an exile from his country, had taken refuge with Antiochus, as has been said before, and was held in great honour by the king, for no other reason than that there could be no more suitable adviser for one who had long been revolving in his mind plans for an attack on Rome.
60.2. Hannibal patria profugus pervenerat ad Antiochum, sicut ante dictum est, et erat apud regem in magno honore, nulla alia arte, nisi quod volutanti diu consilia de Romano bello nemo aptior super tali re particeps esse sermonis poterat.
60.3. His opinion was always one and the same, that the war should be waged in Italy;
60.3. sententia eius una atque eadem semper erat, ut in Italia bellum gereretur: Italiam et commeatus et militem praebituram externo hosti;
60.4. Italy would supply both food and soldiers to a foreign enemy; if no disturbance was created there and the Roman people was permitted to use the man-power and the resources of Italy for a war outside of Italy, neither the king nor any people could be a match for the Romans.
60.4. si nihil ibi moveatur, liceatque populo Romano viribus et copiis Italiae extra Italiam bellum gerere, neque regem neque gentem ullam parem Romanis esse.
60.5. He asked for himself a hundred warships, ten thousand infantry, and a thousand cavalry; with that fleet he would first visit -Africa; — he had great hopes that the Carthaginians too could be induced by him to revolt; if they hesitated, he would, in some part of Italy, arouse a war against the Romans.
60.5. sibi centum tectas naves et decem milia peditum, mille equites deposcebat: ea se classe primum Africam petiturum; magno opere confidere et Carthaginienses ad rebellandum ab se compelli posse;
60.6. The king should cross to Europe with the rest of his army and hold his forces in some part of Greece, not crossing to Italy, yet prepared to cross, which would be sufficient to produce the impression and start the rumour of war.
60.6. si illi cunctentur, se aliqua parte Italiae excitaturum Romanis bellum. regem cum ceteris omnibus transire in Europam debere et in aliqua parte Graeciae copias continere neque traicientem et, quod in speciem famamque belli satis sit, paratum traicere.
61.1. When he had brought the king around to this opinion, and thought that he should prepare the minds of his countrymen for what he was going to do, he did not dare to write a letter lest, if intercepted by any chance, it reveal his designs;
61.1. in hanc sententiam cum adduxisset regem, praeparandos sibi ad id popularium animos ratus litteras, ne quo casu interceptae palam facerent conata, scribere non est ausus;
61.2. he found at Ephesus a Tyrian, Aristo by name, and having tested his resourcefulness on less important errands, he loaded him with gifts and also with the hope of rewards, to which even the king finally gave his assent, and sent him to Carthage with his instructions.
61.2. Aristonem quendam Tyrium nanctus Ephesi expertusque sollertiam levioribus ministeriis, partim donis, partim spe praemiorum oneratum, quibus etiam ipse rex adnuerat, Carthaginem cum mandatis mittit.
61.3. He gave him the names of the persons whom he needed to meet, and provided him with secret modes of identification, by means of which they could be assured that the instructions were from him.
61.3. edit nomina eorum, quibus conventis opus esset; instruit etiam secretis notis, per quas haud dubie agnoscerent sua mandata esse.
61.4. When this Aristo arrived in Carthage, his reason for coming was discovered as quickly by the enemies of Hannibal as by his friends.
61.4. hunc Aristonem Carthagine obversantem non prius amici quam inimici Hannibalis, qua de causa venisset, cognoverunt.
61.5. And at first the incident was discussed in conversations at social gatherings and at dinners;
61.5. et primo in circulis conviviis celebrata sermonibus res est;
61.6. later, in the senate some said that nothing had been accomplished by the exile of Hannibal if, even when away, he could plot revolution and by stirring up men's minds disturb the security of the state;
61.6. deinde in senatu quidam nihil actum esse dicere exilio Hannibalis, si absens quoque novas moliri res et sollicitando animos hominum turbare statum civitatis posset;
61.7. a certain Aristo, a stranger from Tyre, had come equipped with instructions from Hannibal and King Antiochus; every day certain individuals had secret conferences with him; schemes were being concocted in secret which would presently break out in the ruin of the entire community.
61.7. Aristonem quendam, Tyrium advenam, instructum mandatis ab Hannibale et rege Antiocho venisse; certos homines cotidie cum eo secreta colloquia serere; in occulto coqui, quod mox in omnium perniciem erupturum esset.
61.8. All exclaimed that Aristo ought to be summoned and asked why he had come, and if he gave no good explanation, he should be sent to Rome in charge of ambassadors; they had already suffered enough punishment for the rashness of one man; private citizens might do wrong at their own risk, but the state should be saved not only from doing wrong but also from the reputation of doing wrong.
