27.14. And Nabis, having regained Gytheum, left there with his army in light marching order, and having speedily passed Lacedaemon, occupied what they call the camp of Pyrrhus, a place that he did not doubt would be attacked by the Achaeans. There he met the enemy.
27.14. et Nabis, recepto Gytheo cum expedito exercitu inde profectus, cum praeter Lacedaemonem raptim duxisset, Pyrrhi quae vocant castra occupavit, quem peti locum ab Achaeis non dubitabat.
27.15. They were now spread out over a stretch of about five miles, their column being elongated on account of the narrowness of the road; the rearguard was composed of the cavalry and the mass of the auxiliaries, because Philopoemen thought that the tyrant would attack him from the rear with his mercenary troops, in whom he placed most confidence.
27.15. inde hostibus occurrit. obtinebant autem longo agmine propter angustias viae prope quinque milia passuum; cogebatur agmen ab equitibus et maxima parte auxiliorum, quod existimabat Philopoemen tyrannum mercennariis militibus, quibus plurimum fideret, ab tergo suos adgressurum.
27.16. Two unexpected situations at one time filled him with dismay: first, the fact that the place which he sought had already been occupied; second, that he saw the enemy confronting his van, where, since the way led through rough country, he did not see how the standards could be advanced without a screen of light troops.
27.16. duae res simul inopinatae perculerunt eum, una praeoccupatus quem petebat locus, altera, quod primo agmini occurrisse hostem cernebat, ubi, cum per loca confragosa iter esset, sine levis armaturae praesidio signa ferri non videbat posse.
28.1. Philopoemen, however, was a man of unusual astuteness and experience in leading troops and choosing positions, and not only in war-times but in peace as well he had trained his mind particularly in these arts.
28.1. erat autem Philopoemen praecipuae in ducendo agmine locisque capiendis solertiae atque usus, nec belli tantum temporibus, sed etiam in pace se ad id maxime exercuerat.
28.2. When he was travelling anywhere and had reached a pass difficult to get through, viewing the character of the ground from every angle, when he was travelling alone, he would consider with himself, when he had companions, he would ask them, if the enemy had shown himself at that point, what plan should be adopted if he attacked from the front, what if on this or that flank, what if from the rear;
28.2. ubi iter quopiam faceret et ad difficilem transitu saltum venisset, contemplatus ab omni parte loci naturam, cum solus iret, secum ipse agitabat animo, cum comites haberet, ab his quaerebat, si hostis eo loco apparuisset, quid, si a fronte, quid, si ab latere hoc aut illo, quid, si ab tergo adoriretur, capiendum consilii foret;
28.3. it was possible to meet him while drawn up in regular array, it was possible to do so in a less orderly formation suited only to the march.
28.3. posse instructos derecta acie, posse inconditum agmen et tantummodo aptum viae occurrere.
28.4. What ground he himself would occupy he would try to determine, by reflecting or by asking questions, or how many troops or what kind of weapons —for this was of the greatest importance — he would use;
28.4. quem locum ipse capturus esset, cogitando aut quaerendo exequebatur, aut quot armatis, aut quo genere armorum — plurimum enim interesse — usurus; quo impedimenta, quo sarcinas, quo turbam inermem reiceret;
28.5. where he would put the trains, where the baggage, where the unarmed mass, with how strong guards, and of what sort, he would protect them, and whether it would be better to continue by the way he had intended to go or to return the way he had come;
28.5. quanto ea aut quali praesidio custodiret, et utrum pergere, qua coepisset ire, via, an eam, qua venisset, repetere melius esset;
28.6. what place too he would choose for his camp, how much space he would enclose in the fortifications, where there was a suitable water-supply and where were supplies of forage and wood; where, when he moved his camp the next day, would be his safest route, and what would be his order of march.
28.6. castris quoque quem locum caperet, quantum munimento amplecteretur loci, qua opportuna aquatio, qua pabuli lignorumque copia esset; qua postero die castra moventi tutum maxime iter, quae forma agminis esset.
28.7. With such concerns and thoughts he had from boyhood filled his mind, so that now no new subject of consideration faced him at such a crisis.
28.7. his curis cogitationibusque ita ab ineunte aetate animum agitaverat, ut nulla ei nova in tali re cogitatio esset.
28.8. And at this time he first of all formed his column, then he sent the Cretan auxiliaries and the cavalry whom they call the Tarentini, each leading two horses with him, to the van, and ordering the cavalry to follow he seized a cliff above a stream whence they could get water;
28.8. et tum omnium primum agmen constituit; dein Cretensis auxiliares et quos Tarentinos vocabant equites, binos secum trahentis equos, ad prima signa misit, et iussit equitibus subsequi super torrentem, unde aquari possent, rupem occupavit;
28.9. then he threw an armed guard around all the baggage and the assembled throng of camp followers and fortified the camp as the nature of the ground required; it was difficult to pitch tents on the rough and uneven ground. The enemy was about five hundred paces away.
28.9. eo impedimenta omnia et calonum turbam collectam armatis circumdedit et pro natura loci castra communivit;
28.10. Both sides, using light-armed guards, drew water from the same stream, but before a regular battle had begun, which is the usual occurrence when camps are close together, the night fell. It was clear that on the next day they must fight at the stream in defence of the watering-parties.
28.10. tabernacula statuere in aspretis et inaequabili solo difficile erat. hostes quingentos passus aberant. ex eodem rivo utrique cum praesidio levis armaturae aquati sunt; et priusquam, qualia propinquis castris solent, contraheretur certamen, nox intervenit.
28.11. At night, in a valley out of sight of the enemy, he placed as large a force of caetrati as the place could conceal.
28.11. postero die apparebat pugnandum pro aquatoribus circa rivum esse. nocte in valle a conspectu hostium aversa, quantam multitudinem locus occulere poterat, condidit caetratorum.
29.1. When day broke the light-armed Cretans and the Tarentine cavalry began the battle on the banks of the river; Telemnastus the Cretan commanded his countrymen, Lycortas of Megalopolis the cavalry; the enemy also employed Cretan auxiliaries and cavalry of the same kind, that is, Tarentini, to protect their water-carriers.
