1.1. While the war in Asia was in progress, there was no peace in Aetolia either, the trouble having been begun by the Athamanian people.
1.1. dum in Asia bellum geritur, ne in Aetolia quidem res quietae fuerant, principio a gente Athamanum orto.
1.2. Athamania at that time, after the expulsion of Amynander, was held by royal garrisons under the prefects of Philip, and they, by their arrogant and lawless administration, had created a longing for Amynander.
1.2. Athamania ea tempestate pulso Amynandro sub praefectis Philippi regio tenebatur praesidio, qui superbo atque immodico imperio desiderium Amynandri fecerant.
1.3. Amynander, who was then an exile in Aetolia, was inspired by the letters of his partisans, who described to him the state of affairs in Athamania, with the hope of recovering his kingdom.
1.3. exulanti tum Amynandro in Aetolia litteris suorum, indicantium statum Athamaniae, spes recuperandi regni facta est.
1.4. His agents, too, sent with his reply to the chiefs at Argithea —for this is the capital of Athamania —announced that if he perceived clearly enough the sentiments of his countrymen he would obtain the aid of the Aetolians and proceed to Athamania. They said that he had no doubt that he would easily come to an agreement with the chosen persons who comprise the council of the people and with the praetor Nicander.
1.4. remissique ab eo nuntiant principibus Argitheam — id enim caput Athamaniae erat —, si popularium animos satis perspectos haberet, impetrato ab Aetolis auxilio in Athamaniam se venturum cum Aetolorum delectis, quod consilium est gentis, et Nicandro praetore.
1.5. When he learned that they were ready for any event, he at once informed his friends on what day he would arrive in Athamania at the head of an army.
1.5. quos ubi ad omnia paratos esse vidit, certiores subinde facit, quo die cum exercitu Athamaniam ingressurus esset.
1.6. At first there were four who had conspired against the Macedonian garrison. Each of these chose six assistants to aid in carrying out their plan; then, lacking confidence by reason of their small number, which was better suited to concealment than to action, they added a number equal to that which they had first enlisted.
1.6. quattuor primo fuerunt coniurati adversus Macedonum praesidium. hi senos sibi adiutores ad rem gerendam adsumpserunt; dein paucitate parum freti, quae celandae rei quam agendae aptior erat, parem priori numerum adiecerunt.
1.7. Their number having thus become two and fifty, they divided themselves into four sections; one proceeded to Heraclea, one to Tetraphylia, which was the usual storehouse of the royal wealth, the third to Theudoria, the fourth to Argithea.
1.7. ita duo et quinquaginta facti quadrifariam se diviserunt; pars una Heracleam, altera Tetraphyliam petit, ubi custodia regiae pecuniae esse solita erat, tertia Theudoriam, quarta Argitheam.
1.8. It had been agreed upon among them all that at first they should move about quietly in the market-place as if they were engaged in transacting private business; that on the appointed day they should summon the whole population to drive the Macedonian garrisons from the citadels.
1.8. ita inter omnis convenit, ut primo quieti, velut ad privatam rem agendam venissent, in foro obversarentur; die certa multitudinem omnem convocarent ad praesidia Macedonum arcibus expellenda.
1.9. When this day came and Amynander with a thousand Aetolians was at the frontiers, according to agreement the Macedonian garrisons were expelled from the four places at once, and a despatch was sent in all directions to the other towns, summoning them to free themselves from the headstrong rule of Philip and to return to their hereditary and lawful sovereign. On all sides the Macedonians were expelled.
1.9. ubi ea dies advenit, et Amynander cum mille Aetolis in finibus erat, ex composito quattuor simul locis praesidia Macedonum expulsa, litteraeque in alias urbes passim dimissae, ut vindicarent sese ab impotenti dominatione Philippi et restituerent in patrium ac legitimum regnum.
1.10. The town of Theium, since the despatch had been intercepted by Xeno, the prefect of the garrison, and the citadel had been seized by the king's troops, held out for a few days against the besiegers;
1.10. undique Macedones expelluntur. Theium oppidum litteris a Xenone praefecto praesidii interceptis et arce ab regiis occupata paucos dies obsidentibus restitit;
1.11. finally it also was delivered to Amynander, and all Athamania was in his hands except the fortress of Athenaeum, lying on the borders of Macedonia.
1.11. deinde id quoque traditum Amynandro est, et omnis Athamania in potestate erat praeter Athenaeum castellum, finibus Macedoniae subiectum.
2.1. Philip, on hearing of the revolt of Athamania, set out with six thousand troops and very quickly arrived at Gomphi.
2.1. Philippus audita defectione Athamaniae cum sex milibus armatorum profectus ingenti celeritate Gomphos pervenit.
2.2. There he left the greater part of his men —for they would not have had strength enough for such hard marching —and with two thousand went on to Athenaeum, which alone had been held by his garrison.
2.2. ibi relicta maiore parte exercitus — neque enim ad tanta itinera sufficerent — cum duobus milibus Athenaeum, quod unum a praesidio suo retentum fuerat, pervenit.
2.3. Then, when he had quickly learned, by trial of the neighbouring towns, that everything else was unfriendly, he returned to Gomphi and thence, with his whole force united, marched into Athamania.
2.3. inde proximis temptatis cum facile animadvertisset cetera hostilia esse, Gomphos regressus omnibus copiis simul in Athamaniam redit.
2.4. He ordered Xeno to go ahead with a thousand infantry to seize Aethopia, which was favourably situated to threaten Argithea;
2.4. Xenonem inde cum mille peditibus praemissum Ethopiam occupare iubet, opportune Argitheae imminentem;
2.5. and when he saw that his men were in possession of the place, he himself encamped near the temple of Jupiter Acraeus. There he was detained for a day by a violent storm, and on the next day began his march toward Argithea.
2.5. quem ubi teneri ab suis locum vidit, ipse circa templum Iovis Acraei posuit castra. ibi unum diem foeda tempestate retentus, postero die ducere ad Argitheam intendit.
2.6. Suddenly as they were advancing the Athamanians appeared, hurrying towards the hills that commanded the road. At the first glimpse of them the advance guard halted and throughout the whole column there was terror and confusion, each for himself considering what would happen if the column were led down into the valleys lying at the foot of the cliffs.
2.6. euntibus extemplo apparuere Athamanes in tumulos imminentis viae discurrentes. ad quorum conspectum constitere prima signa, totoque agmine pavor et trepidatio erat, et pro se quisque, quidnam futurum esset, cogitare, si in valles subiectas rupibus agmen foret demissum.
2.8. This panic compelled the king, who had wished, should his troops follow him, to get through the pass with a rush, to recall the van and retire by the same road by which he had come.
