14.3. happened to be there, that he might explore his sentiments and, if it was in any way possible, dispel his fear that any danger threatened him from the Romans.
14.3. saepe congrederetur, ut animum eius temptaret, et, si qua posset, metum demeret periculi quicquam ei ab Romanis esse.
14.4. By these conversations nothing else was accomplished, yet it followed automatically, as if it had been consciously sought, that Hannibal, by reason of them, was less highly valued by the king and was more an object of suspicion in all respects.
14.4. iis colloquiis aliud quidem actum nihil est, secutum tamen sua sponte est, velut consilio petitum esset, ut vilior ob ea regi Hannibal et suspectior ad omnia fieret.
14.5. Claudius, following the Greek history of Acilius, reports that Publius Africanus was a member of that embassy and that at Ephesus he conferred with Hannibal, and he even relates one conversation:
14.5. Claudius, secutus Graecos Acilianos libros, P. Africanum in ea fuisse legatione tradit, eumque Ephesi collocutum cum Hannibale, et sermonem unum etiam refert:
14.6. when Africanus asked who, in Hannibal's opinion, was the greatest general, Hannibal named Alexander, the king of the Macedonians, because with a small force he had routed armies innumerable and because he had traversed the most distant regions, even to see which transcended human hopes.
14.6. quaerenti Africano, quem fuisse maximum imperatorem Hannibal crederet, respondisse, Alexandrum Macedonum regem, quod parva manu innumerabiles exercitus fudisset, quodque ultimas oras, quas visere supra spem humanam esset, peragrasset.
14.8. To the next request, as to whom he would rank second, Hannibal selected Pyrrhus; saying that he had been the first to teach the art of castrametation;
14.8. quaerenti deinde, quem secundum poneret, Pyrrhum dixisse; castra metari primum docuisse;
14.9. besides, no one had chosen his ground or placed his troops more discriminatingly; he possessed also the art of winning men over to him, so that the Italian peoples preferred the lordship of a foreign king to that of the Roman people, so long the master in that land. When he continued, asking whom Hannibal considered third, he named himself without hesitation.
14.9. ad hoc neminem elegantius loca cepisse, praesidia disposuisse; artem etiam conciliandi sibi homines eam habuisse, ut Italicae gentes regis externi quam populi Romani, tam diu principis in ea terra, imperium esse mallent.
14.10. Then Scipio broke into a laugh and said, “What would you say if you had defeated me?”
14.10. exequenti, quem tertium duceret, haud dubie semet ipsum dixisse.
14.11. “Then, beyond doubt,” he replied, “I should place myself both before Alexander and before Pyrrhus and before all other generals.”
14.11. tum risum obortum Scipioni, et subiecisse “quidnam tu diceres, si me vicisses?” “tum vero me” inquit “et ante Alexandrum et ante Pyrrhum et ante alios omnes imperatores esse.
14.12. Both this response, with the unexpected turn given it by Punic cleverness, and this unlooked-for kind of flattery, he says, stirred Scipio deeply, because Hannibal had segregated him from all other commanders as one beyond estimation.
14.12. ” et perplexum Punico astu responsum et improvisum adsentationis genus Scipionem movisse, quod e grege se imperatorum velut inaestimabilem secrevisset.
15.1. Villius proceeded from Ephesus to Apamea and there Antiochus came when he learned of the arrival of the Roman commissioners.
15.1. Villius ab Epheso Apameam processit. eo et Antiochus audito legatorum Romanorum adventu occurrit.
15.2. At Apamea there was almost the same debate that had taken place in Rome between Quinctius and the king's ambassadors. The announcement of the death of Antiochus, the king's son, who, as I had said just previously, had been sent to Syria, broke off the conference.
15.2. Apameae congressis disceptatio eadem ferme fuit, quae Romae inter Quinctium et legatos regis fuerat, mors nuntiata Antiochi filii regis, quem missum paulo ante dixeram in Syriam, diremit conloquia.
15.3. There was great grief at the court and great regret at the loss of the young man, for he had already shown such revelations of himself that it was clear that if longer life had been his fate the character of a great and just king would have been his.
15.3. magnus luctus in regia fuit magnumque eius iuvenis desiderium: id enim iam specimen sui dederat, ut, si vita longior contigisset, magni iustique regis in eo indolem fuisse appareret.
15.4. The dearer and more pleasing he was to all, the more did his death cause a suspicion that his father, believing that such a successor, following close upon his own old age, would bring discredit upon him, had, through the agency of certain eunuchs, who, by their services in such crimes, commend themselves to kings, removed him by poison.
15.4. quo carior acceptiorque omnibus erat, eo mors eius suspectior fuit, gravem successorem eum instare senectuti suae patrem credentem per spadones quosdam, talium ministeriis facinorum acceptos regibus, veneno sustulisse.
15.5. They even furnished a cause for this secret crime, that he had given Lysimachia to his son Seleucus, but had not had a similar capital to bestow upon Antiochus, that he might banish him far from his presence even while conferring a mark of honour upon him.
15.5. eam quoque causam clandestino facinori adiciebant, quod Seleuco filio Lysimachiam dedisset, Antiocho quam similem daret sedem, ut procul ab se honore eum quoque ablegaret, non habuisset.
15.6. Nevertheless, a show of deep mourning filled the palace for some days, and the Roman ambassador, not to be an inconvenient visitor at an inopportune time, withdrew to Pergamum.
15.6. magni tamen luctus species per aliquot dies regiam tenuit; legatusque Romanus ne alieno tempore incommodus obversaretur, Pergamum concessit;
15.7. The king gave up the war that he had undertaken and returned to Ephesus. There, while the palace was closed during the mourning, the king continued secretly plotting with one Minnio, who was the chief of his friends.
15.7. rex Ephesum omisso quod inchoaverat bello redit. ibi per luctum regia clausa cum Minnione quodam, qui princeps amicorum eius erat, secreta consilia agitavit.
15.8. Minnio, who was totally unacquainted with foreign affairs, and who judged the king's strength from events occurring in Syria or Asia, believed that Antiochus not only had a better cause, since the Roman demands were in no wise fair, but would conquer in war as well.
15.8. Minnio, ignarus omnium externorum viresque aestimans regis ex rebus in Syria aut Asia gestis, non causa modo superiorem esse Antiochum, quod nihil aequi postularent Romani, sed bello quoque superaturum credebat.