29.1. luce orta Cretensium levis armatura et Tarentini equites super torrentem proelium commiserunt; Telemnastus Cretensis popularibus suis, equitibus Lycortas Megalopolitanus praeerat;
29.2. For a time the battle was doubtful, since the troops on both sides were of the same character and fought with similar equipment;
29.2. Cretenses, et hostium auxiliares, equitumque idem genus, Tarentini, praesidio aquatoribus erant. aliquamdiu dubium proelium fuit ut eodem ex parte utraque hominum genere et armis paribus;
29.3. as the fight went on the tyrant's auxiliaries gained the upper hand, both because they were superior in numbers and because Philopoemen had given his commanders specific instructions that after offering a fairly stiff resistance they should begin to retire and draw the enemy towards the place of the ambuscade. Following the retreating enemy headlong through the defile, many were wounded and slain before they spied the hidden foe.
29.3. procedente certamine et numero vicere tyranni auxiliares, et quia ita praeceptum a Philopoemene praefectis erat, ut modico edito proelio in fugam inclinarent hostemque ad locum insidiarum pertraherent. effuse secuti fugientes per convallem plerique et vulnerati et interfecti sunt, priusquam occultum hostem viderent.
29.4. The caetrati had been resting in formation, so far as the width of the valley permitted, so that they easily permitted the fugitives to pass through the intervals in their ranks.
29.4. caetrati ita, quantum latitudo vallis patiebatur, instructi sederant, ut facile per intervalla ordinum fugientes suos acciperent.
29.5. Then they themselves arose, unwounded, fresh, in regular array; against an enemy in disorder, scattered, wearied alike by exertions and wounds, they made their charge.
29.5. consurgunt deinde ipsi integri, recentes, instructi; in hostes inordinatos, effusos, labore etiam et vulneribus fessos impetum faciunt.
29.6. Nor was the issue in doubt, and at a rate no little faster than that of their pursuit the soldiers of the tyrant immediately fled and in their rout were driven into their camp.
29.6. nec dubia victoria fuit: extemplo terga dedit tyranni miles et haud paulo concitatiore cursu, quam secutus erat, fugiens in castra est compulsus.
29.7. Many were killed and captured in this flight; and there would have been panic in the camp too had not Philopoemen ordered the recall sounded, in fear of the rough and uneven ground where he had heedlessly advanced rather than of the enemy.
29.7. multi caesi captique in ea fuga sunt; et in castris quoque foret trepidatum, ni Philopoemen receptui cani iussisset loca magis confragosa et, quacumque temere processisset, iniqua quam hostem metuens.
29.8. Then, drawing inferences both from the outcome of the battle and from the character of the commander what his present fright must be, he sent to him one of the auxiliaries in the guise of a deserter, who reported it as an assured fact that the Achaeans would next day advance to the Eurotas river, which flowed almost beneath the very walls, to block the road, that the tyrant might neither have a way to retreat into the city when he wished nor to transport supplies from the city to the
29.8. inde et ex fortuna pugnae et ex ingenio ducis coniectans, in quo tum is pavore esset, unum de auxiliaribus specie transfugae mittit ad eum, qui pro comperto adferret Achaeos statuisse postero die ad Eurotan amnem, qui prope ipsis adfluit moenibus, progredi, ut intercluderent iter, ne aut tyrannus, cum vellet, receptum ad urbem haberet,
29.10. camp, and that the Achaeans might make an effort to find out whether anyone could be influenced towards an inclination to desert the tyrant. The deserter did not so much produce confidence in his words as offer to a man stricken with terror a plausible excuse for abandoning his camp.
29.10. aut commeatus ad urbe in castra portarentur, simul etiam temptaturos, si quorum animi sollicitari ad defectionem a tyranno possent.
29.11. The next day Nabis ordered Pythagoras with the auxiliaries and the cavalry to stand guard before the rampart;
29.11. non tam fidem dictis perfuga fecit, quam perculso metu relinquendi castra causam probabilem praebuit.
29.12. he himself, setting out with the main body of the army, as if to the battlefield, ordered the standards to proceed at quickened pace towards the city.
29.12. postero die Pythagoram cum auxiliaribus et equitatu stationem agere pro vallo iussit; ipse tamquam in aciem cum robore exercitus egressus signa ocius ferri ad urbem iussit.
30.1. When Philopoemen saw that the rapidly moving column was being hurriedly led over a narrow and steep road, he sent out all the cavalry and the Cretan auxiliaries against the guard of the enemy which was in front of the camp.
30.1. Philopoemen postquam citatum agmen per angustam et proclivem viam duci raptim vidit, equitatum omnem et Cretensium auxiliares in stationem hostium, quae pro castris erat, emittit.
30.2. When they saw the enemy approaching and themselves abandoned by their friends, they first tried to withdraw within the camp, then, when the whole battle-line of the Achaeans was moving forward, fearing that they would be captured camp and all, they decided to follow the column of their troops which was some distance ahead.
30.2. illi ubi hostis adesse et a suis se desertos viderunt, primo in castra recipere se conati sunt; deinde, postquam instructa acies tota Achaeorum admovebatur, metu, ne cum ipsis castris caperentur, sequi suorum agmen aliquantum praegressum insistunt.
30.4. Straightway the Achaean caetrati assailed the camp and plundered it; the rest proceeded to pursue the enemy. The road was such that it could with difficulty be traversed by a column even if free from fear of an enemy; but when the battle began in the rear and a dreadful shout from panic-stricken men behind reached those in the van, each for himself threw away his weapons and plunged into the forests which lined the road, and in an instant the way was blocked by piles of arms, especially spears, many of which, falling with their points toward the enemy, closed the road as if with a palisade placed in the way.
30.4. extemplo caetrati Achaeorum in castra impetum faciunt [et diripiunt]; ceteri ad persequendos hostes ire pergunt. erat iter tale, per quod vix tranquillum ab hostili metu agmen expediri posset: ut vero ad postremos proelium ortum est, clamorque terribilis ab tergo paventium ad prima signa est perlatus, pro se quisque armis abiectis in circumiectas itineri silvas diffugiunt, momentoque temporis strage armorum saepta via est,
30.6. Philopoemen ordered the auxiliaries to press on and follow wherever they could and —since the flight would not be easy, especially for the cavalry —himself conducted the heavier troops by a more open road toward the Eurotas river.
