14.5. they begged that he would enter their country peacefully and restrain the soldiery from laying waste the land, and brought him fifteen talents in the form of a golden crown.
14.5. orabant, ut pacatus finis iniret cohiberetque a populatione agri militem, et in corona aurea quindecim talenta adferebant.
14.6. Helvius, promising to keep the farms safe from pillage, ordered the ambassadors to go to the consul.
14.6. Helvius integros a populatione agros servaturum pollicitus ire ad consulem legatos iussit.
14.7. When they delivered the same message, the consul said, “We Romans have no indication of the good-will of the tyrant towards us, and it is well known to all that he is such a person that we must think about punishing him rather than cultivating his friendship.”
14.7. quibus eadem referentibus consul “neque Romani” inquit “bonae voluntatis ullum signum erga nos tyranni habemus, et ipsum talem esse inter omnes constat, ut de poena eius magis quam de amicitia nobis cogitandum sit.
14.8. Dismayed by this speech, the ambassadors asked nothing else than that he accept the crown and give the tyrant the opportunity to come to him, to speak and to defend himself.
14.8. ” perturbati hac voce legati nihil aliud petere, quam ut coronam acciperet veniendique ad eum tyranno potestatem et copiam loquendi ac purgandi se faceret.
14.9. With the permission of the consul the tyrant the next day came to the camp, clothed and attended in a style inferior to that of a private person of moderate wealth, and his speech was humble and incoherent, the speech of a man who belittled his own station and lamented the poverty of the cities under his control.
14.9. permissu consulis postero die in castra tyrannus venit, vestitus comitatusque vix ad privati modice locupletis habitum, et oratio fuit summissa et infracta, extenuantis opes suas urbiumque suae dicionis egestatem querentis.
14.10. Now there were under him, in addition to Cibyra, Sylleum and a city which they call ad Limnen. From them, by robbing himself and his subjects, he promised, though hesitatingly, to raise twenty-five talents. “Come, come,” replied the consul, “this trifling cannot be endured.”
14.10. erant autem sub eo praeter Cibyram Sylleum et ad Limnen quae appellatur. ex his, ut se suosque spoliaret, quinque et viginti talenta se conlecturum, prope ut diffidens, pollicebatur.
14.11. “It is not enough that you did not blush when, remaining away, you mocked us through your ambassadors; even when here you persist in the same shamelessness. Will five-and-twenty talents drain your tyranny dry?”
14.11. “enimvero” inquit consul “ferri iam ludificatio ista non potest. parum est non erubuisse absentem, cum per legatos frustrareris nos; praesens quoque in eadem perstas impudentia.
14.12. “Very well, unless you pay five hundred talents in three days, look forward to the devastation of your lands and the siege of your city.” Though terrified by this threat he nevertheless persisted in his stubborn pretence of poverty.
14.12. quinque et viginti talenta tyrannidem tuam exhaurient? quingenta ergo talenta nisi triduo numeras, populationem in agris, obsidionem in urbe expecta.
14.13. And little by little by grudging concessions, now amid much quibbling, now with prayers and feigned tears, he was worked up to the point of paying one hundred talents.
14.13. “hac denuntiatione conterritus perstare tamen in pertinaci simulatione inopiae.
14.14. Ten thousand medimni of grain were added. All this was collected within six days. From Cibyra the army was led through the territory of the people of Sinda and crossing the Caulares river went into camp.
14.14. et paulatim illiberali adiectione nunc per cavillationem, nunc precibus et simulatis lacrimis ad centum talenta est perductus. adiecta decem milia medimnum frumenti. haec omnia intra sex dies exacta. A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque Caularem amnem posuit castra.
15.2. The next day they marched along the marsh of Caralitis; they encamped near Madamprus. As they advanced from there the inhabitants fled in terror from the neighbouring town of Lagum; empty of men and filled with abundance of all things, the town was sacked.
15.2. postero die [et] praeter Caralitin paludem agmen ductum; ad Madamprum manserunt. inde progredientibus ab Laco, proxima urbe, metu incolae fugerunt;
15.3. Thence they moved to the sources of the Lysis river and next day to the Cobulatus river.
15.3. vacuum hominibus et refertum rerum omnium copia oppidum diripuerunt. inde ad Lysis fluminis fontes, postero die ad Cobulatum amnem progressi.
15.4. Troops from Termessus were at that time besieging the citadel of the Isiondenses after capturing the town. The besieged, since there was no other hope of relief, sent envoys to the consul asking aid: shut up in the citadel with their wives and children, they were expecting death day by day, to be suffered by either the sword or starvation.
15.4. Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem urbe capta oppugnabant. inclusi cum alia spes auxilii nulla esset, legatos ad consulem orantes opem miserunt:
15.5. Thus the eager consul was offered an occasion to turn aside into Pamphylia. By his arrival he rescued the Isiondenses from siege; on payment of fifty talents of silver he granted peace to Termessus; he did the same for the Aspendians and other peoples of Pamphylia.
15.5. cum coniugibus ac liberis in arce inclusos se mortem in dies, aut ferro aut fame patiendam, expectare. volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam devertendi oblata est.
15.6. Returning from Pamphylia, he encamped the first day on the river Taurus, the next at what they call Xylines Comê.
15.6. adveniens obsidione Isiondensis exemit; Termesso pacem dedit quinquaginta talentis argenti acceptis;
15.7. Advancing from there by continuous marches he came to the city of Cormasa. Darsa is the nearest town; this he found deserted by the inhabitants through fear, but full of all sorts of supplies. As he marched along the marshes ambassadors came from Lysinoë surrendering their city.
15.7. item Aspendiis ceterisque Pamphyliae populis. ex Pamphylia rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen quam vocant Comen posuit castra. profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa urbem pervenit.
15.8. Then they entered the country of the Sagalassenes, rich and abounding in all kinds of crops. Pisidians inhabit it, by far the best warriors in this region.
15.8. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam metu incolarum desertam, plenam omnium rerum copia invenit. progredienti praeter paludes legati ab Lysinoe dedentes civitatem venerunt.
15.9. This circumstance gave them courage, as well as the fertility of the soil and their large population and the situation of their fortified town in a land where such strongholds were few. Since no embassy met him at the frontier, the consul sent out parties to plunder the fields. Then at last their stubbornness was broken when they saw their property being carried and driven away; sending ambassadors and agreeing to pay fifty talents, twenty thousand medimni of wheat and as many of barley, they obtained peace.
15.9. inde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. colunt Pisidae, longe optimi bello regionis eius. cum ea res animos facit, tum agri fecunditas et multitudo hominum et situs inter paucas munitae urbis.