15.9. When the king shunned a meeting with the commissioners, whether he had already found this debate unprofitable or because he was confused in mind by his recent grief, Minnio convinced him that he would say whatever was appropriate to the situation and that the commissioners should be summoned from Pergamum.
15.9. fugienti regi disceptationem cum legatis, seu iam experto eam minus prosperam seu maerore recenti confuso, professus Minnio se quae pro causa essent dicturum persuasit, ut a Pergamo accerserentur legati.
16.1. Sulpicius had now recovered, and so both came to Ephesus. Minnio apologized for the king's inability to be present, and in his absence the discussion began.
16.1. iam convaluerat Sulpicius; itaque ambo Ephesum venerunt. rex a Minnione excusatus, et absente eo agi res coepta est.
16.2. Then Minnio opened the debate with a prepared speech. “I see, Romans,” he said, “that you employ the plausible pretext of liberating Greek states, but your actions are inconsistent with your words, and you lay down one rule of conduct for Antiochus but yourselves follow another.”
16.2. ibi praeparata oratione Minnio “specioso titulo“inquit “uti vos, Romani, Graecarum civitatium liberandarum video, sed facta vestra orationi non conveniunt, et aliud Antiocho iuris statuistis, alio ipsi utimini.
16.3. “For how are the people of Zmyrna and Lampsacus more Greek than the men of Naples or Rhegium or Tarentum, from whom you exact tribute, from whom you exact ships in accordance with treaty-stipulations?”
16.3. qui enim magis Zmyrnaei Lampsacenique Graeci sunt quam Neapolitani et Regini et Tarentini a quibus stipendium, a quibus naves ex foedere exigitis?
16.4. “Why do Syracuse and other Greek cities of Sicily receive every year a praetor with the imperium and the rods and axes? Assuredly you make no other assertion than that you have imposed these conditions upon cities that have been conquered in battle.”
16.4. cur Syracusas atque in alias Siciliae Graecas urbes praetorem quotannis cum imperio et virgis et securibus mittitis? nihil aliud profecto dicatis quam armis superatis vos iis has leges imposuisse.
16.5. “Learn from Antiochus that the case is the same with Zmyrna and Lampsacus and the cities which are in Ionia or Aeolis.”
16.5. eandem de Zmyrna, Lampsaco civitatibusque, quae Ioniae aut Aeolidis sunt, causam ab Antiocho accipite.
16.6. “Conquered in war by his forefathers and made tributaries and vassals, he restores them to their ancient status; therefore I wish that he be answered on these points, if this is a discussion based on equity and not a search for a pretext for war.”
16.6. bello superatas a maioribus, stipendiarias ac vectigales factas in antiquum ius repetit: itaque ad haec ei responderi velim, si ex aequo disceptatur et non belli causa quaeritur.
16.7. To this Sulpicius replied: “Antiochus has acted modestly, who, if there is nothing else to be said on his behalf, has preferred that anyone else should say this rather than himself.”
16.7. “ad ea Sulpicius “fecit verecunde“inquit “Antiochus, qui, si alia pro causa eius non erant, quae dicerentur, quemlibet ista quam se dicere maluit.
16.8. “What likeness is there in the status of the states which you have mentioned? From the people of Rhegium and Naples and Tarentum we demand what they owe in accordance with the treaty from the time they came under our sovereignty, with one unbroken continuity of right, always recognized, never interrupted.”
16.8. quid enim simile habet civitatium earum, quas comparasti, causa? ab Reginis et Neapolitanis et Tarentinis, ex quo in nostram venerunt potestatem, uno et perpetuo tenore iuris, semper usurpato, numquam intermisso, quae ex foedere debent, exigimus.
16.9. “Pray, can you say that as those peoples have changed the treaty neither through themselves nor through anyone else, so the Asian cities, when once they came into the possession of Antiochus' forefathers, have remained in the ” “continuous possession of your empire, and that some have not passed under the power of Philip, some into the hands of Ptolemy, and some have enjoyed liberty with none to challenge them?”
16.9. potesne tandem dicere, ut ii populi non per se, non per alium quemquam foedus mutaverint, sic Asiae civitates, ut semel venere in maiorum Antiochi potestatem, in perpetua possessione regni vestri permansisse, et non alias earum in Philippi, alias in Ptolomaei fuisse potestate, alias per multos annos nullo ambigente libertatem usurpasse?
16.11. “For if the fact that they have once been slaves, constrained by the injustice of the times, is to confer the right of reasserting control and forcing them into slavery after so many generations, how does this differ from saying that our labours have been fruitless, in that we have freed Greece from Philip and that his descendants may again demand Corinth, Chalcis, Demetrias, and the whole state of the Thessalians?” “But why do I plead the cause of these cities, which it is fairer ” “that both we and the king should learn from their own pleadings?”
16.11. nam si, quod aliquando servierunt, temporum iniquitate pressi, ius post tot secula adserendi eos in servitutem faciet, quid abest, quin actum nihil nobis sit, quod a Philippo liberavimus Graeciam, et repetant posteri eius Corinthum Chalcidem Demetriadem et Thessalorum totam gentem? sed quid ego causam civitatium ago, quam ipsis agentibus et nos et regem ipsum cognoscere aequius est?
17.1. He then ordered the embassies of the cities to be summoned, which had previously been made ready and coached by Eumenes, who considered that in whatsoever degree the strength of Antiochus was diminished, by so much his own power would be increased.
17.1. “Vocari deinde civitatium legationes iussit, praeparatas iam ante et instructas ab Eumene, qui, quantumcumque virium Antiocho decessisset, suo id accessurum regno ducebat.
17.2. These embassies, being admitted in great numbers, while each one brought in now its own complaints, now its demands, and all mingled the just with the unjust, converted the meeting from an orderly debate into a wrangle. And so, with nothing conceded or gained, just as they had come, the ambassadors, uncertain of everything, returned to Rome.
17.2. admissi plures, dum suas quisque nunc querellas, nunc postulationes inserit, et aequa iniquis miscent, ex disceptatione altercationem fecerunt. itaque nec remissa ulla re nec impetrata aeque, ac venerant, omnium incerti legati Romam redierunt.