30.6. maxime hastis, quae pleraeque adversae cadentes velut vallo obiecto iter impediebant.
30.7. There he pitched camp at sunset and waited for the lighter troops which he had left to pursue the enemy. When they arrived during the first watch, reporting that the tyrant with a few men had made their way into the city and the rest of the army was wandering without weapons hither and thither through all the woods, he ordered them to care for their bodies;
30.7. Philopoemen, utcumque possent, instare et persequi auxiliaribus iussis — utique enim equitibus haud facilem futuram fugam —, ipse gravius agmen via patentiore ad Eurotan amnem deduxit. ibi castris sub occasum solis positis levem armaturam, quam ad persequendum reliquerat hostem, opperiebatur. qui ubi prima vigilia venerunt, nuntiantes tyrannum cum paucis ad urbem penetrasse, ceteram multitudinem inermem toto sparsam vagari saltu, corpora curare eos iubet;
30.9. he himself, out of the other body of troops who, because they had arrived in camp at an earlier hour, had been refreshed both by the food they had taken and by a brief rest, chose some, taking nothing with them but their swords, led them out at once and posted them at the roads from two gates which they call Pharae and Barnosthenes, where he thought the enemy would return from the flight.
30.9. ipse ex cetera copia militum, qui quia priores in castra venerant, refecti et cibo sumpto et modica quiete erant, delectos nihil praeter gladios secum ferentis extemplo educit, et duarum portarum itineribus, quae Pharas quaeque Barnosthenem ferunt, eos instruxit, qua ex fuga recepturos sese hostis credebat.
30.10. Nor did his expectation deceive him, for the Lacedaemonians, as long as any light remained, kept to the paths invisible in the interior of the forest; when evening came and they saw the lights in the enemy's camp, they kept themselves to paths hidden from their direction; when they had passed the camp, thinking it was now safe, they went down into the open roads. There they were picked up by the enemy waiting all around, and so many were killed or captured that barely a fourth of the whole army escaped.
30.10. nec eum opinio fefellit. nam Lacedaemonii, quoad lucis superfuit quicquam, deviis callibus medio saltu recipiebant se; primo vespere, ut lumina in castris hostium conspexere, e regione eorum occultis semitis se tenuerunt;
30.11. Philopoemen, having shut up the tyrant in the city, spent about the ensuing thirty days in laying waste the fields of the Laconians, and having weakened and well-nigh broken the tyrant's power, returned home, the Achaeans equalizing him in the glory of- his achievements with the Roman commander and, so far as the Spartan war was concerned, even placing him ahead.
30.11. ubi praegressi ea sunt, iam tutum rati in patentis vias descenderunt. ibi excepti ab insidente hoste passim ita multi caesi captique sunt, ut vix quarta pars de toto exercitu evaserit. Philopoemen incluso tyranno in urbem insequentis dies prope triginta vastandis agris Laconum absumpsit, debilitatisque ac prope fractis tyranni viribus domum rediit, aequantibus eum gloria rerum Achaeis imperatori Romano, et quod ad Laconum bellum attineret, praeferentibus etiam.
31.1. XXXI. While the war between the Achaeans and the tyrant was in progress, the Roman commissioners were going around the cities of the allies, being afraid that the Aetolians had turned the thoughts of some of the allies toward Antiochus.
31.1. dum inter Achaeos et tyrannum bellum erat, legati Romanorum circuire sociorum urbes solliciti, ne Aetoli partis alicuius animos ad Antiochum avertissent.
31.2. They spent the least effort in approaching the Achaeans, who, since they were hostile to Nabis, were, they felt certain, faithful enough in other relations as well.
31.2. minimum operae in Achaeis adeundis consumpserunt, quos, quia Nabidi infesti erant, ad cetera quoque satis fidos censebant esse.
31.3. To Athens first, then to Chalcis, then to Thessaly they took their course, and after addressing the Thessalians in a full council they turned aside to Demetrias.
31.3. Athenas primum, inde Chalcidem, inde in Thessaliam iere, adlocutique concilio frequenti Thessalos Demetriadem iter flexere. eo Magnetum concilium indictum est.
31.4. There a council of the Magnetes had been called. It was necessary to employ more carefully-chosen language at this council because some of the chiefs were alienated from the Romans and wholly devoted to Antiochus and the Aetolians because, when it was reported that Philip's son, who was a hostage, was being returned to him and the tribute which had been imposed remitted, among
31.4. accuratior ibi habenda oratio fuit, quod pars principum alienati Romanis totique Antiochi et Aetolorum erant, quia, cum reddi obsidem filium Philippo adlatum esset stipendiumque inpositum remitti, inter cetera vana adlatum erat Demetriadem quoque ei reddituros Romanos esse.
31.6. other falsehoods it was said that Demetrias also would be given back to him by the Romans.
31.6. id ne fieret, Eurylochus, princeps Magnetum, factionisque eius quidam omnia novari Aetolorum Antiochique adventu malebant.
31.7. To prevent this from happening, Eurylochus, the chief of the Magnetes, and some members of his party preferred that everything be thrown into confusion by the coming of Antiochus and the Aetolians.
31.7. adversus eos ita disserendum erat, ne timorem vanum iis demendo spes incisa Philippum abalienaret, in quo plus ad omnia momenti quam in Magnetibus esset.
31.8. Against them such arguments had to be used that in taking from them their groundless fear the destruction of his hope might not alienate Philip, who was more important in every way than the Magnetes.
31.8. illa tantum commemorata, cum totam Graeciam beneficio libertatis obnoxiam Romanis esse tum eam civitatem praecipue:
31.9. The main facts were merely mentioned, that not only all Greece was indebted to the Romans for the blessing of liberty, but this state especially; for not only had there been a Macedonian garrison there, but a royal palace had been built, that their master in person might always be held before their eyes;
31.9. ibi enim non praesidium modo Macedonum fuisse, sed regiam exaedificatam, ut praesens semper in oculis habendus esset dominus;
31.10. but their liberation would prove to have been in vain if the Aetolians should install Antiochus in the palace of Philip and if they should have a new and unknown king in place of one who was old and tried.