15.10. Then he proceeded to the Rhotrine springs and encamped at a village which they call Acoridos Comê. Thither the next day Seleucus came from Apamea.
15.10. consul, quia nulla legatio ad finem praesto fuerat, praedatum in agros misit. tum demum fracta pertinacia est, ut ferri agique res suas viderunt;
15.11. When the consul had sent back thence to Apamea the sick and his useless equipment, receiving from Seleucus guides for the march, he came that day into the country of Metropolis and the following day to Dyniae in Phrygia.
15.11. legatis missis pacti quinquaginta talentis et viginti milibus medimnum tritici, viginti hordei, pacem impetraverunt.
15.12. From there he marched to Synnada, all the towns in the neighbourhood being deserted through fear.
15.12. progressus inde ad Rhotrinos fontes ad vicum, quem Acoridos Comen vocant, posuit castra. eo Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit.
15.13. Dragging after him a column which was now overloaded with their booty and barely accomplishing a march of five miles in a whole day, he arrived at Beudos, which they call “the Old.” Next he reached Anabura and the following day the sources of the Alander, and the third he encamped at Abbassius.
15.13. aegros inde et inutilia impedimenta cum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dynias Phrygiae processit.
15.14. There he maintained his camp for many days because he had come to the frontiers of the Tolostobogii. The Gauls, a vast horde of men, whether moved by shortage of land or hope of plunder, feeling assured that no people through which they would pass was their match in war, under the leadership of Brennus came into the country of the Dardanians.
15.14. inde Synnada venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis. quorum praeda iam grave agmen trahens vix quinque milium die toto itinere perfecto ad Beudos, quod vetus appellant, pervenit. ad Anabura inde, et altero die ad Alandri fontes, tertio ad Abbassium posuit castra. ibi plures dies stativa habuit, quia perventum erat ad Tolostobogiorum fines. Galli, magna hominum vis, seu inopia agri seu praedae spe, nullam gentem, per quas ituri essent, parem armis rati, Brenno duce in Dardanos pervenerunt.
16.2. There strife broke out among them; about twenty thousand men, with Lonorius and Lutarius as their chiefs, seceded from Brennus and turned aside into Thrace.
16.2. ibi seditio orta est; ad viginti milia hominum cum Lonorio ac Lutario regulis secessione facta a Brenno in Thraeciam iter avertunt.
16.3. There, when they had penetrated as far as Byzantium, contending against those who resisted and imposing tribute upon those who sought peace, they occupied for a considerable time the coast of the Propontis, holding as tributaries the cities of the district.
16.3. ubi cum resistentibus pugnando, pacem petentibus stipendium imponendo Byzantium cum pervenissent, aliquamdiu oram Propontidis vectigalis habendo regionis eius urbes obtinuerunt.
16.4. Then the desire of crossing into Asia seized them, as they heard from their neighbours how rich was this land; and having taken Lysimachia by treachery and occupied the whole Chersonesus by force of arms they came down to the Hellespont.
16.4. cupido inde eos in Asiam transeundi, audientis ex propinquo, quanta ubertas eius terrae esset, cepit; et Lysimachia fraude capta Chersonesoque omni armis possessa ad Hellespontum descenderunt.
16.5. There, as they saw Asia separated from them by a narrow strait, their souls were even more inflamed with the desire to cross, and they sent messengers to Antipater, the prefect of this coast, regarding the crossing.
16.5. ibi vero exiguo divisam freto cernentibus Asiam multo magis animi ad transeundum accensi; nuntiosque ad Antipatrum praefectum eius orae de transitu mittebant. quae res cum lentius spe ipsorum traheretur, alia rursus nova inter regulos seditio orta est.
16.6. When this negotiation was dragging out longer than they had expected, another new revolt broke out between the chiefs. Lonorius with the larger part of the men went back to Byzantium whence he had come; Lutarius, when Macedonians were sent by Antipater to spy, under cover of being an embassy, took from them two decked ships and three cruisers. Using these as ferry-boats day after day and night after night, within a few days he transported his entire force.
16.6. Lonorius retro, unde venerat, cum maiore parte hominum repetit Byzantium; Lutarius Macedonibus per speciem legationis ab Antipatro ad speculandum missis duas tectas naves et tris lembos adimit. iis alios atque alios dies noctesque travehendo intra paucos dies omnis copias traicit.
16.7. Only a little later Lonorius, with the aid of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, crossed from Byzantium. Then the Gauls were once more united and aided Nicomedes in the war he was waging against Ziboetas, who held some part of Bithynia.
16.7. haud ita multo post Lonorius adiuvante Nicomede Bithyniae rege a Byzantio transmisit.
16.8. And, principally as a result of their assistance, Ziboetas was conquered and all Bithynia acknowledged the sovereignty of Nicomedes.
16.8. coeunt deinde in unum rursus Galli et auxilia Nicomedi dant adversus Ziboetam, tenentem partem Bithyniae, gerenti bellum.
16.9. Setting out from Bithynia they made their way into Asia. Of their twenty thousand men, not more than ten thousand were armed. Nevertheless, they inspired such terror in all the peoples who dwell on this side of the Taurus, those whom they approached and those whom they did not approach, that the most distant and the nearest alike obeyed their orders.
16.9. atque eorum maxime opera devictus Ziboeta est, Bithyniaque omnis in dicionem Nicomedis concessit. profecti ex Bithynia in Asiam processerunt. non plus ex viginti milibus hominum quam decem armata erant.
16.10. Finally, since there were three tribes, the Tolostobogii, the Trocmi, and the Tectosages, they split up into three divisions, according to the states of Asia which each held as tributaries.
16.10. tamen tantum terroris omnibus quae cis Taurum incolunt gentibus iniecerunt, ut quas adissent quasque non adissent, pariter ultimae propinquis, imperio parerent.
16.11. To the Trocmi the coast of the Hellespont was assigned; the Tolostobogii received by the lot Aeolis and Ionia, the Tectosages the interior parts of Asia.
16.11. postremo cum tres essent gentes, Tolostobogii Trocmi Tectosages, in tris partis, qua cuique populorum suorum vectigalis Asia esset, diviserunt.
16.12. And they exacted tribute from all Asia on this side of the Taurus, but established their own dwellings along the river Halys.
16.12. Trocmis Hellesponti ora data; Tolostobogii Aeolida atque Ioniam, Tectosages mediterranea Asiae sortiti sunt. et stipendium tota cis Taurum Asia exigebant, sedem autem ipsi sibi circa Halyn flumen cepere.