17.3. When they had been dismissed the king held a council regarding the Roman war. There each tried to outdo the other in violence, since each thought that he would win greater favour in proportion to the severity of his attitude towards the Romans, while others assailed the insolence of their demands, seeing that they were imposing terms upon Antiochus the supreme monarch of Asia, just as upon the conquered Nabis;
17.3. rex dimissis iis consilium de bello Romano habuit. ibi alius alio ferocius, quia, quo quisque asperius adversus Romanos locutus esset, eo spes gratiae maior erat, alius superbiam postulatorum increpare, tamquam Nabidi victo, sic Antiocho, maximo Asiae regum, imponentium leges;
17.5. and yet to Nabis had been left the control in his own homeland and in the country of Lacedaemon;
17.5. quamquam Nabidi tamen dominationem in patria sua et patria Lacedaemone remissam, Antiocho si Zmyrna et Lampsacus imperata faciant, indignum videri;
17.6. while in the ease of Antiochus it seemed monstrous should Zmyrna and Lampsacus do his bidding; others argued that these states were of small importance and scarcely worthy of mention as causes of war for so great a king; but always the beginnings of tyrannical rule were small, unless one believed that the Persians, when they demanded water and earth from the Spartans, actually needed a clod of soil or a sip of water.
17.6. alii parvas et vix dictu dignas belli causas tanto regi eas civitates esse; sed initium semper a parvis iniusta imperandi fieri, nisi crederent Persas, cum aquam terramque ab Lacedaemoniis petierint, gleba terrae et haustu aquae eguisse. per similem temptationem Romanis de duabus civitatibus agi; et alias civitates, simul duas iugum exuisse vidissent, ad liberatorem populum defecturas.
17.8. A like experiment the Romans were attempting in the case of the two cities; but other states, once they saw these two throwing off the yoke, would revolt to the people that would set them free. If liberty was not preferable to slavery, nevertheless, no existing situation was so attractive to anyone as the hope of a change of circumstances. Alexander the Acarnanian was present at this council; he had once been the friend of Philip, but lately had left him and attached himself to the more flourishing court of Antiochus and, as a man well acquainted with Greece and not without knowledge of the Romans, had advanced so far in the friendship of the king that he was accepted as a member even of secret councils.
17.8. si non libertas servitute potior sit, tamen omni praesenti statu spem cuique novandi res suas blandiorem esse. Alexander Acarnan in consilio erat; Philippo quondam amicus, nuper relicto eo secutus opulentiorem regiam Antiochi et tamquam peritus Graeciae nec ignarus Romanorum in eum gradum amicitiae regis, ut consiliis quoque arcanis interesset, acceptus erat.
18.3. He, as if the question were not whether there should be war or no, but where and in what fashion the war should be conducted, asserted that he foresaw in his mind a certain victory if the king should have crossed to Europe and fixed the seat of hostilities in some part of Greece.
18.3. is, tamquam non, utrum bellandum esset necne, consuleretur, sed, ubi et qua ratione bellum gereretur, victoriam se haud dubiam proponere animo adfirmabat, si in Europam transisset rex et in aliqua Graeciae parte sedem bello cepisset.
18.4. Even now, at the beginning, he would find the Aetolians, who dwelt in the navel of Greece, in arms, advanced troops ready for the utmost hardships;
18.4. iam primum Aetolos, qui umbilicum Graeciae incolerent, in armis eum inventurum, antesignanos ad asperrima quaeque belli paratos;
18.5. on the two wings of Greece, so to speak, Nabis from the Peloponnesus would cause universal confusion, trying to recover the city of the Argives, trying to recover the coast towns from which the Romans had ousted him when they shut him up within the walls of Lacedaemon;
18.5. in duobus velut cornibus Graeciae, Nabim a Peloponneso concitaturum omnia, repetentem Argivorum urbem, repetentem maritimas civitates, quibus eum depulsum Romani Lacedaemonis muris inclusissent, a Macedonia Philippum, ubi primum bellicum cani audisset, arma capturum: nosse se spiritus eius, nosse animum;
18.6. from Macedonia Philip, the moment he heard the trumpet sound, would take up arms; he was acquainted with his high spirits and with his temper; he knew that like wild beasts which were confined in cages or by chains he had long been turning over in his mind wild passions;
18.6. scire ferarum modo, quae claustris aut vinculis teneantur, ingentis iam diu iras eum in pectore volvere;
18.7. he himself, moreover, recalled how often in the war Philip had been wont to pray to the gods that they would grant him Antiochus as an ally; if now he should attain the fulfilment of his prayer, he would delay not one instant in rebelling.
18.7. meminisse etiam se, quotiens in bello precari omnis deos solitus sit, ut Antiochum sibi darent adiutorem, cuius voti si compos nunc fiat, nullam moram rebellandi facturum.
18.8. Only let there be no delay or hesitation, for victory turned upon the question whether suitable ground and allies were secured in advance. Hannibal too should be sent to Africa without delay in order to distract the Romans.
18.8. tantum non cunctandum nec cessandum esse: in eo enim victoriam verti, si et loca opportuna et socii praeoccuparentur. Hannibalem quoque sine mora mittendum in Africam esse ad distringendos Romanos.
19.1. Hannibal had not been invited to this council, being an object of suspicion to the king on account of his conferences with Villius, and being held in no honour after that.
19.1. Hannibal non adhibitus est in consilium, propter conloquia cum Villio suspectus regi et in nullo postea honore habitus. primo eam contumeliam tacitus tulit;
19.2. At first he endured this humiliation in silence; then, thinking that it was better both to inquire the reason for this sudden change of attitude and to clear himself, he chose a suitable time and frankly asked the reason for the king's anger, and having heard it, he said, “My father Hamilcar, Antiochus, led me, still a little boy, to the altar when he was sacrificing and bound me by an oath never to be a friend to the Roman people.”
19.2. deinde melius esse ratus et percunctari causam repentinae alienationis et purgare se, tempore apto quaesita simpliciter iracundiae causa auditaque “ pater Hamilcar” inquit, “Antioche, parvum admodum me, cum sacrificaret, altaribus admotum iureiurando adegit numquam amicum fore populi Romani.
19.4. “Under this oath I fought for six and thirty years; this oath drove me from my fatherland in time of peace; it brought me, an exile from my home, to your court; with it as my guiding principle, if you disappoint my hopes, wherever I know that strength and arms are found, searching throughout the whole earth, I shall find some enemies of the Romans.”