2.8. haec tumultuatio regem cupientem, si se sequerentur, raptim evadere angustias, revocare primos et eadem, qua venerat, via referre coegit signa. Athamanes primo ex intervallo quieti sequebantur;
2.9. The Athamanians at first followed quietly, keeping their distance; after the Aetolians joined them, they left them to harass the column from the rear and threw themselves upon the flanks, while some, going ahead over familiar trails by a shorter route, blocked the crossing;
2.9. postquam Aetoli se coniunxerunt, hos, ut ab tergo agmini instarent, reliquerunt, ipsi ab lateribus se circumfuderunt, quidam per notas calles breviore via praegressi transitus insedere;
2.10. and such great confusion was caused among the Macedonians that in the fashion of a disorderly rout rather than a march under discipline, leaving behind many weapons and men, they crossed the river.
2.10. tantumque tumultus Macedonibus est iniectum, ut fugae magis effusae quam itineris ordinati modo multis armis virisque relictis flumen traiecerint.
2.11. This was the end of the pursuit. From that point the Macedonians returned safely to Gomphi and from Gomphi to Macedonia. The Athamanians and Aetolians came from all sides to Aethopia to destroy Xeno and his thousand Macedonians.
2.11. hic finis sequendi fuit. inde tuto Macedones Gomphos et a Gomphis in Macedoniam redierunt.
2.12. The Macedonians, distrusting the strength of the place, withdrew from Aethopia to a hill higher and steeper on every side;
2.12. Athamanes Aetolique Ethopiam ad Xenonem ac mille Macedonas opprimendos undique concurrerunt.
2.13. from this the Athamanians dislodged them, finding ways to scale it in several places, and as they scattered over pathless country and unfamiliar cliffs that offered no aid to flight, part were captured and part killed.
2.13. Macedones parum loco freti ab Ethopia in altiorem deruptioremque undique tumulum concessere; quo pluribus ex locis aditu invento expulere eos Athamanes, dispersosque et per invia atque ignotas rupes iter fugae non expedientis partim ceperunt partim interfecerunt.
2.14. Many, panic-stricken, plunged over precipices; a very few with Xeno escaped to the king. Later a truce was made to give them an opportunity to bury their dead.
2.14. multi pavore in derupta praecipitati; perpauci cum Xenone ad regem evaserunt. postea per indutias sepeliendi caesos potestas facta est.
3.1. Amynander, having recovered his kingdom, sent ambassadors both to the senate in Rome and to the Scipios in Asia, since they were tarrying in Ephesus after the decisive battle with Antiochus.
3.1. Amynander recuperato regno legatos et Romam ad senatum et ad Scipiones in Asiam, Ephesi post magnum cum Antiocho proelium morantes, misit.
3.2. He asked for peace and defended himself for having recovered his ancestral kingdom through the aid of the Aetolians; he laid the blame on Philip.
3.2. pacem petebat excusabatque sese, quod per Aetolos recuperasset paternum regnum; Philippum incusabat.
3.3. From Athamania the Aetolians moved against the Amphilochians, and with the consent of the majority brought the whole tribe under their authority and control.
3.3. Aetoli ex Athamania in Amphilochos profecti sunt et maioris partis voluntate in ius dicionemque totam redegerunt gentem.
3.4. Amphilochia having been recovered —for it had once belonged to the Aetolians —they proceeded with the same hope to Aperantia; this state also surrendered, in large measure without resistance. The Dolopians had never been subjects of the Aetolians, but belonged to Philip.
3.4. Amphilochia recepta — nam fuerat quondam Aetolorum — eadem spe in Aperantiam transcenderunt; ea quoque magna ex parte sine certamine in deditionem venit. Dolopes numquam Aetolorum fuerant, Philippi erant.
3.5. At first they rushed to arms, but after they learned that the Amphilochians were with the Aetolians, that Philip had been driven from Athamania and his garrison destroyed, they too went over from Philip to the Aetolians.
3.5. hi primo ad arma concurrerunt; ceterum postquam Amphilochos cum Aetolis esse fugamque ex Athamania Philippi et caedem praesidii eius accepere, et ipsi a Philippo ad Aetolos deficiunt.
3.6. Having set up these buffer-states and believing that they were now safe from the Macedonians on all sides, the Aetolians received the news that Antiochus had been defeated in Asia by the Romans; and not long afterwards their envoys returned from Rome with no promise of peace, and brought word that the consul Fulvius with the army had already crossed.
3.6. quibus circumiectis gentibus iam undique se a Macedonibus tutos credentibus esse Aetolis fama adfertur Antiochum in Asia victum ab Romanis; nec ita multo post legati ab Roma rediere sine spe pacis Fulviumque consulem nuntiantes cum exercitu iam traiecisse.
3.7. Terrified by this information, first summoning embassies from Rhodes and Athens, that through the influence of these states their own prayers, though previously rejected, might obtain easier access to the senate, they sent the leading men of the people to Rome to try the last hope of peace, having given no thought to the avoidance of war until the enemy was almost in sight. Marcus Fulvius had by now transported his army to Apollonia and was consulting with the chiefs of the Epirotes as to where to begin the campaign.
3.7. his territi, prius ab Rhodo et Athenis legationibus excitis, ut per auctoritatem earum civitatium suae preces nuper repudiatae faciliorem aditum ad senatum haberent, principes gentis ad temptandam spem ultimam Romam miserunt, nihil, ne bellum haberent, priusquam paene in conspectu hostis erat, praemeditati.
3.9. The advice of the Epirotes was to attack Ambracia, which had at this time joined the Aetolians: if, on the one hand, the Aetolians should come to defend it, there were open plains on which to fight; if, on the other hand, they declined an engagement, the siege would not be
3.9. iam M. Fulvius Apolloniam exercitu traiecto cum Epirotarum principibus consultabat, unde bellum inciperet. Epirotis Ambraciam placebat adgredi, quae tum contribuerat se Aetolis: sive ad tuendam eam venirent Aetoli, apertos circa campos ad dimicandum esse; sive detractarent certamen, oppugnationem fore haud difficilem:
3.11. difficult; for there was both abundance of material close at hand for building mounds and raising other siege-works, and a navigable river, the Aretho, suitable for the transportation of the necessary supplies, flowed past the very walls, and, moreover, summer was at hand, a season adapted to active operations. By such arguments they induced him to lead the army through Epirus.
3.11. nam et copiam in propinquo materiae ad aggeres excitandos et cetera opera esse, et Arethontem, navigabilem amnem, opportunum ad comportanda, quae usui sint, praeter ipsa moenia fluere, et aestatem aptam rei gerendae adesse. his persuaserunt, ut per Epirum duceret.
4.1. When the consul arrived before Ambracia, the siege seemed to him to involve great toil.
4.1. consuli ad Ambraciam advenienti magni operis oppugnatio visa est. Ambracia tumulo aspero subiecta est;
4.2. Ambracia lay at the foot of a rugged hill; the natives call it Perranthes. The city, where the wall turns towards the plains and the river, looks west; the citadel, which is situated on the hill, faces east.