16.13. And so great was the terror of their name, their numbers being also enlarged by great natural increase, that in the end even the kings of Syria did not refuse to pay them tribute. Attalus, the father of King Eumenes, was the first of the inhabitants of Asia to refuse, and his bold step, contrary to the expectation of all, was aided by fortune and he worsted the Gauls in pitched battle.
16.13. tantusque terror eorum nominis erat, multitudine etiam magna subole aucta, ut Syriae quoque ad postremum reges stipendium dare non abnuerent.
16.14. Yet he did not cow them so thoroughly that they refrained from exercising their power; their strength remained the same until the war between Antiochus and the Romans.
16.14. primus Asiam incolentium abnuit Attalus, pater regis Eumenis; audacique incepto praeter opinionem omnium adfuit fortuna, et signis collatis superior fuit. non tamen ita infregit animos eorum, ut absisterent imperio:
16.15. Even then, after the defeat of Antiochus, they entertained great hopes that, since they lived far from the sea, the Roman army would not march against them.
16.15. eaedem opes usque ad bellum Antiochi cum Romanis manserunt. tum quoque, pulso Antiocho, magnam spem habuerunt, quia procul mari incolerent, Romanum exercitum ad se non perventurum.
17.1. Since war was to be waged with this enemy, so terrible to all the inhabitants of this region, the consul summoned an assembly and addressed the soldiers in about this fashion:
17.1. cum hoc hoste, tam terribili omnibus regionis eius, quia bellum gerendum erat, pro contione milites in hunc maxime modum adlocutus est consul:
17.2. “It does not escape me, soldiers, that of all the peoples who inhabit Asia the Gauls stand first in reputation for war.”
17.2. “non me praeterit, milites, omnium quae Asiam colunt gentium Gallos fama belli praestare.
17.3. “Among peoples of the most unwarlike sort this fierce tribe, travelling up and down in war, has almost made the world its residence.”
17.3. inter mitissimum genus hominum ferox natio pervagata bello prope orbem terrarum sedem cepit. procera corpora, promissae et rutilatae comae, vasta scuta, praelongi gladii;
17.4. “Tall bodies, long reddish hair, huge shields, very long swords; in addition, songs as they go into battle and yells and leapings and the dreadful din of arms as they clash shields according to some ancestral custom —all these are deliberately used to terrify their foes.” “But let Greeks and Phrygians and Carians fear these things to which they are unused and unaccustomed; to Romans Gallic riotings are familiar and their vain displays too are well known.”
17.4. ad hoc cantus inchoantium proelium et ululatus et tripudia, et quatientium scuta in patrium quendam modum horrendus armorum crepitus, omnia de industria composita ad terrorem, sed haec, quibus insolita atque insueta sunt, Graeci et Phryges et Cares timeant: Romanis Gallici tumultus adsueti, etiam vanitates notae sunt.
17.6. “Once, when we first met them at the Allia, our ancestors long ago fled before them; from that time now for two hundred years, terrified like animals they are slain and routed, and more triumphs, almost, have been celebrated over the Gauls than over all the ” “world.
17.6. semel primo congressu ad Aliam eos olim fugerunt maiores nostri; ex eo tempore per ducentos iam annos pecorum in modum consternatos caedunt fugantque, et plures prope de Gallis triumphi quam de toto orbe terrarum acti sunt.
17.7. This has now been learned by experience: if you bear up under their first onset, into which they rush with glowing enthusiasm and blind passion, their limbs grow lax with sweat and weariness, their weapons fall from their hands; their soft bodies, their soft souls (when passion subsides) are overcome by sun, dust, thirst, so that you need not use arms against them. Not only when matched legion to legion have we learned this, but when fighting man to man ” “alone.
17.7. iam usu hoc cognitum est: si primum impetum, quem fervido ingenio et caeca ira effundunt, sustinueris, fluunt sudore et lassitudine membra, labant arma; mollia corpora, molles, ubi ira consedit, animos sol pulvis sitis, ut ferrum non admoveas, prosternunt.
17.8. Titus Manlius, Marcus Valerius have shown how far Roman valour surpasses Gallic madness. Then Marcus Manlius alone thrust down the Gauls as they climbed in close array to the ” “Capitoline.
17.8. non legionibus legiones eorum solum experti sumus, sed vir unus cum viro congrediendo T. Manlius, M. Valerius, quantum Gallicam rabiem vinceret Romana virtus, docuerunt.
17.9. And those forefathers of ours had to do with true Gauls, born in their own land; these now are degenerates, of mixed race, and really Gallogrecians, as they are named; just as, in the case of plants and animals, the seeds have less power to maintain their natural quality than the character of the soil and climate in which they live has power to change ” “it.
17.9. iam M. Manlius unus agmine scandentis in Capitolium detrusit Gallos. et illis maioribus nostris cum haud dubiis Gallis, in sua terra genitis, res erat; hi iam degeneres sunt, mixti, et Gallograeci vere, quod appellantur.
17.10. The Macedonians who hold Alexandria in Egypt, who hold Seleucia and Babylonia and other colonies scattered throughout the world, have degenerated into Syrians, Parthians,” “Egyptians; Massilia, situated among the Gauls, has acquired something of the disposition of its neighbours; what have the Tarentines retained of that stern and dreadful Spartan ”
17.10. sicut in frugibus pecudibusque non tantum semina ad servandam indolem valent, quantum terrae proprietas caelique, sub quo aluntur, mutat. Macedones, qui Alexandriam in Aegypto, qui Seleuciam ac Babyloniam, quique alias sparsas per orbem terrarum colonias habent, in Syros Parthos Aegyptios degenerarunt;
17.12. “discipline? Whatever grows in its own soil, has greater excellence; transplanted to a soil alien to it, its nature changes and it degenerates towards that in which it is nurtured. It is Phrygians, therefore, burdened with the weapons of Gauls, whom, even as you slew them in the battle-line of Antiochus, you will slay, victorious over the ” “vanquished.
17.12. Massilia, inter Gallos sita, traxit aliquantum ab accolis animorum; Tarentinis quid ex Spartana dura illa et horrida disciplina mansit?
17.13. I am afraid that there will be too little of glory rather than too much of war. King Attalus has often repulsed and routed ” “them.
17.13. generosius in sua quidquid sede gignitur; insitum alienae terrae in id, quo alitur, natura vertente se, degenerat. Phrygas igitur Gallicis oneratos armis, sicut in acie Antiochi cecidistis, victos victores, caedetis.