19.4. sub hoc sacramento sex et triginta annos militavi; hoc me in pace patria mea expulit; hoc patria extorrem in tuam regiam adduxit; hoc duce, si tu spem meam destitueris, ubicumque vires, ubi arma esse sciam, inveniam toto orbe terrarum quaerens aliquos Romanis hostis.
19.5. “And so, whoever of your courtiers have a fancy to win favour with you by insinuations against me, let them choose another means of winning it at my expense.”
19.5. itaque si quibus tuorum meis criminibus apud te crescere libet, aliam materiam crescendi ex me quaerant.
19.6. “I hate and am hateful to the Romans. That I speak the truth my father Hamilcar and the gods are witnesses. So long as you plan concerning a war on Rome, consider Hannibal among your first friends; if anything inclines you towards peace, seek for that advice some other man with whom to consult.”
19.6. odi odioque sum Romanis. id me verum dicere pater Hamilcar et dii testes sunt. proinde cum de bello Romano cogitabis, inter primos amicos Hannibalem habeto; si qua res te ad pacem compellet, in id consilium alium, cum quo deliberes, quaerito.
19.7. This speech not only convinced the king but reconciled him to Hannibal. The council broke up with the decision that war should be begun.
19.7. ” non movit modo talis oratio regem, sed etiam reconciliavit Hannibali. ex consilio ita discessum est, ut bellum gereretur.
20.1. At Rome, in talk at least, they had no thoughts except for Antiochus as their enemy, but as yet there were no preparations for war except in their minds.
20.1. Romae destinabant quidem sermonibus hostem Antiochum, sed nihildum ad id bellum praeter animos parabant.
20.2. To both consuls Italy was decreed as a province, with the qualification that they should arrange between themselves or decide by lot which should preside at the elections that year;
20.2. consulibus ambobus Italia provincia decreta est, ita ut inter se compararent sortirenturve, uter comitiis eius anni praeesset;
20.3. the one to whom that responsibility did not fall should be prepared to lead the legions outside of Italy if any need should arise anywhere.
20.3. ad utrum ea non pertineret cura, ut paratus esset, si quo eum extra Italiam opus esset ducere legiones.
20.4. This consul was authorized to recruit two new legions and, from the allies of the Latin confederacy, twenty thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry;
20.4. huic consuli permissum, ut duas legiones scriberet novas et socium nominis Latini viginti milia et equites octingentos;
20.5. to the other consul were assigned the two legions which Lucius Cornelius, consul of the preceding year, had commanded and, of the allies of the Latin confederacy from the same army, fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry.
20.5. alteri consuli duae legiones decretae, quas L. Cornelius consul superioris anni habuisset et socium ac Latini nominis ex eodem exercitu quindecim milia et equites quingenti.
20.6. In the case of Quintus Minucius, along with the army which he had in Liguria, his imperium was prolonged; it was added that as reinforcements four thousand Roman infantry should be enlisted and one hundred and fifty cavalry, and the allies were ordered to furnish the same general with five thousand infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry.
20.6. Q. Minucio cum exercitu, quem in Liguribus habebat, prorogatum imperium; additum, in supplementum ut quattuor milia peditum Romanorum scriberentur, centum quinquaginta equites, et sociis eodem quinque milia peditum imperarentur, ducenti quinquaginta equites.
20.7. Gnaeus Domitius received from the lot a province outside Italy, wherever the senate should decree; to Lucius Quinctius fell Gaul and the holding of the elections.
20.7. Cn. Domitio extra Italiam, quo senatus censuisset, provincia evenit, L. Quinctio Gallia et comitia habenda.
20.8. The praetors then drew for their provinces, and Marcus Fulvius Centumalus received the urban jurisdiction, Lucius Scribonius Libo that between citizens and aliens, Lucius Valerius Tappo Sicily, Quintus Salonius Sarra Sardinia, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus Hither Spain, Aulus Atilius Serranus Farther Spain.
20.8. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, M. Fulvius Centumalus urbanam, L. Scribonius Libo peregrinam, L. Valerius Tappo Siciliam, Q. Salonius Sarra Sardiniam, M. Baebius Tamphilus Hispaniam citeriorem, A. Atilius Serranus ulteriorem.
20.9. But the provinces of these two were changed first by the senate and then by vote of the people also:
20.9. sed his duobus primum senatus consulto, deinde plebei etiam scito permutatae provinciae sunt:
20.10. to Atilius the fleet and Macedonia were assigned, to Baebius the Brutti.
20.10. A. Atilio classis et Macedonia, Baebio Brutti decreti.
20.11. The imperium of Flaminius and Fulvius in the Spanish provinces was prolonged. To Atilius for service among the Brutti were assigned the two legions which had been in reserve the year before, and it was ordered that the allies should furnish him with fifteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry.
20.11. Flaminio Fulvioque in Hispaniis prorogatum imperium. Atilio in Bruttios duae legiones decretae, quae priore anno urbanae fuissent, et ut sociis eodem milia peditum quindecim imperarentur et quingenti equites.
20.12. Baebius Tamphilus was directed to build thirty quinqueremes and to launch from the dockyards whatever old ships were seaworthy, and to enlist naval allies; the consuls were also directed to turn over to him two thousand allies of the Latin confederacy and one thousand Roman infantry.
20.12. Baebius Tamphilus triginta naves quinqueremes facere iussus et ex navalibus veteres deducere, si quae utiles essent, et scribere navalis socios; et consulibus imperatum, ut ei duo milia socium ac Latini nominis et mille Romanos darent pedites.
20.13. These two praetors and two armies, on land and sea, were prepared, it was said, to operate against Nabis, who was now openly attacking the allies of the Roman people; but the ambassadors sent to Antiochus were awaited, and in the expectation of their return the senate had forbidden the consul Gnaeus Domitius to leave the City.
20.13. hi duo praetores et duo exercitus, terrestris navalisque, adversus Nabim aperte iam oppugnantem socios populi Romani dicebantur parari; ceterum legati ad Antiochum missi expectabantur, et priusquam ii redissent, vetuerat Cn. Domitium consulem senatus discedere ab urbe.