4.2. Perranthem incolae vocant. urbs, qua murus vergit in campos et flumen, occidentem, arx, quae imposita tumulo est, orientem spectat.
4.3. The river Aretho, rising in Athamania, empties into the gulf of the sea which is called “the Ambracian” from the name of the neighbouring city.
4.3. amnis Aretho ex Athamania fluens cadit in sinum maris ab nomine propinquae urbis Ambracium appellatum.
4.4. In addition to the fact that the river on one side and the hills on the other defended the city, it was also protected by a strong wall, extending in circumference a little more than four miles.
4.4. praeterquam quod hinc amnis munit, hinc tumuli, muro quoque firmo saepta erat, patente in circuitu paulo amplius quattuor milia passuum.
4.5. Fulvius established two camps on the side of the plain, separated from one another by a moderate distance, and one redoubt on a high spot facing the citadel;
4.5. Fulvius bina a campo castra, modico inter se distantia intervallo, unum castellum loco edito contra arcem obiecit;
4.6. all these he planned so to connect by means of a wall and ditch that no egress from the city might be allowed the besieged nor ingress from without to a relieving force. At the report of the siege of Ambracia the Aetolians had already assembled at Stratus in response to the edict of the praetor Nicander.
4.6. ea omnia vallo atque fossa ita iungere parat, ne exitus inclusis ab urbe neve aditus foris ad auxilia intromittenda esset. ad famam oppugnationis Ambraciae Stratum iam edicto Nicandri praetoris convenerant Aetoli.
4.7. It had been their first intention to march from there with their entire force to prevent the siege; then, when they saw that the city was already in large part hemmed in by siege-works, and that the camp of the Epirotes lay on level ground across the river, they decided to divide their forces.
4.7. inde primo copiis omnibus ad prohibendam obsidionem venire in animo fuerat; dein, postquam urbem iam magna ex parte operibus saeptam viderunt, Epirotarum trans flumen loco plano castra posita esse, dividere copias placuit.
4.8. Eupolemus with a thousand light-armed troops, setting out for Ambracia, entered the city through the fortifications which had not yet been joined together.
4.8. cum mille expeditis Eupolemus Ambraciam profectus per nondum commissa inter se munimenta urbem intravit.
4.9. It had been the original plan that Nicander, with the rest of the troops, should make a night attack on the camp of the Epirotes, which could not readily be aided by the Romans because the river was between them;
4.9. Nicandro cum cetera manu primo Epirotarum castra nocte adgredi consilium fuerat haud facili ab Romanis auxilio, quia flumen intererat;
4.10. later, thinking that there was in the enterprise the danger that the Romans might somehow learn of it and he have no escape to a place of safety, he abandoned that design and turned aside to plunder Acarnania.
4.10. dein, periculosum inceptum ratus, ne qua sentirent Romani et regressus inde in tuto non esset, deterritus ab hoc consilio ad depopulandam Acarnaniam iter convertit.
5.1. The consul had by now completed the fortifications by which the town had to be surrounded as well as the siege-engines which he was making ready to move up to the walls, and attacked the ramparts in five places at once.
5.1. consul iam munimentis, quibus saepienda urbs erat, iam operibus, quae admovere muris parabat, perfectis quinque simul locis moenia est adgressus.
5.2. Three of the assaults, equidistant from one another, the approach from the plain being easier, he directed against what they call the “Pyrrheum,” one on the side of the temple of Aesculapius, one against the citadel.
5.2. tria opera paribus intervallis, faciliore aditu a campo, adversus Pyrrheum, quod vocant, admovit, unum e regione Aesculapii, unum adversus arcem.
5.3. He was shaking the walls with battering-rams; he was pulling down the parapets with hooks fixed on poles.
5.3. arietibus muros quatiebat; asseribus falcatis detergebat pinnas. oppidanos primo et ad speciem et ad ictus moenium cum terribili sonitu editos pavor ac trepidatio cepit;
5.4. The citizens were at first stricken with terror and confusion both at the sight and at the blows which struck the walls with fearful din; then, when they saw the walls still standing, contrary to expectations, they recovered their courage and with the aid of cranes they dropped on the rams masses of lead or stone or stout logs;
5.4. deinde, ut praeter spem stare muros viderunt, collectis rursus animis in arietes tollenonibus libramenta plumbi aut saxorum stipitesve robustos incutiebant; falces ancoris ferreis iniectis in interiorem partem muri trahentes asserem praefringebant;
5.5. seizing the wall-hooks with grappling-irons they pulled them inside the walls and broke off the poles; besides, by sallies conducted both by night against the guards of the engines and by day against the outposts they did their part in spreading terror.
5.5. ad hoc eruptionibus et nocturnis in custodias operum et diurnis in stationes ultro terrorem inferebant.
5.6. While matters before Ambracia were in this state, the Aetolians had now returned to Stratus from the devastation of Acarnania. Then the praetor Nicander, conceiving the hope of raising the siege by a bold stroke, sent a certain Nicodamus with five hundred Aetolians into Ambracia.
5.6. in hoc statu res ad Ambraciam cum essent, iam Aetoli a populatione Acarnaniae Stratum redierant. inde Nicander praetor spem nactus solvendae incepto forti obsidionis, Nicodamum quendam cum Aetolis quingentis Ambraciam intromittit.
5.7. He appointed a certain night and even an hour of the night when both the troops from the city should attack the enemy's siege-works which faced the Pyrrheum and he himself should cause a panic in the Roman camp, thinking that something memorable could be accomplished by an attack from two directions and with night adding to the terror.
5.7. noctem certam tempusque etiam noctis constituit, quo et illi ab urbe opera hostium, quae adversus Pyrrheum erant, adgrederentur, et ipse ad castra Romana terrorem faceret, posse ratus ancipiti tumultu et nocte augente pavorem memorabilem rem geri.
5.8. And Nicodamus, at dead of night, after eluding some pickets and forcing his way past others by a resolute attack, crossed one branch of the wall and entered the town thereby inspiring in the besieged no small degree of courage for any deed of daring and of hope, and as soon as the appointed night arrived, according to the agreement, he suddenly attacked the siege-works.
5.8. et Nicodamus intempesta nocte, cum alias custodias fefellisset, per alias impetu constanti perrupisset, superato brachio in urbem penetrat, animique aliquantum ad omnia audenda et spei obsessis adiecit et, simul constituta nox venit, ex composito repente opera est adgressus.
5.9. This venture was more serious in its purpose than in its result, since no attack was made from outside, whether because the Aetolian praetor was prevented by fear or because it seemed better to assist the Amphilochians who had just been recovered and whom Perseus, the son of Philip, sent to regain control of Dolopia and the Amphilochians, was attacking with the greatest vigour.