17.14. Do not think that it is only beasts which when newly caught first retain that fierceness of their forest life, and then, when long fed by the hands of men, grow tame, but that in moderating the ferocity of men nature does not do the ” “same. Do you believe that these are the same men that their fathers and their grandfathers ” “were?
17.14. magis vereor, ne parum inde gloriae, quam ne nimium belli sit. Attalus eos rex saepe fudit fugavitque. nolite existimare beluas tantum recens captas feritatem illam silvestrem primo servare, dein, cum diu manibus humanis aluntur, mitescere, in hominum feritate mulcenda non eandem naturam esse.
17.16. Exiles on account of the poverty of the land, they left home, travelling through the most inhospitable land of Illyricum, then Paeonia and Thrace, fighting with the fiercest tribes, and seized these lands. Toughened and hardened by so many misfortunes, they were received by a land which could stuff them with its abundance of all ” “things.
17.16. eosdemne hos creditis esse, qui patres eorum avique fuerunt? extorres inopia agrorum profecti domo per asperrimam Illyrici oram, Paeoniam inde et Thraeciam pugnando cum ferocissimis gentibus emensi, has terras ceperunt.
17.17. In a land most rich, under a sky most kindly, among natives mild in disposition, all that fierceness with which they came has grown gentle. You, by Hercules, being men of Mars, must escape and avoid as soon as possible the pleasantness of Asia: such power have these foreign delights to destroy the vigour of the soul; such influence does contact with the habits and character of the natives ” “exert.
17.17. duratos eos tot malis exasperatosque accepit terra, quae copia omnium rerum saginaret. uberrimo agro, mitissimo caelo, clementibus accolarum ingeniis omnis illa, cum qua venerant, mansuefacta est feritas.
17.18. Yet this turns out well in this respect ” “—that, while their strength against you is vain, still their reputation among the Greeks is the same as that of old, which they had when they came, and you will win, as victors, the same military glory among our allies as if you had conquered Gauls who had ” “preserved their ancient type of courage.”
17.18. vobis mehercule, Martiis viris, cavenda ac fugienda quam primum amoenitas est Asiae: tantum hae peregrinae voluptates ad extinguendum vigorem animorum possunt; tantum contagio disciplinae morisque accolarum valet. hoc tamen feliciter evenit, quod sicut vim adversus vos nequaquam, ita famam apud Graecos parem illi antiquae obtinent, cum qua venerunt, bellique gloriam victores eandem inter socios habebitis, quam si servantis anticum specimen animorum Gallos vicissetis.”
18.1. Dismissing the meeting and sending envoys to Eposognatus, who alone of the chiefs had both remained loyal to Eumenes and refused to aid Antiochus against the Romans, he moved his camp. The first day he marched to the Alander river, the second to the village which they call Tyscon.
18.1. contione dimissa missisque ad Eposognatum legatis, qui unus ex regulis et in Eumenis manserat amicitia et negaverat Antiocho adversus Romanos auxilia, castra movit. primo die ad Alandrum flumen, postero ad vicum quem vocant Tyscon ventum.
18.2. When ambassadors from the people of Oroanda had come there asking friendship, he demanded of them two hundred talents and granted them permission to report this at home.
18.2. eo legati Oroandensium cum venissent amicitiam petentes, ducenta talenta his sunt imperata, precantibusque, ut domum renuntiarent, potestas facta.
18.3. Then the consul proceeded to lead the army towards Plitê; next he encamped at Alyatti. There the messengers sent to Eposognatus returned, accompanied by ambassadors of that chief, who asked him not to make war upon the Tectosagi; Eposognatus himself, they said, would go to that tribe and persuade them to do what was ordered.
18.3. ducere inde exercitum consul ad Plitendum; deinde ad Alyattos castra posita. eo missi ad Eposognatum redierunt, et legati reguli orantes, ne Tectosagis bellum inferret; ipsum in eam gentem iturum Eposognatum persuasurumque, ut imperata faciant.
18.4. Granting this favour to the chief, he began to lead the army through the district which is called Axylon. It derives its name from the fact it not only produces no wood at all but not even thorns or any other food for fire; they use cow-dung in place of wood.
18.4. data venia regulo, duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram coeptus. ab re nomen habet: non ligni modo quicquam, sed ne spinas quidem aut ullum aliud alimentum fert ignis;
18.5. While the Romans were encamped near Cuballum, a fortress of Galatia, the enemy's cavalry appeared with great uproar, and not only threw the Roman outguards into confusion by their unexpected attack, but even killed some men.
18.5. fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. ad Cuballum, Gallograeciae castellum, castra habentibus Romanis apparuere cum magno tumultu hostium equites, nec turbarunt tantum Romanas stationes repente invecti, sed quosdam etiam occiderunt.
18.6. When this disorder was reported in the camp, the Roman cavalry, pouring in haste from all the gates, repulsed and routed the Gauls and killed a considerable number in their flight. Thenceforth the consul, since he realized that he had now encountered the enemy, marched with scouts sent in advance and his column carefully formed.
18.6. qui tumultus cum in castra perlatus esset, effusus repente omnibus portis equitatus Romanus fudit fugavitque Gallos et aliquot fugientis occidit.
18.7. And when, marching without interruption, he had reached the Sangarius river, he determined to build a bridge, since there was nowhere a way to cross it by fording.
18.7. inde consul, ut qui iam ad hostis perventum cerneret, explorato deinde et cum cura coacto agmine procedebat. et continentibus itineribus cum ad Sangarium flumen venisset, pontem, quia vado nusquam transitus erat, facere instituit.
18.8. The Sangarius river, flowing from Mount Adoreus through Phrygia, is joined near Bithynia by the river Thymbres; thence, enlarged by the doubling of its waters, it flows through Bithynia and discharges into the Propontis, being, however, not so remarkable for its size as because it furnishes the inhabitants with vast quantities of fish.
18.8. Sangarius ex Adoreo monte per Phrygiam fluens miscetur ad Bithyniam Tymbri fluvio; inde maior iam geminatis aquis per Bithyniam fertur et in Propontidem sese effundit, non tamen tam magnitudine memorabilis, quam quod piscium accolis ingentem vim praebet.
18.9. When they had finished the bridge and crossed the river and were marching along the bank, Galli of the Great Mother from Pessinus met them, wearing their ritual ornaments and prophesying in their frenzied chants that the goddess was granting to the Romans the way of war and victory and dominion over this region. The consul said that he accepted the omen and encamped on that very spot.
18.9. transgressis ponte perfecto flumen praeter ripam euntibus Galli Matris Magnae a Pessinunte occurrere cum insignibus suis, vaticinantes fanatico carmine deam Romanis viam belli et victoriam dare imperiumque eius regionis.