21.1. The praetors Fulvius and Scribonius, to whom had been allotted the province of administering justice in Rome, were instructed to make ready, in addition to the fleet which Baebius was to command, one hundred quinqueremes.
21.1. praetoribus Fulvio et Scribonio, quibus ut ius dicerent Romae provincia erat, negotium datum, ut praeter eam classem, cui Baebius praefuturus erat, centum quinqueremes pararent.
21.2. Before the consul and praetors set out for their provinces, a supplication was held by reason of prodigies.
21.2. priusquam consul praetoresque in provincias proficiscerentur, supplicatio fuit prodigiorum causa.
21.3. A she-goat was reported from Picenum to have given birth to six kids at one time, and at Arretium a boy with one hand was born, at Amiternum there was a shower of earth, at Formiae the wall and gate were struck by lightning, and, a thing which caused the greatest terror, at Rome a cow belonging to the consul Gnaeus Domitius spoke, saying, “Rome, for thyself beware.”
21.3. capram sex haedos uno fetu edidisse ex Piceno nuntiatum est et Arreti puerum natum unimanum, Amiterni terram pluvisse, Formiis portam murumque de caelo tacta et, quod maxime terrebat, consulis Cn. Domiti bovem locutum “ Roma, cave tibi.”
21.5. The period of prayer was held on account of the other portents; the haruspices ordered that the cow be carefully kept and fed. The Tiber, attacking the city with a more violent rush than the year before, swept away the two bridges and many buildings, especially around the Porta Flumentana. A huge stone, dislodged either by the rains or by an earthquake too slight to be felt otherwise, fell into the vicus lugarius from the Capitoline and killed many people. In the flooded lands round about many cattle were washed away and damage was done to the farmhouses.
21.5. ceterorum prodigiorum causa supplicatum est; bovem cum cura servari alique haruspices iusserunt. Tiberis infestiore quam priore impetu illatus urbi duos pontis, aedificia multa, maxime circa Flumentanam portam, evertit. saxum ingens, sive imbribus seu motu terrae leniore, quam ut alioqui sentiretur, labefactatum in vicum Iugarium ex Capitolio procidit et multos oppressit. in agris passim inundatis pecua ablata, villarum strages facta est.
21.7. Before the consul Lucius Quinctius arrived in his province, Quintus Minucius, in the neighbourhood of Pisa, met the Ligures in a pitched battle;
21.7. priusquam L. Quinctius consul in provinciam perveniret, Q. Minucius in agro Pisano cum Liguribus signis collatis pugnavit; novem milia hostium occidit, ceteros fusos fugatosque in castra compulit.
21.8. he killed nine thousand of the enemy, routed and put to flight the rest and drove them into their camp. This was vigorously attacked and defended until nightfall.
21.8. ea usque in noctem magno certamine oppugnata defensaque sunt.
21.9. By night the Ligures secretly withdrew and at daybreak the Romans entered the abandoned camp; less booty was found there because the spoils from the country were from time to time sent home.
21.9. nocte clam profecti Ligures; prima luce vacua castra Romanus invasit; praedae minus inventum est, quod subinde spolia agrorum capta domos mittebant.
21.10. Minucius then gave the enemy no rest; from Pisan territory he marched into the land of the Ligures and completely laid waste their citadels and towns with fire and sword.
21.10. Minucius nihil deinde laxamenti hostibus dedit; ex agro Pisano in Ligures profectus castella vicosque eorum igni ferroque pervastavit.
21.11. There the booty of Etruria, which had been sent on by the raiders, sated the Roman soldiers.
21.11. ibi praeda Etrusca, quae missa a populatoribus fuerat, repletus est miles Romanus.
22.1. About the same time the commissioners returned from the kings to Rome; when they had no report to make which furnished a sufficiently pressing cause for war, except against the Lacedaemonian tyrant, whom the Achaean ambassadors also reported to be attacking the Spartan coast in contravention of the treaty, the praetor Atilius was ordered to Greece with the fleet to defend the allies.
22.1. sub idem tempus legati ab regibus Romam reverterunt, qui cum nihil, quod satis maturam causam belli haberet nisi adversus Lacedaemonium tyrannum, attulissent, quem et Achaei legati nuntiabant contra foedus maritimam oram Laconum oppugnare, Atilius praetor cum classe missus in Graeciam est ad tuendos socios.
22.3. Both the consuls were directed to depart for their provinces, since no action was imminent from Antiochus. Domitius by way of Ariminum, where the way was most direct, Quinctius through Liguria, came into the Boian territory.
22.3. consules, quando nihil ab Antiocho instaret, proficisci ambo in provincias placuit. Domitius ab Arimino, qua proximum fuit Quinctius per Ligures in Boios venit.
22.4. The columns of the two consuls in different directions ravaged the land of the enemy far and wide. At first a few of their cavalry with their commanders, and then the senate as a body, and finally all who possessed anything of fortune or rank, to the number of fifteen hundred, took refuge with the consuls.
22.4. duo consulum agmina diversa late agrum hostium pervastarunt. primo equites eorum pauci cum praefectis, deinde universus senatus, postremo in quibus aut fortuna aliqua aut dignitas erat, ad mille quingenti ad consules transfugerunt.
22.5. In both the Spanish provinces as well things went prosperously this year, for Gaius Flaminius captured by storm the rich fortified town of Licabrum and took alive the noble chieftain Conribilo, and Marcus Fulvius the proconsul engaged with two armies of the enemy in two successful battles, captured two Spanish towns, Vescelia and Helo, and numerous forts; others voluntarily deserted
22.5. — et in utraque Hispania eo anno res prospere gestae: nam et C. Flaminius oppidum Licabrum munitum opulentumque vineis expugnavit et nobilem regulum Conribilonem vivum cepit, et M. Fulvius proconsul cum duobus exercitibus hostium duo secunda proelia fecit, oppida duo Hispanorum, Vesceliam Helonemque, et castella multa expugnavit; alia voluntate ad eum defecerunt.
22.7. to him. Then he marched against the Oretani, and after capturing two towns, Noliba and Cusibis, advanced to the river Tagus. There lay Toletum, a small town but on a naturally strong site.
22.7. tum in Oretanos progressus et ibi duobus potitus oppidis, Noliba et Cusibi, ad Tagum amnem ire pergit.