5.9. id inceptum conatu quam effectu gravius fuit, quia nulla ab exteriore parte vis admota est, seu metu deterrito praetore Aetolorum, seu quia potius visum est Amphilochis nuper receptis ferre opem, quos Perseus, Philippi filius, missus ad Dolopiam Amphilochosque recipiendos, summa vi oppugnabat.
6.1. There were Roman works, as has been said before, in three places facing the Pyrrheum, all of which the Aetolians attacked at once, but not with the same equipment or violence:
6.1. tribus locis, sicut ante dictum est, ad Pyrrheum opera Romana erant, quae omnia simul, sed nec apparatu nec vi simili, Aetoli adgressi sunt:
6.2. some advanced with flaming torches, others carrying tow and pitch and firebrands, the whole battle-line gleaming with flames.
6.2. alii cum ardentibus facibus, alii stuppam picemque et malleolos ferentes, tota collucente flammis acie, advenere.
6.3. They cut down many of the guards at the first attack; then, when the shouting and the din were heard in the camp and the signal was given by the consul, the Romans seized their arms and from all the gates hastened to the rescue.
6.3. multos primo impetu custodes oppresserunt; dein, postquam clamor tumultusque in castra est perlatus datumque a consule signum, arma capiunt et omnibus portis ad opem ferendam effunduntur.
6.4. The battle raged with steel and fire; in two places the Aetolians retired without accomplishing anything, after trying rather than actually beginning an engagement; the severe fighting had concentrated in one place. There in different quarters the two captains Eupolemus and Nicodamus were urging on the fighters and encouraging them with the almost certain hope that Nicander would soon be there according to agreement and would take the enemy in the rear. This assurance kept up for a considerable time the spirits of the fighters;
6.4. uno in loco ferro ignique gesta res; ab duobus irrito incepto, cum temptassent magis quam inissent certamen, Aetoli abscesserunt; atrox pugna in unum inclinaverat locum. ibi diversis partibus duo duces Eupolemus et Nicodamus pugnantis hortabantur et prope certa fovebant spe iam Nicandrum ex composito adfore et terga hostium invasurum.
6.6. but when they received no signal from their comrades according to the agreement and they perceived that the number of the enemy was increasing, being thus left unsupported, they pressed on less vigorously;
6.6. haec res aliquamdiu animos pugnantium sustinuit; ceterum, postquam nullum ex composito signum a suis accipiebant et crescere numerum hostium cernebant, destituti segnius instare;
6.7. finally, abandoning their effort, their retreat being by now scarcely safe, they were driven back into the city in flight, after they had burned part of the siege-works and killed a considerably larger number of the enemy than they had themselves lost. But if the plan had been carried out according to the agreement there was no doubt that in one place at least the works could have been taken with heavy loss to the enemy.
6.7. postremo re omissa iam vix tuto receptu fugientes in urbem compelluntur, parte operum incensa et pluribus aliquanto, quam ipsi ceciderant, interfectis. quodsi ex composito acta res fuisset, haud dubium erat expugnari una utique parte opera cum magna caede hostium potuisse.
6.8. The Ambraciots and the Aetolians who were inside the city not only gave up their attempt for that night, but for the future too, feeling that they had been deserted by their friends, they were more reluctant to face dangers.
6.8. Ambracienses quique intus erant Aetoli non ab eius solum noctis incepto recessere, sed in reliquum quoque tempus velut proditi ab suis segniores ad pericula erant.
6.9. Henceforth no one took part in sallies, as before, against the outguards of the enemy, but posting themselves along the walls and towers they fought in safety.
6.9. iam nemo eruptionibus, ut ante, in stationes hostium, sed dispositi per muros et turres ex tuto pugnabant.
7.1. When Perseus learned that the Aetolians were approaching, he abandoned the siege of the city he was investing and, merely plundering the fields, withdrew from Amphilochia and returned to Macedonia.
7.1. Perseus ubi adesse Aetolos audivit, omissa obsidione urbis, quam oppugnabat, depopulatus tantum agros Amphilochia excessit atque in Macedoniam redit.
7.2. The Aetolians too were called away from there by the devastation of their sea-coast. Pleuratus, the king of the Illyrians, sailed into the Corinthian gulf with sixty cruisers and joining the ships of the Achaeans which were at Patrae was laying waste the coast districts of Aetolia.
7.2. et Aetolos inde avocavit populatio maritumae orae. Pleuratus, Illyriorum rex, cum sexaginta lembis Corinthium sinum invectus adiunctis Achaeorum quae Patris erant navibus marituma Aetoliae vastabat.
7.3. A thousand Aetolians sent against them, wherever the fleet went, following the indentations of the shoreline, would travel by shorter routes and meet them.
7.3. adversus quos mille Aetoli missi, quacumque se classis circumegerat per litorum amfractus, brevioribus semitis occurrebant.
7.4. Also the Romans before Ambracia, by battering at the walls with rams, had to a great extent laid bare the town, but nevertheless could not force their way into it;
7.4. et Romani ad Ambraciam pluribus locis quatiendo arietibus muros aliquantum urbis nudaverant, nec tamen penetrare in urbem poterant:
7.5. for with equal speed a new wall was thrown up to replace what had been destroyed and armed men, standing on the ruins, served as a fortification.
7.5. nam et pari celeritate novus pro diruto murus obiciebatur, et armati ruinis superstantes instar munimenti erant.
7.6. Accordingly, since visibly applied force was not progressing well for the consul, he determined to dig secretly a tunnel in a place formerly covered by his sheds, and for a considerable period, although the work was in progress day and night, not only the men digging beneath the ground but also those who were carrying out the earth went unnoticed by the enemy.
7.6. itaque cum aperta vi parum procederet consuli res, cuniculum occultum vineis ante contecto loco agere instituit; et aliquamdiu, cum dies noctesque in opere essent, non solum sub terra fodientes sed egerentes etiam humum fefellere hostem.
7.7. Suddenly a rising mound of earth betrayed the work to the townspeople, and, fearing that the walls had already been undermined and a way opened into the city, they began to dig a ditch inside the wall in the direction of that work which had been covered by the sheds.
7.7. cumulus repente terrae eminens index operis oppidanis fuit, pavidique, ne iam subrutis muris facta in urbem via esset, fossam intra murum e regione eius operis, quod vineis contectum erat, ducere instituunt.
7.8. When they came to a depth as great as the bottom of the tunnel could have, they remained silent, and placing their ears against the walls in several places they listened for the sound of the diggers.
7.8. cuius ubi ad tantam altitudinem, quantae esse solum infimum cuniculi poterat, pervenerunt, silentio facto pluribus locis aure admota sonitum fodientium captabant.
7.9. When they heard this they opened a way straight into the tunnel, nor was this a difficult task; for in a moment they came into the open space where the enemy was supporting the roof on props.