18.10. Next day he moved to Gordium. This is not indeed a large town, but is a market visited and frequented more than is usually the case with an inland city.
18.10. accipere se omen cum dixisset consul, castra eo ipso loco posuit. postero die ad Gordium pervenit.
18.11. It has three seas about equidistant from it, the Hellespont, the sea at Sinope and the shores of the opposite sea where the Cilicians of the coast dwell;
18.11. id haud magnum quidem oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium.
18.12. besides, it adjoins the borders of several strong states, and their mutual needs concentrated their intercourse at this place especially. At this time the Romans found it deserted by the flight of the inhabitants, but likewise filled with abundance of all things.
18.12. tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius orae litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt; multarum magnarumque praeterea gentium finis contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus contraxere.
18.13. While he was maintaining a base there, ambassadors from Eposognatus came reporting that his visit to the chiefs of the Gauls had won no fair response;
18.13. id tum desertum fuga incolarum oppidum, refertum idem copia rerum omnium invenerunt.
18.14. from the villages and farms in the plains they were moving in large numbers, accompanied by their wives and children, driving ahead of them and carrying what they could carry and drive, and were making for the Olympus mountain, that thence they might maintain themselves by arms and by the situation of the place.
18.14. ibi stativa habentibus legati ab Eposognato venerunt nuntiantes profectum eum ad regulos Gallorum nihil aequi impetrasse; ex campestribus vicis agrisque frequentes demigrare et cum coniugibus ac liberis, quae ferre atque agere possint, prae se agentis portantisque Olympum montem petere, ut inde armis locorumque situ sese tueantur.
19.1. Later the ambassadors from the people of Oroanda brought surer news, that the tribe of the Tolostobogii had occupied the Olympus range; that the Tectosagi, separated from them, had made for another mountain which was called Magaba;
19.1. certiora postea Oroandensium legati attulerunt, Tolostobogiorum civitatem Olympum montem cepisse; diversos Tectosagos alium montem, Magaba qui dicatur, petisse;
19.2. that the Trocmi had left their wives and children among the Tectosagi and with their armed forces on the march had decided to aid the Tolostobogii.
19.2. Trocmos coniugibus ac liberis apud Tectosagos depositis armatorum agmine Tolostobogiis statuisse auxilium ferre. erant autem tunc trium populorum reguli Ortiago et Comboiomarus et Gaulotus.
19.3. The chiefs of these three tribes at this time were Ortiago and Combolomarus and Gaulotus. They had adopted this plan particularly for conducting the war —that, when they had occupied the highest peaks in the region, conveying everything there which would be sufficient for their use over however long a period, they would wear down the enemy by exhaustion;
19.3. iis haec maxime ratio belli sumendi fuerat, quod cum montes editissimos regionis eius tenerent, convectis omnibus, quae ad usum quamvis longi temporis sufficerent, taedio se fatigaturos hostem censebant:
19.4. for, they were convinced, the Romans would neither venture to climb over such steep and difficult ground, and, if they did attempt it, they could be stopped even by a small force or pushed back, nor would they sit quietly at the foot of cold mountains and endure chill and hunger.
19.4. nam neque ausuros per tam ardua atque iniqua loca subire eos, et, si conarentur, vel parva manu prohiberi aut deturbari posse, nec quietos in radicibus montium gelidorum sedentes frigus aut inopiam laturos.
19.5. And, although the very height of the place was a defence, they also threw a ditch and other fortifications around the summits which they had occupied.
19.5. et cum ipsa altitudo locorum eos tutaretur, fossam quoque et alia munimenta verticibus iis, quos insederant, circumiecere.
19.6. They took little forethought for a supply of missile weapons, because they believed that the very roughness of the terrain would furnish stones in abundance.
19.6. minima apparatus missilium telorum cura fuit, quod saxa adfatim praebituram asperitatem ipsam locorum credebant.
20.1. The consul, because he had foreseen, as a result of reflection, that the fighting would not be done hand to hand but by making attacks from a distance, had prepared a vast quantity of javelins, skirmishers' spears, arrows, bullets and stones of moderate size which could be thrown from slings, and equipped with this supply of missiles he led the army towards the Olympus mountain and encamped about five miles away.
20.1. consul quia non comminus pugnam sed procul locis oppugnandis futuram praeceperat animo, ingentem vim pilorum, velitarium hastarum, sagittarum glandisque et modicorum, qui funda mitti possent, lapidum paraverat, instructusque missilium apparatu ad Olympum montem ducit et a quinque ferme milibus castra locat.
20.3. The next day, taking Attalus and four hundred cavalry, he set out to survey the character of the mountain and the situation of the Gallic camp, but the cavalry of the enemy, in double his number, rushing out of the camp put him to flight; a few were killed in the flight, a larger number wounded.
20.3. postero die cum quadringentis equitibus et Attalo progressum eum ad naturam montis situmque Gallicorum castrorum visendum equites hostium, duplex numerus, effusi e castris, in fugam averterunt; occisi quoque pauci fugientium, vulnerati plures.
20.4. The third day he proceeded with his entire force to reconnoitre the ground, and, because no one of the enemy came out beyond the fortifications, he rode in safety around the mountain, and observed that on the southern side the hills were covered with earth and sloped gently up to a certain point, that on the north there were steep and almost perpendicular cliffs, and that although almost everything else was impassable there were three roads, one in the centre of the mountain, where it was covered with soil, two difficult, on the side of the winter rising of the sun and of its summer setting.
20.4. tertio die cum omnibus ad loca exploranda profectus, quia nemo hostium extra munimenta processit, tuto circumvectus montem, animadvertit meridiana regione terrenos et placide acclives ad quendam finem colles esse, a septentrione ardua et rectas prope rupes, atque omnibus ferme aliis inviis itinera tria esse, unum medio monte, qua terrena erant, duo difficilia ab hiberno solis ortu et ab aestivo occasu. haec contemplatus eo die sub ipsis radicibus posuit castra;
20.6. Having inspected them, he encamped that day at the very base; the following day, having offered sacrifice and obtained favourable omens from the first victims, he divided the army into three columns and began the advance against the enemy.
20.6. postero sacrificio facto, cum primis hostiis litasset, trifariam exercitum divisum ducere ad hostem pergit.