61.8. conclamare omnes vocari Aristonem debere, et quaeri, quid venisset, et, nisi expromeret, cum legatis Romam mitti; satis pro temeritate unius hominis suppliciorum pensum esse;
61.9. Aristo when summoned defended himself and made use of the strongest argument for his innocence, that he had brought no written communication to anyone;
61.9. privatos suo periculo peccaturos; rem publicam non extra noxam modo sed etiam extra famam noxae conservandam esse.
61.10. but he did not make entirely clear the reason why he had come, and was most noticeably at a loss when they charged him with having relations only with men of the Barcine faction.
61.10. vocatus Ariston purgare sese et firmissimo propugnaculo uti, quod litterarum nihil ad quemquam attulisset;
61.11. A violent debate then began, some arguing that he should be at once arrested as a spy and held under guard, others saying that there was no cause for measures that suggested martial law;
61.11. ceterum nec causam adventus satis expediebat et in eo maxime haesitabat, quod cum Barcinae solum factionis hominibus collocutum eum arguebant.
61.12. it set a bad precedent to arrest strangers with no convincing proof, and the same treatment would be applied to Carthaginians, not only in Tyre but in other markets which they frequently visited.
61.12. orta inde altercatio est aliis pro speculatore comprehendi iam et custodiri iubentibus, aliis negantibus tumultuandi causam esse;
61.13. A decision was not reached that day. Aristo, employing Carthaginian artifice against Carthaginians, as soon as it was dusk hung a written tablet over the place where the magistrates daily held their sessions, in the most crowded part of the city, and in the third watch went on board his ship and escaped. The next day, when the sufetes took their seats to administer justice, the tablet was seen, taken down, and read.
61.13. mali rem exempli esse de nihilo hospites corripi; idem Carthaginiensibus et Tyri et in aliis emporiis, quo frequenter commeent, eventurum. dilata eo die res est. Ariston Punico ingenio inter Poenos usus tabellas conscriptas celeberrimo loco super sedem cotidianam magistratuum prima vespera suspendit, ipse de tertia vigilia navem conscendit et profugit.
61.15. Its message was that Aristo had come with a private message for no man, but with a public errand to the elders — so they call their senate. The charge having thus been made general, the investigation of a few men was less vigorously pushed;
61.15. postero die cum sufetes ad ius dicendum consedissent, conspectae tabellae demptaeque et lectae. scriptum erat Aristonem privatim ad neminem, publice ad seniores—ita senatum vocabant—mandata habuisse.
61.16. nevertheless, it was voted that an embassy should be sent to Rome to report the whole affair to the consuls and the senate, and at the same time to complain about the injuries inflicted by Masinissa.
61.16. publicato crimine minus intenta de paucis quaestio erat; mitti tamen legatos Romam, qui rem ad consules et senatum deferrent, placuit, simul qui de iniuriis Masinissae quererentur.
62.1. When Masinissa perceived that the good name of the Carthaginians was tarnished and that they were quarrelling among themselves, the nobles being suspected by the senate on account of their conferences with Aristo, the senate by the people on account of the declaration made by the same Aristo, considering that he had an opportunity to injure them, he both ravaged their coast and compelled certain cities which were dependents of the Carthaginians to pay their tribute to him.
62.1. Masinissa postquám et infames Carthaginiensis et inter se ipsos discordes sensit, principibus propter colloquia Aristonis senatui, senatu propter indicium eiusdem Aristonis populo suspecto, locum iniuriae esse ratus agrum maritimum eorum et depopulatus est et quasdam urbes vectigalis Carthaginiensium sibi coegit stipendium pendere.
62.3. They call this district Emporia; it is the coast of the lesser Syrtis and a fertile spot; one of its cities is Leptis, and this paid to the Carthaginians a tribute of one talent per day.
62.3. Emporia vocant eam regionem; in ora est minoris Syrtis et agri uberis; una civitas eius Leptis; ea singula in dies talenta vectigal Carthaginiensibus dedit.
62.4. At this time Masinissa had endangered this whole region, and, with respect to part of it, had raised a question as to its ownership, whether it belonged to his kingdom or to the Carthaginians.
62.4. hanc tum regionem et totam infestam Masinissa et ex quadam parte dubiae possessionis, sui regni an Carthaginiensium esset, effecerat.
62.5. And because he saw that they would go to Rome both to clear themselves and to complain of him, he likewise sent ambassadors to Rome for the double purpose of increasing Roman suspicions of them, by their insinuations, and of setting on foot an argument about the tribute-rights.
62.5. et quia simul ad purganda crimina et questum de se Romam eos ituros comperit, qui et illa onerarent suspicionibus et de iure vectigalium disceptarent, legatos et ipse Romam mittit.