7.9. quem ubi acceperunt, aperiunt rectam in cuniculum viam. nec fuit magni operis: momento enim ad inane suspenso furculis ab hostibus muro pervenerunt.
7.10. The works joining there, as the way was open from the trench to the tunnel, they began to fight, at first with the same tools which they had used in the work, then quickly armed men too came up and engaged in a hidden battle underground; later this fighting became more desultory, since they blocked the tunnel wherever they wished, now with curtains stretched across, now with hastily constructed doors. A new device as well, and one easy of execution, was thought out against the Romans who were in the tunnel.
7.10. ibi commissis operibus, cum e fossa in cuniculum pateret iter, primo ipsis ferramentis, quibus in opere usi erant, deinde celeriter armati etiam subeuntes occultam sub terra ediderunt pugnam; segnior deinde ea facta est intersaepientibus cuniculum, ubi vellent, nunc ciliciis praetentis nunc foribus raptim obiectis.
7.11. They prepared a cask pierced at the bottom, where a pipe of moderate size could be inserted, and likewise an iron pipe and an iron lid for the cask, this lid too being perforated in several places. This cask, filled with light feathers, they placed with its mouth facing the tunnel. They fixed in the holes in the lid the very long spears which they call “sarisae,” so as to keep the enemy at a distance.
7.11. nova etiam haud magni operis adversus eos, qui in cuniculo erant, excogitata res. dolium a fundo pertusum, qua fistula modica inseri posset, et ferream fistulam operculumque dolii ferreum, et ipsum pluribus locis perforatum, fecerunt. hoc tenui pluma completum dolium ore in cuniculum verso posuerunt.
7.12. A light spark of flame, placed among the feathers, they fanned by blowing with a smith's bellows placed at the mouth of the pipe.
7.12. per operculi foramina praelongae hastae, quas sarisas vocant, ad summovendos hostes eminebant. scintillam levem ignis inditam plumae folle fabrili ad caput fistulae imposito flando accenderunt.
7.13. Then, since smoke, not merely abundant in quantity, but, even more, unendurable by reason of the vile stench from the burning feathers, had filled the whole tunnel, scarcely anyone was able to remain within it.
7.13. inde non solum magna vis fumi sed acrior etiam foedo quodam nidore ex adusta pluma cum totum cuniculum complesset, vix durare quisquam intus poterat.
8.1. While affairs were in this condition at Ambracia, Phaeneas and Damoteles came to the consul as ambassadors from the Aetolians, with full power to act, by decree of the people. For their praetor, when he saw that on one side Ambracia was undergoing siege, that on another the sea-coast was endangered by the enemy's ships, that on a third the Amphilochians and Dolopia were being plundered by the Macedonians, and that the Aetolians, rushing here and there to three different wars at the same time, could not hold out, called a council and laid before the chiefs of Aetolia the question of what should be done.
8.1. cum in hoc statu ad Ambraciam res esset, legati ab Aetolis Phaeneas et Damoteles cum liberis mandatis decreto gentis ad consulem venerunt. nam praetor eorum, cum alia parte Ambraciam oppugnari cerneret, alia infestam oram navibus hostium esse, alia Amphilochos Dolopiam que a Macedonibus vastari, nec Aetolos ad tria simul diversa bella occursantis sufficere, convocato concilio Aetolos principes, quid agendum esset, consuluit.
8.3. The opinions of all tended in this direction —that peace should be sought, on fair terms if possible, if not, on endurable terms: they argued that they had begun the war because of their reliance on Antiochus;
8.3. omnium eo sententiae decurrerunt, ut pax, si posset, aequis, si minus, tolerandis condicionibus peteretur: Antiochi fiducia bellum susceptum;
8.4. when Antiochus was beaten on land and sea and driven virtually beyond the bounds of the earth, to the other side of the ridges of Taurus, what hope was there of continuing the war?
8.4. Antiocho terra marique superato et prope extra orbem terrae ultra iuga Tauri exacto quam spem esse sustinendi belli?
8.5. Phaeneas and Damoteles, they said, should do what they judged consistent with the best interests of the Aetolians, considering the straits they were in, and with their own sense of loyalty; for what plan that they could adopt or what choice of action was left them by fortune?
8.5. Phaeneas et Damoteles quod e re Aetolorum, ut in tali casu, fideque sua esse censerent, agerent: quod enim sibi consilium aut cuius rei electionem a fortuna relictam?
8.6. The envoys, sent with these instructions, begged the consul to spare the city and to have compassion on a people, once his ally, now driven to the point of madness, they would not say by their wrongs but at least by their misfortunes;
8.6. cum his mandatis legati missi orare consulem, ut parceret urbi, misereretur gentis quondam sociae, nolle dicere iniuriis, miseriis certe coactae insanire;
8.7. the Aetolians had not deserved to suffer any ill fortune, by reason of the war with Antiochus, outweighing the good service which they had rendered previously when they had fought against Philip; neither had liberal gratitude been shown them then nor should excessive punishment be imposed upon them now. To this the consul replied that the Aetolians ever sought peace frequently rather than sincerely.
8.7. non plus mali meritos Aetolos Antiochi bello, quam boni ante, cum adversus Philippum bellatum sit, fecisse; nec tum large gratiam relatam sibi, nec nunc immodice poenam iniungi debere. ad ea consul respondit magis saepe quam vere umquam Aetolos pacem petere. imitarentur Antiochum in petenda pace, quem in bellum traxissent;
8.8. In their plea for peace they should follow the example of Antiochus, whom they had enticed into the war; he had withdrawn not from a few towns about whose liberty there was a question, but from the whole rich land of Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains.
8.8. non paucis urbibus eum, de quarum libertate certatum sit, sed omni Asia cis Taurum montem, opimo regno, excessisse.
8.9. He would not, he said, listen to the Aetolians treating for peace unless they were disarmed;
8.9. Aetolos nisi inermes de pace agentes non auditurum se;
8.10. they must first turn over their weapons and all their horses, then pay a thousand talents of silver to the Roman people, of which sum half must be paid at once if they wanted to have peace. He would, besides, add this clause to the treaty —that they should regard as friends and enemies the same persons whom the Romans so regarded.
8.10. arma illis prius equosque omnis tradendos esse, deinde mille talentum argenti populo Romano dandum, cuius summae dimidium praesens numeretur, si pacem habere vellent. ad ea adiecturum etiam in foedus esse, ut eosdem quos populus Romanus amicos atque hostis habeant.
9.1. To these proposals, both because they were severe and because the ambassadors knew that the tempers of their people were fierce and changeable, they made no reply but returned home, that they might again and again consult the praetor and the chiefs as to what was to be done while they were still uncommitted to a decision.
9.1. adversus quae legati, et quia gravia erant, et quia suorum animos indomitos ac mutabiles noverant, nullo reddito responso domum regressi sunt, ut etiam atque etiam, quid agendum esset, re integra praetorem et principes consulerent.