31.10. ceterum nequiquam ea facta, si Aetoli Antiochum in Philippi regiam adducerent, et novus et incognitus pro noto et experto habendus rex esset.
31.11. They call their chief magistrate the Magnetarch: Eurylochus then held the office, and relying on that authority he said that he and the Magnetes should not dissemble regarding the rumour that was in circulation that Demetrias was to be given back to Philip;
31.11. Magnetarchen summum magistratum vocant; is tum Eurylochus erat, ac potestate ea fretus negavit dissimulandum sibi et Magnetibus esse, quae fama vulgata de reddenda Demetriade Philippo foret;
31.12. to prevent that, the Magnetes would both try and venture anything. And, carried too far away in the passion of speaking, he threw out the remark that even then Demetrias was free in appearance, while in reality everything was done at the Romans' nod. At these words there arose a shout from the crowd, some expressing agreement, some indignation that he should have dared to say this; Quinetius, indeed, was so inflamed with wrath that raising his hands to heaven he implored the gods to witness the ungrateful and treacherous spirit of the Magnetes.
31.12. id ne fieret, omnia et conanda et audenda Magnetibus esse. et inter dicendi contentionem inconsultius evectus proiecit tum quoque specie liberam Demetriadem esse, re vera omnia ad nutum Romanorum fieri. sub hanc vocem fremitus variantis multitudinis fuit partim adsensu partim indignatione, dicere id ausum eum; Quinctius quidem adeo exarsit ira; ut manus ad caelum tendens deos testes ingrati ac perfidi animi Magnetum invocaret.
31.14. All were terrified by these words, and Zeno, one of the leading citizens, and possessed of great influence both because he pursued a seemly mode of life and because he had always indisputably belonged to the Roman party, with tears begged Quinctius and the other commissioners not to charge the insanity of one man against the community:
31.14. hac, voce perterritis omnibus Zeno, ex principibus unus, magnae cum ob eleganter actam vitam auctoritatis, tum quod semper Romanorum haud dubie partis fuerat, ab Quinctio legatisque aliis flens petit, ne unius amentiam civitati adsignarent;
31.15. each one was mad at his own peril; the Magnetes, he admitted, owed not merely their freedom but everything which man holds sacred and dear to Titus Quinctius and the Roman people;
31.15. suo quemque periculo furere; Magnetas non libertatem modo, sed omnia, quae hominibus sancta caraque sint, T. Quinctio et populo Romano debere;
31.16. no man could pray to the immortal gods for anything which the Magnetes did not have from the Romans, and they would rather rage in madness against their own persons than violate the Roman friendship.
31.16. nihil quemquam ab diis immortalibus precari posse, quod non Magnetes ab illis haberent, et in corpora sua citius per furorem saevituros, quam ut Romanam amicitiam violarent.
32.1. His speech was followed by the prayers of the multitude; Eurylochus left the council by secret paths leading to the gate and thence fled straight into Aetolia.
32.1. huius orationem subsecutae multitudinis preces sunt; Eurylochus ex concilio itineribus occultis ad portam atque inde protinus in Aetoliam profugit.
32.2. For now and more clearly every day the Aetolians were revealing their desertion, and at that very time it chanced that Thoas, a leading man of the nation, whom they had sent to Antiochus, had returned from him and had brought with him Menippus as an ambassador from the king.
32.2. iam enim, et id magis in dies, Aetoli defectionem nudabant, eoque ipso tempore forte Thoas, princeps gentis, quem miserant ad Antiochum, redierat, indeque Menippum secum adduxerat regis legatum. qui, priusquam concilium iis daretur, impleverant omnium aures terrestris navalisque copias commemorando:
32.4. They, before an audience was granted them, had filled the ears of all with talk about the land and naval forces:
32.4. ingentem vim peditum equitumque venire, ex India elephantos accitos, ante omnia, quo maxime credebant moveri multitudinis animos, tantum advehi auri, ut ipsos emere Romanos posset.
32.5. a huge contingent of infantry and cavalry was coming, elephants had been requisitioned from India, and before all —and by this they believed that the mind of the crowd was especially influenced —so much gold was being brought that he could buy the Romans themselves.
32.5. apparebat, quid ea oratio in concilio motura esset; nam et venisse eos et, quae agerent, omnia legatis Romanis deferebantur;
32.6. It was evident what commotion such talk would cause in the council; for both the fact that they had come and what business brought them was all reported to the Roman commissioners;
32.6. et quamquam prope abscisa spes erat, tamen non ab re esse Quinctio visum est sociorum aliquos legatos interesse ei concilio, qui admonerent Romanae societatis Aetolos, qui vocem liberam mittere adversus regis legatum auderent.
32.7. and although hope was not entirely cut off, nevertheless it seemed to Quinctius not to be disadvantageous that some representatives of the allies should attend the council, to remind the Aetolians of the Roman alliance and to dare to speak out freely against the ambassador of the king.
32.7. Athenienses maxime in eam rem idonei visi sunt propter et civitatis dignitatem et vetustam societatem cum Aetolis. ab iis Quinctius petit, ut legatos ad Panaetolicum concilium mitterent.
32.8. The Athenians seemed especially suitable for the purpose, on account of the dignity of their state and in addition their ancient alliance with the Aetolians. Quinctius begged them to send delegates to the Panaetolian council. Thoas was the first to speak at that meeting, reporting on his mission.
32.8. Thoas primus in eo concilio renuntiavit legationem. Menippus post eum intromissus optimum fuisse omnibus, qui Graeciam Asiamque incolerent, ait, integris rebus Philippi potuisse intervenire Antiochum: sua quemque habiturum fuisse, neque omnia sub nutum dicionemque Romanam perventura.
32.10. Menippus was given audience after him and said that it would have been best for all who lived in Greece and Asia if Antiochus could have intervened while Philip's condition was unimpaired:
32.10. “nunc quoque “inquit, “si modo vos quae inchoastis consilia constanter perducitis ad exitum, poterit diis iuvantibus et Aetolis sociis Antiochus quamvis inclinatas Graeciae res restituere in pristinam dignitatem.
32.11. each one would have his own and everything would not have become subject to the nod and control of the Romans.