20.7. He himself, with the largest part of the forces, made the ascent where the mountain offered the most gradual slope; he directed his brother Lucius Manlius to move forward on the side of the winter rising, as far as the terrain permitted and as he could go in safety;
20.7. ipse cum maxima parte copiarum, qua aequissimum aditum praebebat mons, ascendit; L. Manlium fratrem ab hiberno ortu, quoad loca patiantur et tuto possit, subire iubet;
20.8. if any dangerous and steep places confronted him he was not to contend against the unfavourable character of the ground or struggle with insuperable obstacles, but to turn aside crosswise over the mountain towards the consul and join his column; his orders to Gaius Helvius, commanding the third contingent, were to go slowly around the base of the mountain and then climb up on the side of the summer setting.
20.8. si qua periculosa et praerupta occurrant, non pugnare cum iniquitate locorum neque inexsuperabilibus vim adferre, sed obliquo monte ad se declinare et suo agmini coniungi;
20.9. The auxiliaries of Attalus he also divided into three sections, and ordered the young man himself to attend him.
20.9. C. Helvium cum tertia parte circuire sensim per infima montis, deinde ab occasu aestivo erigere agmen. et Attali auxilia trifariam aequo numero divisit, secum esse ipsum iuvenem iussit.
20.10. The cavalry with the elephants he left in the plain close to the hills; his orders to the prefects were to observe alertly what went on in every quarter and to render assistance wherever the situation should demand it.
20.10. equitatum cum elephantis in proxima tumulis planitie reliquit; edictum praefectis, ut intenti, quid ubique geratur, animadvertant opemque ferre, quo postulet res, possint.
21.1. The Gauls, being quite confident that their position could not be approached from the two flanks, in order to block with arms the road on the side which faces the south, sent about four thousand armed men to hold a hill overlooking the road and less than a mile from the camp, thinking that from this, as from a redoubt, they would hinder the approach.
21.1. Galli et … ab duobus lateribus satis fidentes invia esse, ab ea parte, quae in meridiem vergeret, ut armis clauderent viam, quattuor milia fere armatorum ad tumulum imminentem viae minus mille passuum a castris occupandum mittunt, eo se rati veluti castello iter impedituros.
21.2. When the Romans perceived this they prepared for battle. A moderate distance in front of the standards marched the skirmishers and Cretan archers and slingers furnished by Attalus and the Trallianians and Thracians;
21.2. quod ubi Romani viderunt, expediunt sese ad pugnam. ante signa modico intervallo velites eunt et ab Attalo Cretenses sagittarii et funditores et Tralli et Thraeces;
21.3. the standards of the infantry, moving over difficult ground, proceeded at a slow rate, the men holding their shields before them so as only to ward off missiles, whilst they did not seem disposed to fight at close quarters.
21.3. signa peditum, ut per arduum, leni gradu ducuntur, ita prae se habentium scuta, ut missilia tantum vitarent, pede collato non viderentur pugnaturi.
21.4. The discharge of missiles from a distance began the fighting, which at first was even, the Gauls having the advantage of position, the Romans of variety and a plentiful supply of weapons; as the battle continued there was no longer any equality. Their shields, long, but not wide enough for the size of their bodies and, moreover, flat, offered poor protection to the Gauls. They had at this time no other weapons than their swords, for which there was no use, since the enemy did not meet them in hand-tohand conflict.
21.4. missilibus ex intervallo loci proelium commissum est, primo par, Gallos loco adiuvante, Romanos varietate et copia telorum; procedente certamine nihil iam aequi erat. scuta longa ceterum ad amplitudinem corporum parum lata, et ea ipsa plana, male tegebant Gallos.
21.5. Stones —but not of suitable size, since they had made no preparations in advance, but took each what happened to come to his hand in his hasty search —they did use, but like men untrained in their employment, with neither skill nor strength to add effectiveness to the blow.
21.5. nec tela iam alia habebant praeter gladios, quorum, cum manum hostis non consereret, nullus usus erat. saxis nec modicis, ut quae non praeparassent, sed quod cuique temere trepidanti ad manum venisset, et ut insueti, nec arte nec viribus adiuvantes ictum, utebantur.
21.7. Arrows, sling-bullets, darts, coming from all sides wounded them unexpectedly, nor did they see what to do, as their minds were blinded by rage and fear, and they were involved in a kind of battle for which they were very ill-adapted.
21.7. sagittis glande iaculis incauti et ab omni parte configebantur nec, quid agerent, ira et pavore occaecatis animis cernebant, et erant deprensi genere pugnae, in quod minime apti sunt.
21.8. For, as in hand-to-hand fighting, where they can receive and inflict wounds in turn, passion inflames their minds, so when they are struck by light weapons, coming from unseen and distant sources, and when they have no place at which they can charge with blind violence, like wounded animals they rush headlong upon their own friends.
21.8. nam quemadmodum comminus, ubi in vicem pati et inferre vulnera licet, accendit ira animos eorum, ita, ubi ex occulto et procul levibus telis vulnerantur, nec, quo ruant caeco impetu, habent, velut ferae transfixae in suos temere incurrunt.
21.9. The fact that they fight naked makes their wounds conspicuous and their bodies are fleshy and white, as is natural, since they are never uncovered except in battle; so that both more blood flowed from their abundant flesh and the wounds stood out to view more fearfully and the whiteness of their skins was more stained by the black blood.
21.9. detegebat vulnera eorum, quod nudi pugnant, et sunt fusa et candida corpora, ut quae numquam nisi in pugna nudentur; ita et plus sanguinis ex multa carne fundebatur, et foediores patebant plagae, et candor corporum magis sanguine atro maculabatur.
21.10. But they are not much disturbed by open wounds; indeed, sometimes they cut away the skin, when the gash is broad rather than deep, and think that thus they gain greater glory in the fight; the same men, when the sting of an arrow or of a bullet that has buried itself in the flesh torments them, having caused a wound small to look at, and, as they search for a way to extract the missile, it does not come out, turning to madness and shame at being destroyed by so small a thing, throw their bodies upon the ground. So in this instance they lay prostrate here and there; some, rushing against the enemy, were wounded from every side, and when they had come to close quarters they were slain by the swords of the skirmishers.
21.10. sed non tam patentibus plagis moventur; interdum insecta cute, ubi latior quam altior plaga est, etiam gloriosius se pugnare putant; iidem, cum aculeus sagittae aut glandis abditae introrsus tenui vulnere in speciem urit, et scrutantis, qua evellant telum non sequitur, tum in rabiem et pudorem tam parvae perimentis versi pestis prosternunt corpora humi.
21.12. This type of soldier carries a three-foot shield and, in his right hand, javelins which he uses at long range;
21.12. sic tum passim procubuere; alii ruentes in hostem undique configebantur et, cum comminus venerant, gladiis a velitibus trucidabantur.