9.2. They were received with abusive shouts, being asked how long they would drag things out, and were ordered to bring back any sort of peace whatsoever, but when they were returning to Ambracia they were caught in an ambush set beside the road by the Acarnanians, with whom they were at war, and were taken to Thyrreum for confinement.
9.2. clamore et iurgio excepti, quam diu rem traherent, qualemcumque pacem referre iussi, cum redirent Ambraciam, Acarnanum insidiis prope viam positis, cum quibus bellum erat, circumventi Thyrreum custodiendi deducuntur.
9.3. This caused a delay to the peace, although ambassadors of the Athenians and the Rhodians, who had come to intercede for them, were now with the consul.
9.3. haec mora iniecta est paci, cum iam Atheniensium Rhodiorumque legati, qui ad deprecandum pro iis venerant, apud consulem essent.
9.4. Amynander also, the king of the Athamanians, had come to the Roman camp under a safeguard, more concerned for the city of Ambracia, where he had spent the greater part of his exile, than for the Aetolians.
9.4. Amynander quoque Athamanum rex fide accepta venerat in castra Romana, magis pro Ambracia urbe, ubi maiorem partem temporis exulaverat, quam pro Aetolis sollicitus.
9.5. Being informed by them of the misfortune of the ambassadors, the consul ordered them to be brought from Thyrreum; after their arrival the discussion of peace began.
9.5. per hos certior factus consul de casu legatorum adduci eos a Thyrreo iussit; quorum post adventum agi coeptum est de pace.
9.6. Amynander, since this was his particular mission, laboured earnestly to induce the Ambraciots to surrender.
9.6. Amynander, quod sui maxime operis erat, impigre agebat, ut Ambracienses compelleret ad deditionem.
9.7. When he met with little success in this, approaching the walls and conferring with the chiefs, finally, by permission of the consul, he entered the city, and partly by advice and partly by entreaty he prevailed upon them to entrust themselves to the Romans.
9.7. id cum per colloquia principum succedens murum parum proficeret, postremo consulis permissu ingressus urbem partim consilio partim precibus evicit, ut permitterent se Romanis.
9.8. The Aetolians too received notable assistance from Gaius Valerius, son of the Laevinus, who had concluded the first treaty of friendship with that people, Gaius being the brother of the consul and born of the same mother.
9.8. et Aetolos C. Valerius, Laevini filius, qui cum ea gente primum amicitiam pepigerat, consulis frater matre eadem genitus, egregie adiuvit.
9.9. The Ambraciots, having first bargained that the Aetolian auxiliaries should be released in safety, opened their gates. Then terms of peace were given to the Aetolians: they were to pay five hundred Euboean talents, two hundred of these at once and three hundred in equal instalments through six years; they were to restore the prisoners and deserters to the Romans;
9.9. Ambracienses prius pacti, ut Aetolorum auxiliares sine fraude emitterent, aperuerunt portas. dein … quingenta Euboica ut darent talenta, ex quibus ducenta praesentia, trecenta per annos sex pensionibus aequis; captivos perfugasque redderent Romanis;
9.10. they were to bring under their jurisdiction no city which since the time when Titus Quinctius had crossed to Greece had either been captured by force by the Romans or had voluntarily entered into friendship with them; the island of Cephallania was to be outside the scope of the treaty.
9.10. urbem ne quam formulae sui iuris facerent, quae post id tempus, quo T. Quinctius traiecisset in Graeciam, aut vi capta ab Romanis esset aut voluntate in amicitiam venisset;
9.11. Although these terms were much lighter than they had anticipated, the request of the Aetolians that they should submit them to their council was granted.
9.11. Cephallania insula ut extra ius foederis esset. haec quamquam spe ipsorum aliquanto leviora essent, petentibus Aetolis, ut ad concilium referrent, permissum est.
9.12. There was a brief dispute about the cities, since they took it hard that towns which had once been under their control should be torn, as it were, from their body, yet all unanimously agreed that the peace should be accepted. The Ambraciots presented the consul with a golden crown of one hundred and fifty pounds' weight.
9.12. parva disceptatio de urbibus tenuit, quae cum sui iuris aliquando fuissent, avelli velut a corpore suo aegre patiebantur; ad unum omnes tamen accipi pacem iusserunt.
9.13. The bronze and marble statues and the paintings with which Ambracia was more lavishly adorned than the other cities of this region, because the palace of Pyrrhus had been there, were all removed and carried away; nothing else was touched or harmed.
9.13. Ambracienses coronam auream consuli centum et quinquaginta pondo dederunt. signa aenea marmoreaque et tabulae pictae, quibus ornatior Ambracia, quia regia ibi Pyrrhi fuerat, quam ceterae regionis eius urbes erant, sublata omnia avectaque; nihil praeterea tactum violatumve.
10.1. Leaving Ambracia for the interior of Aetolia, the consul encamped near Amphilochian Argos, it being twenty-two miles from Ambracia. There finally the Aetolian ambassadors came while the consul was wondering why they were delaying.
10.1. profectus ab Ambracia consul in mediterranea Aetoliae ad Argos Amphilochium — viginti duo milia ab Ambracia abest — castra posuit. eo tandem legati Aetoli mirante consule, quod morarentur, venerunt.
10.2. Then, when he learned that the council of the Aetolians had approved the peace, having ordered them to go to the senate in Rome and having given permission to both the Rhodians and the Athenians to go with them as intercessors, and appointed his brother Gaius Valerius to accompany them, he himself crossed to Cephallania.
10.2. inde, postquam approbasse pacem concilium Aetolorum accepit, iussis proficisci Romam ad senatum permissoque, ut et Rhodii et Athenienses deprecatores irent, dato, qui simul cum iis proficisceretur, C. Valerio fratre ipse in Cephallaniam traiecit.
10.3. The ambassadors found that the ears and minds of the leading men at Rome had already been filled by the allegations of Philip, who, through envoys, through letters, complaining that the Dolopians, the Amphilochians and Athamania had been snatched from him and that his garrisons and finally even his son Perseus had been driven off from the Amphilochians, had made the senate disinclined to hear their petitions. Nevertheless, the Rhodians and the Athenians were listened to in silence.
10.3. praeoccupatas auris animosque principum Romae criminibus Philippi invenerunt, qui per legatos, per litteras Dolopas Amphilochosque et Athamaniam ereptas sibi querens, praesidiaque sua, postremo filium etiam Persea ex Amphilochis pulsum, averterat senatum ab audiendis precibus eorum.
10.4. The Athenian ambassador Leon, the son of Hicesias, is said to have created something of an impression by his eloquence; employing the familiar simile of a calm sea which is disturbed by the winds, likening to it the Aetolian populace, he said that as long as they had remained faithful to the Roman alliance they had been quiet with the natural calmness of the race; after Thoas and Dicaearchus began to blow from Asia and Menestas and Damocritus from Europe, then that storm had arisen which had dashed them upon Antiochus as upon a rock.