32.11. ea autem in libertate posita est, quae suis stat viribus, non ex alieno arbitrio pendet.
32.12. “Even now,” he said, “if only you steadfastly carry out to the end the plans which you have formed, by the grace of the gods and with the Aetolians as allies, Antiochus will be able to restore the affairs of Greece, however injured, to their former position.”
32.12. ‘Athenienses, quibus primis post regiam legationem dicendi quae vellent potestas facta est, mentione omni regis praetermissa Romanae societatis Aetolos meritorumque in universam Graeciam T. Quincti admonuerunt:
32.13. “But this rests on liberty, which exists by its own might and does not depend on another's will.” The Athenians, to whom next after the king's ambassador had been granted the opportunity of saying what they wished, omitting all mention of the king, reminded the Aetolians of the Roman alliance and of the services rendered to all Greece by Titus Quinctius: they should not heedlessly, by too great haste in deciding, spoil all this; hot-headed and bold decisions were fair at first sight, hard to follow through, disastrous in result.
32.13. ne temere eam nimia celeritate consiliorum everterent; consilia calida et audacia prima specie laeta, tractatu dura, eventu tristia esse. legatos Romanos, et in iis T. Quinctium, haud procul inde abesse; dum integra omnia essent, verbis potius de iis, quae ambigerentur, disceptarent quam Asiam Europamque ad funestum armarent bellum. multitudo avida novandi res Antiochi tota erat, et ne admittendos quidem in concilium Romanos censebant; principum maxime seniores auctoritate obtinuerunt, ut daretur iis concilium. hoc decretum Athenienses cum retulissent, eundum in Aetoliam Quinctio visum est:
33.3. The Roman commissioners, and among them Titus Quinctius, were not far away; before decisive action was taken, let them settle by words those matters which were in dispute rather than arm Asia and Europe for a fatal war.
33.3. aut enim moturum aliquid, aut omnis homines testes fore penes Aetolos culpam belli esse, Romanos iusta ac prope necessaria sumpturos arma.
33.4. XXXIII. The multitude was eager for a change and was all in favour of Antiochus, and they voted that the Romans should not even be admitted to the council; among the chiefs it was especially the elder men who by their influence secured them audience before the council.
33.4. postquam ventum est eo, Quinctius in concilio orsus a principio societatis Aetolorum cum Romanis, et quotiens ab iis fides mota foederis esset, pauca de iure civitatium, de quibus ambigeretur, disseruit:
33.5. When the Athenians reported this vote, it seemed best to Quinctius that he should go to Aetolia: he would either cause them some uncertainty or all men would be witnesses that the responsibility for the war would rest with the Aetolians and that the Romans would take up arms with justice and almost from necessity.
33.5. si quid tamen aequi se habere arbitrarentur, quanto esse satius Romam mittere legatos, seu disceptare seu rogare senatum mallent, quam populum Romanum cum Antiocho lanistis Aetolis non sine magno motu generis humani et pernicie Graeciae dimicare?
33.6. After his arrival there Quinctius in the council began with the origin of the alliance of the Aetolians with the Romans and how often the faith imposed by the treaty had been broken by them, and spoke briefly of the status of the cities about which there was debate: if, nevertheless, they considered that they had any just claim, how much better would it be to send ambassadors to Rome, whether they preferred to arbitrate or to appeal to the senate, than for the Roman people to go to war with Antiochus, the Aetolians being the matchmakers, not without great disturbance to mankind and the ruin of Greece. Nor would any experience the calamity of this war sooner than those who had caused it. This prophecy, as one might call it, of the Roman was in vain. Thoas then and others of the same party were heard with universal applause and succeeded in carrying a motion, without even adjourning the council or awaiting the departure of the Romans, and by this decree Antiochus was invited to liberate Greece and to arbitrate between the Aetolians and the Romans. To this so insolent vote a personal insult was added by their praetor Damocritus: for when Quinctius asked for the actual decree, he, showing no respect for the high position of the man, replied that there was now a matter which was more pressing which he had to attend to;
33.6. nec ullos prius cladem eius belli sensuros, quam qui movissent. haec nequiquam velut vaticinatus Romanus. Thoas deinde ceterique factionis eiusdem cum adsensu omnium auditi pervicerunt, ut ne dilato quidem concilio et absentibus Romanis decretum fieret, quo accerseretur Antiochus ad liberandam Graeciam disceptandumque inter Aetolos et Romanos. huic tam superbo decreto addidit propriam contumeliam Damocritus praetor eorum: nam cum id ipsum decretum posceret eum Quinctius, non veritus maiestatem viri aliud in praesentia, quod magis instaret, praevertendum sibi esse dixit;
33.10. the decree and the answer he would presently deliver in Italy when his camp was pitched on the banks of the Tiber:
33.10. decretum responsumque in Italia brevi castris super ripam Tiberis positis daturum:
33.11. such madness had at that time seized the Aetolian people and such their magistrates.
33.11. tantus furor illo tempore gentem Aetolorum, tantus magistratus eorum cepit.
34.1. Quinctius and the ambassadors returned to Corinth. Then, as each message came from Antiochus, that the Aetolians might not seem to be doing nothing on their own account, but to be sitting still waiting for the coming of the king, they held indeed no meeting of the entire people after the dismissal of the Romans, but through the apocletes —so they call their inner council: it consists of selected persons —they considered the question in what manner revolutions might be caused in all Greece.
34.1. Quinctius legatique Corinthum redierunt. inde, ut quaeque de Antiocho … nihil per se ipsi moti et sedentes expectare adventum viderentur regis, concilium quidem universae gentis post dimissos Romanos non habuerunt, per apocletos autem — ita vocant sanctius consilium; ex delectis constat viris — id agitabant, quonam modo in Graecia res novarentur.
34.3. It was evident to all that in the cities the leading men and all the aristocracy were in favour of the Roman alliance and were pleased with the present state of affairs, while the multitude and those whose affairs were not in the best condition desired a complete change.
34.3. inter omnis constabat in civitatibus principes et optimum quemque Romanae societatis esse et praesenti statu gaudere, multitudinem et quorum res non ex sententia ipsorum essent omnia novare velle;
34.4. The Aetolians formed a plan not only bold but even shameless, both in its character and in its expectations, of seizing Demetrias, Chalcis, and Lacedaemon.