21.13. he is also equipped with a Spanish sabre; if he is compelled to fight hand to hand, he shifts his javelins to his left hand and draws his sword.
21.13. hic miles tripedalem parmam habet et in dextera hastas, quibus eminus utitur, gladio Hispaniensi est cinctus; quodsi pede collato pugnandum est, translatis in laevam hastis stringit gladium.
21.14. By now there were few of the Gauls surviving, and they, when they saw themselves defeated by the light troops and that the legionary standards were drawing near, in headlong flight sought their camp, which was already full of panic and confusion, as the women and children and the rest of the unarmed crowd were gathered there. The victorious Romans took possession of the hills abandoned by the flight of the enemy.
21.14. pauci iam supererant Gallorum, qui, postquam ab levi armatura superatos se viderunt et instare legionum signa, effusa fuga castra repetunt pavoris et tumultus iam plena, ut ubi feminae puerique et alia imbellis turba permixta esset. Romanos victores deserti fuga hostium acceperunt tumuli.
22.1. About the same time Lucius Manlius and Gaius Helvius, when they had marched up as far as the slopes of the hill admitted of progress, after they had reached the impassable places changed their direction towards that part of the mountain which alone offered a road, and began to follow the consul's column, each at a moderate distance as if by agreement, being compelled by necessity itself to do what would from the first have been the best thing to do;
22.1. sub idem tempus L. Manlius et C. Helvius, cum, quoad viam colles obliqui dederunt, escendissent, postquam ad invia ventum est, flexere iter in partem montis, quae una habebat iter, et sequi consulis agmen modico uterque intervallo velut ex composito coeperunt, quod primo optimum factu fuisset, in id necessitate ipsa compulsi:
22.3. for reserves have often, on such unfavourable terrains, been of the greatest service, that when the leading troops have perhaps been thrown into disorder the reserves may both shield the defeated and, being themselves fresh, take up the fight.
22.3. subsidia enim in talibus iniquitatibus locorum maximo saepe usui fuerunt, ut primis forte deturbatis secundi et tegant pulsos et integri pugnam excipiant.
22.4. When the leading standards of the legions came to the hills which had been captured by the light troops, the consul ordered the men to take breath and to rest for a little while; at the same time he called their attention to the corpses of Gauls strewn over the hills and asked them what, when light-armed troops had worked such havoc in the fight, was to be expected of the legions, what of regular weapons, what of soldiers of the stoutest hearts? Their camp, he said, remained to be taken, into which the enemy had been driven in confusion by the light troops.
22.4. consul, postquam ad tumulos ab levi armatura captos prima signa legionum pervenerunt, respirare et conquiescere paulisper militem iubet; simul strata per tumulos corpora Gallorum ostentat, et, cum levis armatura proelium tale ediderit, quid ab legionibus, quid ab iustis armis, quid ab animis fortissimorum militum expectari? castra illis capienda esse, in quae compulsus ab levi armatura hostis trepidet.
22.6. Nevertheless, he ordered the light-armed men to lead the advance, and they, while the column was halted, had spent the time by no means idly, in collecting the weapons over the hills, that the supply of missiles might suffice.
22.6. praecedere tamen iubet levem armaturam, quae, cum staret agmen, colligendis per tumulos telis, ut missilia sufficerent, haud segne id ipsum tempus consumpserat.
22.7. Now they were approaching the camp, and the Gauls, lest their fortifications should offer them too little shelter, had taken post under arms in front of the rampart. Then they were overwhelmed by missiles of every kind, and the more numerous and the more crowded together they were, the less did any weapon fall without effect, so that in an instant they were driven back within the rampart, leaving only strong guards at the actual gates of the fortifications.
22.7. iam castris appropinquabant; et Galli, ne parum se munimenta sua tegerent, armati pro vallo constiterant. obruti deinde omni genere telorum, cum, quo plures atque densiores erant, eo minus vani quicquam intercideret teli, intra vallum momento temporis compelluntur stationibus tantum firmis ad ipsos aditus portarum relictis.
22.8. A vast quantity of missile weapons was discharged at the throng which had been driven inside the camp, and the shouts mingled with the wails of women and children showed that many were wounded. Against the troops who had blocked the gates at which they were posted, the antesignani of the legions hurled their spears.
22.8. in multitudinem compulsam in castra vis ingens missilium telorum coniciebatur, et vulnerari multos clamor permixtus mulierum atque puerorum ploratibus significabat.
22.9. The men indeed were not injured by them, but their shields in many cases were pierced and fastened together, nor did they longer resist the attack of the Romans.
22.9. in eos, qui portas stationibus suis clauserant, legionum antesignani pila coniecerunt. iis vero non vulnerabantur, sed transverberatis scutis plerique inter se conserti haerebant; nec diutius impetum Romanorum sustinuerunt.
23.1. The gates being now open, before the victors could break in, the Gauls began to flee from the camp in all directions. They rushed blindly along the roads and where there were no roads; no steep rocks, no cliffs, held them back; they feared nothing but the enemy; accordingly many were killed, falling headlong or slipping in weariness over tremendous precipices.
23.1. patentibus iam portis, priusquam irrumperent victores, fuga e castris Gallorum in omnis partes facta est. ruunt caeci per vias, per invia; nulla praecipitia saxa, nullae rupes obstant;
23.2. The consul, having taken the camp, kept his soldiers from spoil and pillage; he ordered them each to follow as best he could, press the pursuit and increase the panic of the fugitives.
23.2. nihil praeter hostem metuunt: itaque plerique praecipites per vastam altitudinem prolapsi ac debilitati exanimantur. consul captis castris direptione praedaque abstinet militem; sequi pro se quemque et instare et perculsis pavorem addere iubet.
23.3. The second column, under Lucius Manlius, also came up; he did not permit his men to enter the camp, but sent them at once to pursue the enemy, and he himself followed a little later, having entrusted the guarding of the prisoners to the tribunes of the soldiers, being convinced that the war was over if the largest possible number was killed or captured in that rout.
23.3. supervenit et alterum cum L. Manlio agmen; nec eos castra intrare sinit; protinus ad persequendos hostis mittit, et ipse paulo post tradita captivorum custodia tribunis militum sequitur, debellatum ratus, si in illo pavore quam plurimi caesi forent aut capti.
23.4. When the consul had gone, Gaius Helvius arrived with the third column and was unable to prevent his men from plundering the camp, and the booty, by a most unjust decree of fate, fell into the hands of men who had had no part in the battle.