10.4. Rhodii tamen et Athenienses cum silentio auditi sunt. Atheniensis legatus Leon Hicesiae filius eloquentia etiam dicitur movisse; qui vulgata similitudine, mari tranquillo, quod ventis concitaretur, aequiperando multitudinem Aetolorum, usus, cum in fide Romanae societatis mansissent, insita gentis tranquillitate quiesse eos aiebat; postquam flare ab Asia Thoas et Dicaearchus, ab Europa Menestas et Damocritus coepissent, tum illam tempestatem coortam, quae ad Antiochum eos sicuti in scopulum intulisset.
11.1. After long agitation the Aetolians finally succeeded in obtaining an agreement on the terms of peace.
11.1. diu iactati Aetoli tandem, ut condiciones pacis convenirent, effecerunt. fuerunt autem hae:
11.2. These were the conditions: “The people of the Aetolians shall uphold the sovereignty and dignity of the Roman people without fraud; they shall permit no army which is being led against the allies and friends of the Romans to cross their borders and shall aid such an army in no way;”
11.2. “imperium maiestatemque populi Romani gens Aetolorum conservato sine dolo malo; ne quem exercitum, qui adversus socios amicosque eorum ducetur, per fines suos transire sinito, neve ulla ope iuvato;
11.3. “they shall regard as enemies the same persons whom the Romans so regard, shall take up arms against them and make war upon them in company with the Romans;”
11.3. hostis eosdem habeto quos populus Romanus, armaque in eos ferto, bellumque pariter gerito;
11.4. “they shall restore deserters, runaways and captives to the Romans and their allies, except such prisoners as were captured a second time after they had returned to their homes, or such as were captured from those who were enemies to the Romans at that time when the Aetolians were associated with the Roman forces, and any of the others who shall be discovered within one hundred days to the magistrates of the Corcyraeans without fraud;”
11.4. perfugas fugitivos captivos reddito Romanis sociisque, praeterquam si qui capti, cum domos redissent, iterum capti sunt, aut si qui eo tempore ex iis capti sunt, qui tum hostes erant Romanis, cum intra praesidia Romana Aetoli essent;
11.5. “those who shall not be discovered shall be turned over as soon as each of them is found;” “they shall deliver to the Romans forty hostages, acceptable to the consul, none younger than twelve years nor older than forty, provided that no hostage shall be a ” “praetor, a commander of cavalry, a public secretary, or one who has previously been a hostage at Rome; Cephallania shall be excepted from the terms of peace.”
11.5. aliorum qui comparebunt intra dies centum Corcyraeorum magistratibus sine dolo malo tradantur; qui non comparebunt, quando quisque eorum primum inventus erit, reddatur; obsides quadraginta arbitratu consulis Romanis dato ne minores duodecim annorum neu maiores quadraginta, obses ne esto praetor, praefectus equitum, scriba publicus, neu quis, qui ante obses fuit apud Romanos;
11.8. Regarding the sum of money which they were to pay and the instalments thereof, no change was made in the conditions proposed by the consul; “if in place of silver they propose to pay gold, let them do so,” it was agreed, “provided that one gold piece shall be the equivalent of ten pieces of silver.”
11.8. Cephallania extra pacis leges esto.” de pecuniae summa, quam penderent, pensionibusque eius nihil ex eo, quod cum consule convenerat, mutatum; pro argento si aurum dare mallent, darent, convenit, dum pro argenteis decem aureus unus valeret.
11.9. “Whatever cities, whatever districts, whatever persons have at any time been under the jurisdiction of the Aetolians and have, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Gnaeus Domitius or after that consulship, either been conquered by arms or submitted voluntarily to the control of the Roman people, none of these shall the Aetolians essay to recover; the Oeniadae with their city and lands shall belong to the Acarnanians.” On these conditions the treaty with the Aetolians was concluded.
11.9. “quae urbes, qui agri, qui homines Aetolorum iuris aliquando fuerunt, qui eorum T. Quinctio Cn. Domitio consulibus postve eos consules aut armis subacti aut voluntate in dicionem populi Romani venerunt, ne quem eorum Aetoli recepisse velint; Oeniadae cum urbe agrisque Acarnanum sunto.” his legibus foedus ictum cum Aetolis est.
12.1. Not merely in the same summer, but even practically during the same days when Marcus Fulvius the consul was thus engaged in Aetolia, the other consul Gnaeus Manlius in Gallograecia waged the war which I shall now proceed to describe.
12.1. eadem non aestate solum, sed etiam iisdem prope diebus, quibus haec a M. Fulvio consule in Aetolia gesta sunt, consul alter Cn. Manlius in Gallograecia bellum gessit, quod nunc ordiri pergam.
12.2. The consul arrived in Ephesus in the beginning of spring, and, having taken over the troops from Lucius Scipio and purified the army, he delivered a speech to the soldiers in which he gave great praise to their valour because they had ended the war with Antiochus by a single battle, and urged them to undertake a new war with the Gauls, who had not only aided Antiochus with auxiliaries but possessed spirits so untamable that the expulsion of Antiochus beyond
12.2. vere primo Ephesum consul venit, acceptisque copiis ab L. Scipione et exercitu lustrato contionem apud milites habuit, qua collaudata virtute eorum, quod cum Antiocho uno proelio debellassent, adhortatus eos ad novum cum Gallis suscipiendum bellum,
12.4. the ridges of the Taurus mountains would be in vain unless the power of the Gauls were broken, while as regards himself also he added brief remarks, neither false nor exaggerated.
12.4. qui et auxiliis iuvissent Antiochum, et adeo indomita haberent ingenia, ut nequiquam Antiochus emotus ultra iuga Tauri montis esset, nisi frangerentur opes Gallorum, de se quoque pauca, nec falsa nec immodica, adiecit.
12.5. The joyous soldiers listened to the consul with great applause, believing that the Gauls had been only a part of the forces of Antiochus; after the defeat of the king there would be no strength in the Gauls alone and by themselves.
12.5. laeti milites cum frequenti adsensu consulem audiverunt, partem virium Antiochi fuisse Gallos credentes; rege superato nullum momentum in solis per se Gallorum copiis fore.
12.6. The consul believed that Eumenes was away at an unsuitable time —he was then in Rome —as he was familiar with the country and the people and as it was to his interest that the power of the Gauls should be broken.
12.6. Eumenen haud in tempore abesse — Romae tum erat credere consul, gnarum locorum hominumque, et cuius interesset frangi Gallorum opes.
12.7. Manlius therefore summoned Eumenes' brother Attalus from Pergamum and urged him to join in the prosecution of the war, and on receiving the promise of the co-operation of himself and his countrymen sent him home to make preparations.