22.8. While he was besieging this city, a large force of the Vettones came to the aid of the Toletani. With them he fought successfully in a pitched battle, and after routing the Vettones he took Toletum by siege.
22.8. Toletum ibi parva urbs erat sed loco munito. eam cum oppugnaret, Vettonum magnus exercitus Toletanis subsidio venit. cum iis signis collatis prospere pugnavit et fusis Vettonibus operibus Toletum cepit.
23.1. But at that time the wars which were going on caused less concern to the Fathers than the anticipation of the war with Antiochus which had not yet begun. For although everything was repeatedly investigated by commissioners, yet rumours, anonymous and groundlessly circulated, mingled much falsehood with the truth.
23.1. ceterum eo tempore minus ea bella, quae gerebantur, curae patribus erant quam expectatio nondum coepti cum Antiocho belli, nam etsi per legatos identidem omnia explorabantur, tamen rumores temere sine ullis auctoribus orti multa falsa veris miscebant.
23.3. Among them was the story that Antiochus, on his arrival in Aetolia, would immediately send a fleet to Sicily.
23.3. inter quae adlatum erat, cum in Aetoliam venisset Antiochus, extemplo classem eum in Siciliam missurum.
23.4. Therefore the senate, although it had sent the praetor Atilius with a fleet to Greece, still, because there was need not only of military forces to influence the temper of the allies, but also of prestige, sent Titus Quinctius and Gnaeus Octavius and Gnaeus Servilius and Publius Villius as ambassadors to Greece, and decreed that Marcus Baebius should march his legions from Bruttian territory to Tarentum and Brundisium, thence, if the situation should demand it, should cross to Macedonia;
23.4. itaque senatus, etsi praetorem Atilium cum classe miserat in Graeciam, tamen, quia non copiis modo sed etiam auctoritate opus erat ad tenendos sociorum animos, T. Quinctium et Cn. Octavium et Cn. Servilium et P. Villium legatos in Graeciam misit et, ut M. Baebius ex Bruttis ad Tarentum et Brundisium promoveret legiones, decrevit, inde, si res posceret, in Macedoniam traiceret, et ut M.
23.6. that Marcus Fulvius the praetor should send a fleet of twenty vessels to defend the coast of Sicily;
23.6. Fulvius praetor classem navium viginti mitteret ad tuendam Siciliae oram, et ut cum imperio esset, qui classem eam duceret — duxit L.
23.7. that he who commanded the fleet should have the imperium (the commander was Lucius Oppius Salinator, who had been plebeian aedile the previous year); that the same praetor should write to his colleague Lucius Valerius that there was danger that the fleet of King Antiochus would cross to Sicily from Aetolia, and that consequently the senate had resolved that in addition to the army which he had he should enlist an emergency force of about twelve thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry with which to defend the sea-coast of the province on the side which faced Greece.
23.7. Oppius Salinator, qui priore anno aedilis plebei fuerat —, et ut idem praetor L. Valerio collegae scriberet periculum esse, ne classis regis Antiochi ex Aetolia in Siciliam traiceret: itaque placere senatui ad eum exercitum, quem haberet, tumultuariorum militum ad duodecim milia et quadringentos equites scriberet, quibus oram maritimam provinciae, qua vergeret in Graeciam, tueri posset.
23.9. This levy the praetor raised not only from Sicily proper but from the surrounding islands also, and all the towns on the coast which looked toward Greece he strengthened with garrisons. Further food was given to the rumours by the coming of Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, who brought the news that King Antiochus had crossed the Hellespont with his army and that the Aetolians were making such preparations that they would be in arms at his arrival.
23.9. eum dilectum praetor non ex Sicilia ipsa tantum sed ex circumiacentibus insulis habuit, oppidaque omnia maritima, quae in Graeciam versa erant, praesidiis firmavit. addidit alimenta rumoribus adventus Attali, Eumenis fratris, qui nuntiavit Antiochum regem Hellespontum cum exercitu transisse, et Aetolos ita se parare, ut sub adventum eius in armis essent.
23.11. Both Eumenes who was absent and Attalus who was present were thanked, and a free lodging was given Attalus, a place of entertainment and gifts were presented to him —two horses, two suits of equestrian armour, silver vases of one hundred pounds weight and golden vases of twenty pounds.
23.11. et Eumeni absenti et praesenti Attalo gratiae actae, et aedes liberae locus lautia decreta, et munera data, equi duo, bina equestria arma et vasa argentea centum pondo et aurea viginti pondo.
24.1. When one messenger after another kept reporting that the war was close at hand, it seemed important under the circumstances that the consuls should be chosen at the first possible opportunity.
24.1. cum alii atque alii nuntii bellum instare adferrent, ad rem pertinere visum est consules primo quoque tempore creari.
24.2. Therefore a decree of the senate was passed to the effect that Marcus Fulvius the praetor should at once send despatches to the consul, in which he should be informed of the senate's desire that he should turn over his province and army to his lieutenants and return to Rome, and send ahead while on the road the edict in which he announced the election for the choice of consuls.
24.2. itaque senatus consultum factum est, ut M. Fulvius praetor litteras extemplo ad consulem mitteret, quibus certior fieret senatui placere, provincia exercituque tradito legatis Romam reverti eum et ex itinere praemittere edictum, quo comitia consulibus creandis ediceret. paruit iis litteris consul et praemisso edicto Romam venit.
24.4. The consul obeyed the message, and sending his edict ahead he came to Rome. In this year also there was a hotly-contested campaign, since three patricians were contending for one place —Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, who had suffered defeat the year before, and Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gnaeus Manlius Volso.
24.4. eo quoque anno magna ambitio fuit, quod patricii tres in unum locum petierunt, P. Cornelius Cn. F. Scipio, qui priore anno repulsam tulerat, et L. Cornelius Scipio et Cn. Manlius Volso.
24.5. Publius Scipio, that it might seem in the case of so great a man that the honour was postponed but not refused, received one consulship; he was given as colleague from the plebeians Manius Acilius Glabrio.
24.5. P. Scipioni, ut dilatum viro tali, non negatum honorem appareret, consulatus datus est; additur ei de plebe collega M'. Acilius Glabrio.
24.6. The next day the praetors were chosen — Lucius Aemilius Paulus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus Junius Brutus, Aulus Cornelius Mammula, Gaius Livius and Lucius Oppius, both of whom had the surname Salinator; it was Oppius who had led the fleet of twenty ships to Sicily.