62.6. The Carthaginians were first given audience, and with their account of the Tyrian stranger they rendered the Fathers anxious lest they should have to fight with Antiochus and the Carthaginians at the same time.
62.6. auditi de Tyrio advena primum Carthaginienses curam iniecere patribus, ne cum Antiocho simul et Poenis bellandum esset.
62.7. What most weighed against them was a suspicion due to the fact that they had set no guard over the person or ship of a man whom they had decided to arrest and send to Rome. Then the dispute with the king's envoys about the land began.
62.7. maxime ea suspicio crimen urgebat, quod, quem comprensum Romam mitti placuisset, nec ipsum nec navem eius custodissent.
62.8. The Carthaginians maintained their case by their boundary-rights, because the district was within the limits which Publius Scipio, when he conquered them, had set for the land which should be under Carthaginian jurisdiction, and by the king's own admission, who, when he was pursuing Aphthir, a fugitive from his country, who was wandering around Cyrene with a party of Numidians, had requested, as a favour from them, a right of way through this very country as if it had without question belonged to the Carthaginians.
62.8. de agro deinde cum regis legatis disceptari coeptum. Carthaginienses iure finium causam tutabantur, quod intra eos terminos esset, quibus P. Scipio victor agrum, qui iuris esset Carthaginiensium, finisset, et confessione regis, qui, cum Aphthirem, profugum ex regno suo, cum parte Numidarum vagantem circa Cyrenas persequeretur, precario ab se iter per eum ipsum agrum tamquam haud dubie Carthaginiensium iuris petisset.
62.11. The Numidians charged that they were not telling the truth about the limits fixed by Scipio, and asked, if one wanted to determine the real origin of a property-right, what land in Africa was really Carthaginian. Coming there as strangers, they had been granted as a gift, for the purpose of building a city, as much land as they could encompass with the cut-up hide of a bull;
62.11. Numidae et de terminatione Scipionis mentiri eos arguebant, et, si quis veram originem iuris exigere vellet, quem proprium agrum Carthaginiensium in Africa esse?
62.12. to whatever extent they had expanded beyond the limits of the Bursa, their seat, they had land gained by violence and without right.
62.12. advenis, quantum secto bovis tergo amplecti loci potuerint, tantum ad urbem communiendam precario datum; quidquid Bursam, sedem suam, excesserint, vi atque iniuria partum habere.
62.13. As to the particular tract of land in question, they could not even prove that they had held it for any considerable time, and much less that they had held it continuously from the time they had begun to claim it. As occasion offered, now they and now the Numidian kings had claimed the right to it, and possession had always remained with the party that was stronger in arms.
62.13. neque eum, de quo agatur, probare eos posse non modo semper, ex quo coeperint, sed ne diu quidem se possedisse. per opportunitates nunc illos, nunc reges Numidarum usurpasse ius, semperque penes eum possessionem fuisse, qui plus armis potuisset.
62.14. They asked that the land should remain in the condition in which it was before the Carthaginians became enemies to the Romans and the king of the Numidians their ally and friend and not to interfere to prevent that person from holding the land who was able to do so.
62.14. cuius condicionis res fuerit, priusquam hostes Romanis Carthaginienses, socius atque amicus rex Numidarum esset, eius sinerent esse nec se interponerent, quo minus, qui posset, teneret.
62.15. It was decided that the envoys of both states should receive the reply that they would send ambassadors to Africa to judge, on the actual ground, between the Carthaginian people and the king.
62.15. responderi legatis utriusque partis placuit missuros se in Africam, qui inter populum Carthaginiensem et regem in re praesenti disceptarent.
62.16. The ambassadors who were sent were Publius Scipio Africanus, Gaius Cornelius Cethegus, and Marcus Minucius Rufus, and after hearing the testimony and inspecting the place they left the matter undecided, without expressing an opinion in favour of either side.
62.16. missi P. Scipio Africanus et C. Cornelius Cethegus et M. Minucius Rufus audita inspectaque re omnia suspensa neutro inclinatis sententiis reliquere.
62.17. Whether they did this of their own accord or because they had been so instructed is not so certain as that this seemed expedient under the circumstances, that the case be left entirely undecided;
62.17. id utrum sua sponte fecerint, an quia mandatum ita fuerit, non tam certum est, quam videtur tempori aptum fuisse, integro certamine eos relinqui;
62.18. if this were not the case, Scipio alone, either from his knowledge of the affair or through his personal influence, since he deserved so well of both sides, could have settled the dispute by a nod.
62.18. nam ni ita esset, unus Scipio vel notitia rei vel auctoritate, ita de utrisque meritus, finire nutu disceptationem potuisset.