12.7. Attalum igitur fratrem eius accersit a Pergamo, hortatusque ad capessendum secum bellum pollicentem suam suorumque operam domum ad comparandum dimittit.
12.8. A few days later, when the consul left Ephesus for Magnesia, Attalus met him with a thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry, having directed his brother Athenaeus to follow with the rest of the army and having entrusted the guardianship of Pergamum to those men whom he deemed loyal to his brother and the throne.
12.8. paucos post dies profecto ab Epheso consuli ad Magnesiam occurrit Attalus cum mille peditibus, equitibus quingentis, Athenaeo fratre iusso cum ceteris copiis subsequi, commendata iis custodia Pergami, quos fratri regnoque fidos credebat.
12.9. The consul, praising the young man, marched with the entire force to the Meander and encamped, because the river could not be crossed by fording and boats had to be collected to ferry the army across. After crossing the Meander they advanced to Hiera Comê.
12.9. consul collaudato iuvene cum omnibus copiis ad Maeandrum progressus castra posuit, quia vado superari amnis non poterat et contrahendae naves erant ad exercitum traiciendum.
13.1. There was at this place a venerable shrine of Apollo and an oracle; the priests, it is said, give the responses in verses not without polish.
13.1. transgressi Maeandrum ad Hieran Comen pervenerunt. Fanum ibi augustum Apollinis et oraculum; sortes versibus haud inconditis ditis dare vates dicuntur.
13.2. On the second day's march from here they came to the Harpasus river, where ambassadors from Alabanda came with the request that he would compel, either by authority or by armed force, a stronghold which had recently revolted from them to accept its ancient status.
13.2. hinc alteris castris ad Harpasum flumen ventum est, quo legati ab Alabandis venerunt, ut castellum, quod ab ipsis nuper descisset, aut auctoritate aut armis cogeret iura antiqua pati.
13.3. There also came Athenaeus, the brother of Eumenes and Attalus, with Leusus the Cretan and Corragus the Macedonian; they brought with them a thousand infantry of different nationalities and three hundred cavalry. The consul, sending a tribune of the soldiers with a force of moderate size, took the stronghold by storm and having captured it turned it over to the people of Alabanda.
13.3. eodem et Athenaeus, Eumenis et Attali frater, cum Cretense Leuso et Corrago Macedone venit; mille pedites mixtarum gentium et trecentos equites secum adduxerunt.
13.4. He himself, not leaving the direct road, pitched camp at Antiochia on the Meander river. The sources of this river spring from Celaenae. The city of Celaenae was once the capital of Phrygia; thence there was a migration to a place not far from old Celaenae, and to the new town was given the name of Apamea, from Apama, the sister of King Seleucus.
13.4. consul tribuno militum misso cum modica manu castellum vi cepit, captum Alabandensibus reddit. ipse nihil via degressus ad Antiochiam super Maeandrum amnem posuit castra.
13.5. The Marsyas river also, rising not far from the sources of the. Meander, empties into the Meander, and the story runs thus, that at Celaenae Marsyas contended with Apollo in playing on the pipes.
13.5. huius amnis fontes Celaenis oriuntur. Celaenae urbs caput quondam Phrygiae fuit; migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celaenis, novaeque urbi Apameae nomen inditum ab Apama sorore Seleuci regis.
13.6. The Meander, rising on top of the citadel of Celaenae and flowing through the centre of the city, then first through Carian and later Ionian territory, empties into the gulf of the sea which lies between Prienê and Miletus. At Antiochia, Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, came to the consul's camp to furnish the grain to the army in accordance with the treaty made with Scipio.
13.6. et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Maeandri fontibus oriens, in Maeandrum cadit, famaque ita tenet, Celaenis Marsyan cum Apolline tibiarum cantu certasse.
13.7. There was a short argument regarding the auxiliaries of Attalus, since Seleucus maintained that Antiochus had bargained to supply grain to the Roman soldiers only.
13.7. Maeander ex arce summa Celaenarum ortus, media urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas in sinum maris editur, qui inter Prienen et Miletum est.
13.8. This too was ended by the firmness of the consul, who sent a tribune with the order that no Roman soldiers should receive any grain until the auxiliaries of Attalus should have had their share. Thence he marched to the place called Gordiutichi. From there they came on the third march to Tabae. The city lies on the borders of the Pisidians, on the side which faces the Pamphylian sea. Since the strength of the region was unimpaired, its men were fierce in warfare. At this time too the cavalry, charging the Roman column, threw it at first into no small degree of confusion; then, when it became evident that they were equal in neither numbers nor courage, when driven back into the town they begged pardon for their mistake and were ready to surrender the city. The consul exacted of them twenty-five talents of silver and ten thousand medimni of wheat; on these terms they were received in surrender.
13.8. ad Antiochiam in castra consulis Seleucus, Antiochi filius, ex foedere icto cum Scipione ad frumentum exercitui dandum venit. parva disceptatio de Attali auxiliaribus orta est, quod Romano tantum militi pactum Antiochum ut daretur frumentum Seleucus dicebat. discussa ea quoque est constantia consulis, qui misso tribuno edixit, ne Romani milites acciperent, priusquam Attali auxilia accepissent. inde ad Gordiutichos quod vocant processum est. ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum. in finibus Pisidarum posita urbs est, in ea parte, quae vergit ad Pamphylium mare. integris viribus regionis eius feroces ad bellandum habebat viros. tum quoque equites in agmen Romanum eruptione facta haud modice primo impetu turbavere; deinde ut apparuit nec numero se nec virtute pares esse, in urbem compulsi veniam erroris petebant, dedere urbem parati. quinque et viginti talenta argenti et decem milia medimnum tritici imperata: ita in deditionem accepti.
14.1. On the third day from there they came to the Casus river; on their departure thence they took the town of Eriza at the first assault.
14.1. tertio inde die ad Casum amnem perventum; inde profecti Erizam urbem primo impetu ceperunt.
14.2. They came next to Thabusium, a fortress overlooking the Indus river, which derived its name from an Indian who fell from his elephant.
14.2. ad Thabusion castellum imminens flumini Indo ventum est, cui fecerat nomen Indus ab elephanto deiectus.
14.3. They were not far from Cibyra, and no embassy was coming from Moagetes, tyrant of that city, a man faithless and hard to deal with in every way.
14.3. haud procul a Cibyra aberant, nec legatio ulla a Moagete, tyranno civitatis eius, homine ad omnia infido atque importuno, veniebat.
14.4. To test his attitude, the consul sent Gaius Helvius ahead with four thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. As this column was crossing the frontier ambassadors met them, bringing word that the tyrant was ready to do their bidding;
14.4. ad temptandum eius animum C. Helvium cum quattuor milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus consul praemittit. huic agmini iam finis ingredienti legati occurrerunt nuntiantes paratum esse tyrannum imperata facere;