24.6. postero die praetores creati L. Aemilius Paulus M. Aemilius Lepidus M. Iunius Brutus A. Cornelius Mammula C. Livius et L. Oppius, utrique eorum Salinator cognomen erat; Oppius is erat, qui classem viginti navium in Siciliam duxerat.
24.7. Meanwhile, until the new magistrates should cast lots for the provinces, Marcus Baebius was directed to cross with all his forces from Brundisium to Epirus and to hold his troops around Apollonia, and Marcus Fulvius the urban praetor was entrusted with the task of building fifty new quinqueremes.
24.7. interim, dum novi magistratus sortirentur provincias, M. Baebius a Brundisio cum omnibus copiis transire in Epirum est iussus et circa Apolloniam copias continere, et M. Fulvio praetori urbano negotium datum est, ut quinqueremes novas quinquaginta faceret.
25.1. And the Roman people, for its part, was thus making itself ready for any undertaking of Antiochus;
25.1. et populus quidem Romanus ita se ad omnis conatus Antiochi praeparabat;
25.2. Nabis by now was not putting off the war but was besieging Gytheum with all his might, and in his wrath at the Achaeans, because they had sent aid to the besieged, was devastating their fields.
25.2. Nabis iam non differebat bellum, sed summa vi Gytheum oppugnabat et infestus Achaeis, quod miserant obsessis praesidium, agros eorum vastabat. Achaei non antea ausi capessere bellum, quam ab Roma revertissent legati, ut, quid senatui placeret, scirent, post reditum legatorum et Sicyonem concilium edixerunt et legatos ad T.
25.4. The Achaeans did not venture to begin hostilities until their deputies had returned from Rome, that they might know what was the will of the senate, but after the return of the ambassadors they both called a council at Sicyon and sent agents to Titus Quinctius to ask advice from him. In the council the votes of all were for an immediate beginning of the war; the letter of Titus Quinctius caused some hesitation, since in it he suggested that the praetor and the Roman fleet should be awaited.
25.4. Quinctium miserunt, qui consilium ab eo peterent. in concilio omnium ad bellum extemplo capessendum inclinatae sententiae erant; litterae T. Quincti cunctationem iniecerunt, quibus auctor erat praetorem classemque Romanam expectandi.
25.6. When some of the chiefs thought that they should abide by their decision, while others argued that the advice of him whom they themselves had consulted should be followed, the multitude waited for the opinion of Philopoemen.
25.6. cum principum alii in sententia permanerent, alii utendum eius, quem ipsi consuluissent, consilio censerent, multitudo Philopoemenis sententiam expectabat.
25.7. He was then chief magistrate and surpassed everyone at that time in wisdom and influence. Beginning his speech by saying that it was a good practice among the Aetolians that the praetor, when he had put the question of war before them, should not himself state his opinion, he bade them to take as soon as possible what action they wished:
25.7. praetor is tum erat et omnis eo tempore et prudentia et auctoritate anteibat. is praefatus bene comparatum apud Aetolos esse, ne praetor, cum de bello consuluisset, ipse sententiam diceret, statuere quam primum ipsos, quid vellent, iussit:
25.8. as praetor he would carry out their orders faithfully and diligently and would strive, so far as this depended on human wisdom, that they should not regret either peace or war.
25.8. praetorem decreta eorum cum fide et cura exsecuturum adnisurumque, ut, quantum in consilio humano positum esset, nec pacis eos paeniteret nec belli.
25.9. This speech had more weight in urging them to war than if he had, by openly counselling it, revealed a desire to command.
25.9. plus ea oratio momenti ad incitandos ad bellum habuit, quam si aperte suadendo cupiditatem res gerendi ostendisset.
25.10. And so with complete agreement the war was decreed, and the time and method of prosecuting it left to the discretion of the praetor.
25.10. itaque ingenti consensu bellum decretum est, tempus et ratio administrandi eius libera praetori permissa.
25.11. Philopoemen himself, in addition to the fact that Quinctius wished it, also believed that he should wait for the Roman fleet which could defend Gytheum by sea;
25.11. Philopoemen, praeterquam quod ita Quinctio placeret, et ipse existimabat classem Romanam expectandam, quae a mari Gytheum tueri posset;
25.12. but fearing that the situation would not permit delay and that both Gytheum and the garrison sent to defend the city would be lost, he launched the ships of the Achaeans.
25.12. sed metuens, ne dilationem res non pateretur, et non Gytheum solum sed praesidium quoque missum ad tuendam urbem amitteretur, naves Achaeorum deduxit.
26.1. The tyrant also had prepared a fleet of modest size to keep away any garrisons that might be sent by sea to aid the beleaguered; three decked ships and some smaller vessels and cutters, since his old fleet had been surrendered to the Romans under the treaty.
26.1. comparaverat et tyrannus modicam classem ad prohibenda, si qua obsessis mari summitterentur, praesidia, tres tectas naves et lembos pristisque, tradita vetere classe ex foedere Romanis.
26.2. That he might try the speed of these new ships and that at the same time everything might be made ready for battle, he daily sailed out into the open water and drilled the oarsmen and marines in mock naval engagements, thinking that the hope for the siege depended on his ability to cut off reinforcements coming by sea. While the praetor of the Achaeans excelled, in his knowledge of fighting on land, anyone you will of famous commanders, either in experience or in aptitude, yet he was without experience in naval warfare, being an Arcadian, a man from an inland country, unacquainted with the practices of other countries, except that in Crete he had served as a commander of auxiliaries. There was an old ship, a quadrireme, captured eighty years previously when it was transporting Nicaea, the wife of Crater, from Naupactus to Corinth.
26.2. harum novarum tum navium agilitatem ut experiretur, simul ut omnia satis apta ad certamen essent, provectos in altum cotidie remigem militemque simulacris navalis pugnae exercebat, in eo ratus verti spem obsidionis, si praesidia maritima interclusisset praetor Achaeorum sicut terrestrium certaminum arte quemvis clarorum imperatorum vel usu vel ingenio aequabat, ita rudis in re navali erat, Arcas, mediterraneus homo, externorum etiam omnium, nisi quod in Creta praefectus auxiliorum militaverat, ignarus, navis erat quadriremis vetus, capta annis ante LXXX, cum Crateri uxorem Nicaeam a Naupacto Corinthum veheret.