34.4. Aetoli consilium uno die spei quoque non audacis modo sed etiam impudentis ceperunt, Demetriadem Chalcidem Lacedaemonem occupandi.
34.5. One of their chiefs was sent to each city, Thoas to Chalcis, Alexamenus to Lacedaemon, Diocles to Demetrias.
34.5. singuli in singulas principes missi sunt, Thoas Chalcidem, Alexamenus Lacedaemonem, Diocles Demetriadem.
34.6. The last was aided by the exile Eurylochus, of whose flight and its cause I have spoken above, because he had no other hope of restoration to his home.
34.6. hunc exul Eurylochus, de cuius fuga causaque fugae ante dictum est, quia reditus in patriam nulla alia erat spes, adiuvit.
34.7. Prompted by the letters of Eurylochus, his relatives and friends and those who belonged to the same party summoned his children and wife, dressed in mourning garb and carrying the badges of suppliants, into a crowded assembly, beseeching one and all not to permit a man, innocent and unjudged, to grow old in exile. And simpleminded men were moved by pity and wicked and seditious men by the hope of causing confusion by means of an Aetolian uprising.
34.7. litteris Eurylochi admoniti propinqui amicique et qui eiusdem factionis erant liberos et coniugem eius cum sordida veste …, tenentes velamenta supplicum, contionem frequentem adierunt singulos universosque obtestantes, ne insontem indemnatum consenescere in exilio sinerent.
34.8. Thus each man for himself favoured a vote of recall. After these preliminaries Diodes with all the cavalry —and he was then the commander of the cavalry —setting out on the pretext of conducting home his exiled friend, completing a long march by day and night, when he was six miles from the city, at daybreak led the way with three picked troops, ordering the rest of the cavalry to follow.
34.8. et simplices homines misericordia et improbos seditiososque immiscendi res tumultu Aetolico spes movit: pro se quisque revocari iubebant. his praeparatis Diocles cum omni equitatu — et erat tum praefectus equitum — specie reducentis exulem hospitem profectus, die ac nocte ingens iter emensus, cum milia sex ab urbe abesset, prima luce tribus electis turmis, cetera multitudine equitum subsequi iussa, praecessit.
34.10. When he was near the gate he ordered them all to dismount and to lead their horses by the reins, breaking ranks just as if on a journey, that they might appear to be the commander's escort rather than an organized guard.
34.10. postquam portae appropinquabat, desilire omnes ex equis iussit et loris ducere equos itineris maxime modo solutis ordinibus, ut comitatus magis praefecti videretur quam praesidium.
34.11. Then, leaving one troop at the gate, that the cavalry in the rear might not be shut out, he conducted Eurylochus through the centre of the city and through the market-place, clasping him by the hand, while many men came up and congratulated him.
34.11. ibi una ex turmis ad portam relicta, ne excludi subsequens equitatus posset, media urbe ac per forum manu Eurylochum tenens multis occurrentibus gratulantibusque domum deduxit.
34.12. Presently the city was full of troopers and the strategic points were occupied; then soldiers were sent to the houses to kill the leaders of the opposing party. Thus Demetrias fell into the possession of the Aetolians.
34.12. mox equitum plena urbs erat, et loca opportuna occupabantur; tum in domos missi, qui principes adversae factionis interficerent. ita Demetrias Aetolorum facta est.
35.1. At Lacedaemon the city was not to be treated with violence but the tyrant taken by craft; he had been stripped of the coast towns by the Romans and shut up within the walls of Lacedaemon itself by the Achaeans, and whoever took the initiative in killing him would win the complete gratitude of the Lacedaemonians.
35.1. Lacedaemone non urbi vis adferenda, sed tyrannus dolo capiendus erat, quem spoliatum maritimis oppidis ab Romanis, tunc intra moenia etiam Lacedaemonis ab Achaeis compulsum qui occupasset occidere, eum totius gratiam rei apud Lacedaemonios laturum.
35.3. As a pretext for sending men to him they had the fact that he was wearying them with petitions that reinforcements be sent to him, since it was at their instance that he had rebelled.
35.3. causam mittendi ad eum habuerunt, quod fatigabat precibus, ut auxilia sibi, cum illis auctoribus rebellasset, mitterentur.
35.4. A thousand infantry were given Alexamenus and thirty troopers picked from the youth. These were given instructions by the praetor Damocritus in the secret council of the people which was mentioned above, that they should not believe themselves sent for the Achaean war or for any other purpose that anyone could arrive at by his own conjecture; whatever sudden plan circumstances should prompt Alexamenus to form, they should be prepared to follow obediently, no matter how unexpected, rash and bold it might be, and they should receive it as if they knew that they had been sent from home to do that one thing.
35.4. mille pedites Alexameno dati sunt et triginta delecti ex iuventute equites. iis a praetore Damocrito in consilio arcano gentis, de quo ante dictum est, denuntiatur, ne se ad bellum Achaicum aut rem ullam, quam sua quisque opinione praecipere posset, crederent missos esse; quidquid Alexamenum res monuisset subiti consilii capere, ad id, quamvis inopinatum temerarium audax, oboedienter exequendum parati essent, ac pro eo acciperent, tamquam ad id unum agendum missos ab domo se scirent.
35.6. With them, thus prepared, Alexamenus came to the tyrant and by his coming immediately filled him with hope: Antiochus, he said, had already crossed into Europe, would soon be in Greece, and would fill the lands and seas with arms and soldiers;
35.6. cum his ita praeparatis Alexamenus ad tyrannum venit, quem adveniens extemplo spei implevit:
35.7. the Romans would realize that they were not dealing with Philip; the number of infantry and cavalry and ships could not be calculated; the line of elephants by their very appearance would end the war.
35.7. Antiochum iam transisse in Europam, mox in Graecia fore, terras maria armis viris completurum; non cum Philippo rem esse credituros Romanos; numerum iniri peditum equitumque ac navium non posse;
35.8. The Aetolians with their entire army were ready, he said, to come to Sparta when the situation required, but that they had wished to display their full strength to the king when he arrived.