23.4. egresso consule C. Helvius cum tertio agmine advenit, nec continere suos ab direptione castrorum valuit, praedaque eorum, iniquissima sorte, qui pugnae non interfuerant, facta est. equites diu ignari et pugnae et victoriae suorum steterunt;
23.5. The cavalry, knowing nothing for a long time of either the battle or the victory of their comrades, remained stationary; later they too, with all the speed of which their horses were capable, pursuing the Gauls as they scattered in flight around the base of the mountain, killed and captured them.
23.5. deinde et ipsi, quantum equis subire poterant, sparsos fuga Gallos circa radices montis consectati cecidere aut cepere.
23.6. The number of casualties could not easily be calculated because the flight and slaughter went on far and wide over all the outlying parts of the mountains, and a great number fell from the pathless cliffs into valleys of enormous depth, and some were killed in the forests and thickets.
23.6. numerus interfectorum haud facile iniri potuit, quia late per omnis amfractus montium fugaque et caedes fuit, et magna pars rupibus inviis in profundae altitudinis convalles delapsa est, pars in silvis vepribusque occisa.
23.8. Claudius, who writes that there were two battles on the Olympus mountain, asserts that about forty thousand men were slain; Valerius Antias, who is usually more unrestrained in exaggerating numbers, says that not more than ten thousand fell.
23.8. Claudius, qui bis pugnatum in Olympo monte scribit, ad quadraginta milia hominum auctor est caesa, Valerius Antias, qui magis immodicus in numero augendo esse solet, non plus decem milia.
23.9. The number of prisoners without doubt brought the total up to forty thousand, because they had brought with them their whole population of every class and age, like a people in migration rather than setting out to war.
23.9. numerus captivorum haud dubie milia quadraginta explevit, quia omnis generis aetatisque turbam secum traxerant demigrantium magis quam in bellum euntium modo.
23.10. The consul, having burned all the weapons of the enemy in one pile, ordered all his troops to bring in the rest of the booty and either sold that part of the booty which it was his duty to convert to public use or carefully distributed it to the soldiers so as to secure the greatest possible measure of equity.
23.10. consul armis hostium in uno concrematis cumulo ceteram praedam conferre omnis iussit, et aut vendidit, quod eius in publicum redigendum erat, aut cum cura, ut quam aequissima esset, per milites divisit.
23.11. Also before an assembly he praised everyone according to his merits, and Attalus before all, with the complete approval of the rest; for the young man had displayed not only remarkable courage and diligence amid all the toils and dangers, but also modesty of behaviour.
23.11. laudati quoque pro contione omnes sunt, donatique pro merito quisque, ante omnis Attalus summo ceterorum adsensu: nam singularis eius iuvenis cum virtus et industria in omnibus laboribus periculisque tum modestia etiam fuerat.
24.1. There remained an entirely new war with the Tectosagi. Setting out against them the consul came on the third day of marching to Ancyra, a famous city in that region, from which the enemy was a little more than ten miles distant.
24.1. supererat bellum integrum cum Tectosagis. ad eos profectus consul tertiis castris Ancyram, nobilem in illis locis urbem, pervenit, unde hostes paulo plus decem milia aberant.
24.2. While they were established in camp there, a memorable deed was done by a captive woman. The wife of the chieftain Orgiago, a woman of surpassing beauty, was held under guard among a large number of prisoners; the commander of the guard was a centurion, characterized by both the lust and the greed of the soldier.
24.2. ubi cum stativa essent, facinus memorabile a captiva factum est. Orgiagontis reguli uxor forma eximia custodiebatur inter plures captivas; cui custodiae centurio praeerat et libidinis et avaritiae militaris.
24.3. At first he tried her disposition; when he found it shrinking from voluntary fornication, he did violence to her body, which fortune had made a slave.
24.3. is primo animum temptavit; quem cum abhorrentem a voluntario videret stupro, corpori, quod servum fortuna erat, vim fecit.
24.4. Then, to quiet her indignation at the injury, he held out to the woman the hope of a return to her own people, but not even that, as a lover might have done, did he grant her for nothing. Having stipulated for a definite quantity of gold, to avoid taking one of his own men as an accomplice, he allowed the woman herself to send as a messenger to her people whomsoever of the prisoners she should choose.
24.4. deinde ad leniendam indignitatem iniuriae spem reditus ad suos mulieri facit, et ne eam quidem, ut amans, gratuitam. certo auri pondere pactus, ne quem suorum conscium haberet, ipsi permittit, ut, quem vellet, unum ex captivis nuntium ad suos mitteret.
24.5. He designated a spot near the river to which not more than two of the kinsmen of the captive were to come with the money the following night to receive her. It happened that one of the woman's own slaves was among the prisoners under the same guard.
24.5. locum prope flumen constituit, quo duo ne plus necessarii captivae cum auro venirent nocte insequenti ad eam accipiendam.
24.6. This man, as messenger, the centurion at nightfall conducted beyond the line of sentinels. The following night both the two kinsmen of the woman and the centurion with the prisoner came to the appointed place.
24.6. forte ipsius mulieris servus inter captivos eiusdem custodiae erat. hunc nuntium primis tenebris extra stationes centurio educit.
24.7. While they were displaying the money, which was to amount to an Attic talent —for so great had been the sum agreed upon —the woman in her own language ordered them to draw sword and kill the centurion as he was weighing the money.
24.7. nocte insequenti et duo necessarii mulieris ad constitutum locum et centurio cum captiva venit. ubi cum aurum ostenderent, quod summam talenti Attici — tanti enim pepigerat — expleret, mulier lingua sua, stringerent ferrum et centurionem pensantem aurum occiderent, imperavit.
24.9. When they had slit his throat and cut off his head, the woman herself wrapped it in her garment and carried it on her return to her husband Orgiago, who had escaped home from Olympus; before she embraced him she dropped at his feet the head of the centurion, and, when he wondered whose head this was and what this act meant, so unlike that of a woman, she confessed to her husband the violence done to her person and the vengeance exacted for her forcibly violated chastity, and, as the story goes, by the purity and dignity of her life in other respects maintained to the end the glory won by a deed that marked her as a true matron.
24.9. iugulati praecisum caput ipsa involutum veste ferens ad virum Orgiagontem, qui ab Olympo domum refugerat, pervenit; quem priusquam complecteretur, caput centurionis ante pedes eius abiecit, mirantique, cuiusnam id caput hominis aut quod id facinus haudquaquam muliebre esset, et iniuriam corporis et ultionem violatae per vim pudicitiae confessa viro est, aliaque, ut traditur, sanctitate et gravitate vitae huius matronalis facinoris decus ad ultimum conservavit.