26.6. Prompted by its reputation —for it had been in its time a famous craft in the royal fleet —he ordered it to be launched at Aegium although it was now quite rotten and was falling to pieces from age.
26.6. huius fama motus — fuerat enim nobile in classe regia quondam navigium — deduci ab Aegio putrem iam admodum et vetustate dilabentem iussit.
26.7. At this time, with this flagship leading the fleet, with Tiso of Patrae sailing in it as admiral of the fleet, the Spartan ships from Gytheum met them;
26.7. hac tum praetoria nave praecedente classem, cum in ea Patrensis Tiso praefectus classis veheretur, occurrerunt a Gytheo Laconum naves;
26.8. and at the first shock with a new and stout vessel, the old ship, which even before had been taking in water through every seam, broke up and everyone who sailed in it was made prisoner.
26.8. et primo statim incursu ad novam et firmam navem vetus, quae per se ipsa omnibus compagibus aquam acciperet, divulsa est, captique omnes, qui in nave erant.
26.9. The rest of the fleet, when their flagship was lost, fled as fast as the oars could drive them. Philopoemen himself escaped in a light scouting vessel and did not stop his flight until he reached Patrae.
26.9. cetera classis praetoria nave amissa, quantum quaeque remis valuit, fugerunt. ipse Philopoemen in levi speculatoria nave fugit, nec ante fugae finem, quam Patras ventum est, fecit.
26.10. In no wise did this mishap affect the courage of this man, a soldier born and tried by many vicissitudes; on the contrary, rather, if he had failed in a naval battle, in which he was inexperienced, he conceived the greater hope in respect to that in the experience of which he excelled, and he asserted that he would render the tyrant's joy of short duration.
26.10. nihil ea res animum militaris viri et multos experti casus imminuit; quin contra, si in re navali, cuius esset ignarus, offendisset, eo plus in ea, quorum usu calleret, spei nactus, breve id tyranno gaudium se effecturum adfirmabat.
27.1. Nabis, both gladdened by the victory and filled also with the unquestioning hope that there would no longer be any danger from the sea, wanted to close the land approaches too by suitably-placed guards.
27.1. Nabis cum prospera re elatus, tum spem etiam haud dubiam nactus nihil iam a mari periculi fore, et terrestres aditus claudere opportune positis praesidiis voluit.
27.2. Withdrawing one-third of his troops from the siege of Gytheum, he encamped near Pleiae; this place threatens both Leuci and Acriae, where it was evident that the enemy would bring up their army.
27.2. tertia parte copiarum ab obsidione Gythei abducta ad Pleias posuit castra:
27.3. When he had placed his base there and only a few had tents, but the rest of the throng had huts woven out of reeds and thatched with leaves, which offered nothing but shade, Philopoemen, before he came in sight of the enemy, determined to attack him unexpectedly with a new kind of warfare.
27.3. imminet is locus et Leucis et Acriis, qua videbantur hostes exercitum admoturi. cum ibi stativa essent, pauci tabernacula haberent, multitudo alia casas ex harundinibus textas fronde, quae umbram modo praeberet, texissent, priusquam in conspectum hostis veniret, Philopoemen necopinantem eum improviso genere belli adgredi statuit.
27.5. He collected small boats in a secret haven in Argive territory; into them he loaded lightly-equipped soldiers, mostly caetrati, with slings and darts and other kinds of light ordnance.
27.5. navigia parva in stationem occultam agri Argivi contraxit; in ea expeditos milites, caetratos plerosque cum fundis et iaculis et alio levi genere armaturae imposuit.
27.6. Then, skirting the shore, when he came to a headland near the camp of the enemy, he landed and travelling over familiar trails by night came to Pleiae and, the sentinels being asleep, like men in no immediate peril, hurled firebrands upon the huts on every side of the camp. Many were consumed by the flames before they knew of the enemy's approach, and those who did know of it were able to bring them no aid.
27.6. inde littora legens cum ad propinquum castris hostium promunturium venisset, egressus callibus notis nocte Pleias pervenit et sopitis vigilibus ut in nullo propinquo metu ignem casis ab omni parte castrorum iniecit.
27.7. With sword and fire everything was destroyed; a very few escaped from this two-fold destruction to Gytheum and the larger camp.
27.7. multi prius incendio absumpti sunt, quam hostium adventum sentirent et, qui senserant, nullam opem ferre potuerunt.
27.8. Having thus inflicted a defeat upon the enemy, Philopoemen marched straight to ravage Tripolis in Spartan territory, this being nearest the borders of the Megalopolitae, and having carried off thence a large number of animals and men departed before the tyrant from Gytheum could send guards over the land. Thence, having mustered the army at Tegea and calling a council at the same place, of both Achaeans and allies, at which the leading men of the Epirotes and Acarnanians were also present, he determined, since on the one hand the courage of his own men was restored after the shame of the defeat on the sea, and on the other the enemy was terrified, to lead the army against Lacedaemon, thinking that in that way alone the enemy could be drawn away from the siege of Gytheum. He first pitched camp at Caryae in the enemy's country. On that very day Gytheum was captured.
27.8. ferro flammaque omnia absumpta; perpauci ex tam ancipiti peste ad Gytheum in maiora castra perfugerunt. ita perculsis hostibus Philopoemen protinus ad depopulandam Tripolim Laconici agri, qui proximus finem Megalopolitarum est, duxit et magna vi pecorum hominumque inde abrepta, priusquam a Gytheo tyrannus praesidium agris mitteret, discessit. inde Tegeam exercitu contracto concilioque eodem et Achaeis et sociis indicto, in quo et Epirotarum et Acarnanum fuere principes, statuit, quoniam satis et suorum a pudore maritimae ignominiae restituti animi et hostium conterriti essent, ad Lacedaemonem ducere, eo modo uno ratus ab obsidione Gythei hostem abduci posse.
27.13. Philopoemen, in ignorance of this fact, moved his camp forward to Barnosthenes —this is a mountain ten miles from Lacedaemon.
27.13. ad Caryas primum in hostium terra posuit castra. eo ipso die Gytheum expugnatum est. cuius rei ignarus Philopoemen castra ad Barnosthenem — mons est decem milia passuum ab Lacedaemone — promovit.