35.8. elephantorum aciem conspectu ipso debellaturam. Aetolos toto suo exercitu paratos esse venire Lacedaemonem, cum res poscat, sed frequentis armatos ostendere advenienti regi voluisse.
35.9. Nabis himself should also take such steps as not to permit what troops he had to grow soft in idleness under roofs, but should lead them out, force them to march under arms and at the same time stimulate their courage and train their bodies; as a result of drill labour would be lighter, and through the courtesy and consideration of their commander could even become not unpleasant.
35.9. Nabidi quoque et ipsi faciendum esse, ut quas haberet copias non sineret sub tectis marcescere otio, sed educeret et in armis decurrere cogeret, simul animos acueret et corpora exerceret;
35.10. From that time on Nabis began to lead the troops out frequently into the plain before the city along the Eurotas river The bodyguard of the tyrant was generally posted in the centre of the line;
35.10. consuetudine leviorem laborem fore, et comitate ac benignitate ducis etiam non iniucundum fieri posse. educi inde frequenter ante urbem in campum ad Eurotan amnem coepere.
35.11. the tyrant, with at most three cavalrymen, of whom Alexamenus was usually one, would ride in front of the standards, inspecting the flanks to the end;
35.11. satellites tyranni in media fere acie consistebant; tyrannus cum tribus summum equitibus, inter quos plerumque Alexamenus erat, ante signa vectabatur, cornua extrema invisens;
35.12. the Aetolians were on the right of the line, both those who had formerly been with the tyrant and the thousand who had come with Alexamenus.
35.12. in dextro cornu Aetoli erant, et qui ante auxiliares tyranni fuerant, et qui venerant mille cum Alexameno.
35.13. Alexamenus had established the habit for himself now of riding around with the tyrant with only a few attendants and of advising him what seemed to be advantageous, now of riding off to the right flank to his own men and then returning to the tyrant as if he had given some order which the situation demanded.
35.13. fecerat sibi morem Alexamenus nunc cum tyranno inter paucos ordines circumeundi monendique eum, quae in rem esse videbantur, nunc in dextrum cornu ad suos adequitandi, mox inde velut imperato, quod res poposcisset, recipiendi se ad tyrannum.
35.15. But on the day which he had chosen for the perpetration of the crime, when, after riding for a while with the tyrant, he had returned to his own men, he then addressed the thirty troopers who had been sent from home with him:
35.15. sed quem diem patrando facinori statuerat, eo paulisper cum tyranno vectatus cum ad suos concessisset, tum equitibus ab domo secum missis ” agenda“inquit ”res est, iuvenes, audendaque, quam me duce impigre exequi iussi estis;
35.16. “We must, young men, do and dare the deed which you were ordered to perform strenuously under my command; prepare your minds and hands that no one may fail in what he sees me do;”
35.16. parate animos dextras, ne quis in eo, quod me viderit facientem, cesset;
35.17. “whoever shall hesitate and substitute his own plan for mine shall know that he has no return to his own home.” Horror seized them all, and they remembered with what orders they had left home.
35.17. qui cunctatus fuerit et suum consilium meo interponet, sciat sibi reditum ad penates non esse.“horror cunctos cepit, et meminerant, cum quibus mandatis exissent.
35.18. The tyrant was coming from the left wing; Alexamenus ordered the cavalry to put their spears in rest and to watch him; he himself also collected his thoughts, disordered by his pondering over so great a deed. When Nabis approached, he charged and piercing his horse overthrew the tyrant; the troopers ran him through as he lay on the ground;
35.18. tyrannus ab laevo cornu veniebat; ponere hastas equites Alexamenus iubet et se intueri; colligit et ipse animum confusum tantae cogitatione rei. postquam appropinquabat, impetum facit et transfixo equo tyrannum deturbat;
35.19. after many blows had fallen vainly upon his armour the wounds at last reached his unprotected body, and before aid could reach him from the centre of the line the tyrant was dead.
35.19. iacentem equites confodiunt; multis frustra in loricam ictibus datis tandem in nudum corpus vulnera pervenerunt, et priusquam a media acie succurreretur, exspiravit.
36.1. Alexamenus with all the Aetolians went off at full speed to take possession of the palace.
36.1. Alexamenus cum omnibus Aetolis citato gradu ad regiam occupandam pergit.
36.2. The bodyguard, since the deed had been done before their eyes, was at first terror-stricken;
36.2. corporis custodes, cum in oculis res gereretur, pavor primo cepit;
36.3. then, after they saw the Aetolian column depart, they assembled around the abandoned body of the tyrant, and a crowd of spectators was formed out of the guardians of his life and the avengers of his death.
36.3. deinde, postquam abire Aetolorum agmen videre, concurrunt ad relictum tyranni corpus, et spectatorum turba ex custodibus vitae mortisque ultoribus facta est.
36.4. Nor would anyone have stirred if the multitude had at once been summoned to lay aside their arms and attend an assembly and a speech been delivered suitable to the occasion, and thenceforth numerous Aetolians been kept under arms, without doing injury to anyone; but, as was fitting in plans undertaken with treachery, everything worked together to hasten the destruction of those who had committed the crime.
36.4. nec movisset se quisquam, si extemplo positis armis vocata in contionem multitudo fuisset et oratio habita tempori conveniens, frequentes inde retenti in armis Aetoli sine iniuria cuiusquam;
36.5. Their leader shut himself up in the palace and spent a day and a night.
36.5. sed, ut oportuit in consilio fraude coepto, omnia in maturandam perniciem eorum, qui fecerant, sunt acta.
36.6. in going through the tyrant's treasures; the Aetolians, as if they had captured the city which they wished to seem to have set free, turned to plunder. Their shameless conduct and the contempt in which they were held combined to turn the thoughts of the Lacedaemonians towards unity of action.
36.6. dux regia inclusus diem ac noctem in scrutandis thesauris tyranni absumpsit; Aetoli velut capta urbe, quam liberasse videri volebant, in praedam versi.
36.7. Some said that the Aetolians should be driven out and the liberty, lost at the moment when it seemed restored, should be regained; others, that there might be some head to the movement, thought that someone of the royal house should be brought forward as a symbol.
36.7. simul indignitas rei, simul contemptus animos Lacedaemoniis ad coeundum fecit. alii dicere exturbandos Aetolos et libertatem, cum restitui videretur interceptam, repetendam; alii, ut caput agendae rei esset, regii generis aliquem in speciem adsumendum.
36.8. There was a mere boy of the royal stock, Laconicus, brought up with the sons of the tyrant; him they set upon a horse, and seizing their weapons they slaughtered the Aetolians as they straggled through the city. Next they attacked the palace.
36.8. Laconicus eius stirpis erat puer admodum, eductus cum liberis tyranni; eum in equum imponunt et armis arreptis Aetolos vagos per urbem caedunt.
36.9. Alexamenus with a few companions resisted them there but was slain. The Aetolians gathered around the Chalcioecus —this was a bronze temple to Minerva —were killed;
36.9. tum regiam invadunt; ibi Alexamenum cum paucis resistentem obtruncant. Aetoli circa Chalcioecon — Minervae aereum est templum — congregati caeduntur;
36.10. a few threw away their arms and fled, some to Tegea, some to Megalopolis; there they were arrested by the magistrates and sold at auction.
36.10. pauci armis abiectis pars Tegeam pars Megalen polin perfugiunt; ibi comprensi a magistratibus sub corona venierunt.
37.1. Philopoemen, who on hearing of the tyrant's death had set out for Lacedaemon, when he found everything in a confusion of terror, summoning the leading citizens and making a speech such as Alexamenus should
37.1. Philopoemen audita caede tyranni profectus Lacedaemonem cum omnia turbata metu invenisset, evocatis principibus et oratione habita, qualis habenda ab Alexameno fuerat, societati Achaeorum Lacedaemonios adiunxit,
37.3. have made, he joined the Lacedaemonians to the Achaean alliance, with the greater ease because Aulus Atilius chanced at the same time to be approaching Gytheum with twenty-four quinqueremes.
37.3. eo etiam facilius, quod ad idem forte tempus A. Atilius cum quattuor et viginti quinqueremibus ad Gytheum accessit.
37.4. During this period, in the neighbourhood of Chalcis, Thoas, through the agency of Euthymidas, one of the chiefs, who had been driven out by the influence of those who belonged to the Roman party, after the arrival of Titus Quinctius and the commissioners, and also with the aid of Herodorus, a merchant of Cios but powerful at Chalcis on account of his wealth, having made ready for an uprising the men who were of the party of Euthymidas, did not by any means have the same good fortune that Eurylochus had enjoyed in gaining Demetrias.
37.4. iisdem diebus circa Chalcidem Thoas per Euthymidam principem, pulsum opibus eorum, qui Romanae societatis erant, post T. Quinctii legatorumque adventum, et Herodorum, Cianum mercatorem, sed potentem Chalcide propter divitias, praeparatis ad proditionem iis, qui Euthymidae factionis erant, nequaquam eandem fortunam, qua Demetrias per Eurylochum occupata erat, habuit.
37.6. Euthymidas from Athens —he had chosen this place for his home —went first Thebes and then to Salganeus, and Herodorus to Thronium.
37.6. Euthymidas ab Athenis — eum domicilio delegerat locum — Thebas primum, hinc Salganea processit, Herodorus ad Thronium.
37.7. Not far from there, in the Malian gulf, Thoas had two thousand infantry, two hundred cavalry, and about thirty light cargo-vessels. Herodorus was instructed to take these ships with six hundred infantry to the island of Atalante, so that from there, when he saw the infantry now approaching Aulis and Euripus, he might cross to Chalcis;
37.7. inde haud procul in Maliaco sinu duo milia peditum Thoas et ducentos equites, onerarias leves ad triginta habebat. eas cum sexcentis peditibus Herodorus traicere in insulam Atalanten iussus, ut inde, cum pedestris copias appropinquare iam Aulidi atque Euripo sensisset, Chalcidem traiceret;
37.9. Thoas himself led the rest of the troops, generally marching by night and with all possible speed, to Chalcis.
37.9. ipse ceteras copias nocturnis maxime itineribus, quanta poterat celeritate, Chalcidem ducebat.
38.1. Micythio and Xenoclides, in whose hands rested supreme power after Euthymidas had been expelled from Chalcis, whether they formed their own suspicions or the plot was betrayed, at first were alarmed and placed no trust in anything but flight; then, when their terror subsided and they realized that they would be deserting and abandoning not only their country but also.
38.1. Micythio et Xenoclides, penes quos tum summa rerum pulso Euthymida Chalcide erat, seu ipsi per se suspicati seu indicata re, primo pavidi nihil usquam spei nisi in fuga ponebant;
38.2. the Roman alliance, they increased their courage by the following scheme. It happened that at this time there was an annual festival at Eretria in honour of Diana Amarynthis, which crowds both of the natives and of the Carystii attend.
38.2. deinde postquam resedit terror et prodi et deseri non patriam modo sed etiam Romanorum societatem cernebant, consilio tali animum adiecerunt. sacrum anniversarium eo forte tempore Eretriae Amarynthidis Dianae erat, quod non popularium modo sed Carystiorum etiam coetu celebratur.
38.4. They sent there men to beg the people of Eretria and Carystus, born on the same island, to pity their plight and respect the Roman alliance; let them not permit Chalcis to become the property of the Aetolians; they would control Euboea if once they controlled Chalcis;
38.4. eo miserunt, qui orarent Eretrienses Carystiosque, ut et suarum fortunarum in eadem insula geniti misererentur et Romanam societatem respicerent; ne sinerent Aetolorum Chalcidem fieri; Euboeam habituros, si Chalcidem habuissent;
38.5. the Macedonians had been hard to endure as masters; the Aetolians would be far less easy to bear.
38.5. graves fuisse Macedonas dominos; multo minus tolerabilis futuros Aetolos.
38.6. Regard for the Romans had especial influence with the states, which had recently had experience of both their valour in war and their justice and kindness in victory. Therefore whatever strength in young men each state had it armed and sent.
38.6. Romanorum maxime respectus civitates movit, et virtutem nuper in bello et in victoria iustitiam benignitatemque expertas. itaque quod roboris in iuventute erat utraque civitas armavit misitque.