51.1. Before the praetors went to their provinces there was a dispute between Publius Licinius the pontifex maximus and Quintus Fabius Pictor the priest of Quirinus, such as within the memory of our fathers arose between Lucius Metellus and Postumius Albinus.
51.1. priusquam in provincias praetores irent, certamen inter P. Licinium pontificem maximum fuit et Q. Fabium Pictorem flaminem Quirinalem, quale patrum memoria inter L. Metellum et Postumium Albinum fuerat.
51.2. When that consul was setting out with his colleague Gaius Lutatius to Sicily and the fleet, Metellus the pontifex maximus had detained him for the religious ceremonies; this praetor was prevented from going to Sardinia by Publius Licinius.
51.2. consulem illum cum C. Lutatio collega in Siciliam ad classem proficiscentem ad sacra retinuerat Metellus, pontifex maximus;
51.3. Both in the senate and before the assembly the quarrel was carried on with great vigour, and orders were issued on both sides and guarantees taken and fines imposed and tribunes applied to and appeals presented to the assembly. The religious argument finally prevailed; the priest was ordered to obey the pontifex, and by command of the people the fine was remitted to him.
51.3. praetorem hunc, ne in Sardiniam proficisceretur, P. Licinius tenuit. et in senatu et ad populum magnis contentionibus certatum, et imperia inhibita ultro citroque, et pignera capta, et multae dictae, et tribuni appellati, et provocatum ad populum est.
51.5. When, in anger at being deprived of his province, he tried to resign his office, the Fathers by their influence prevented him and decreed that he should exercise jurisdiction between citizens and aliens.
51.5. religio ad postremum vicit; ut dicto audiens esset flamen pontifici iussus; et multa iussu populi ei remissa.
51.6. The levies being then completed within a few days —for not many soldiers were to be enrolled —the consuls and praetors departed to their provinces.
51.6. ira provinciae ereptae praetorem magistratu abdicare se conantem patres auctoritate sua deterruerunt et, ut ius inter peregrinos diceret, decreverunt.
51.7. Then there was a rumour idly circulated with no definite authority about events in Asia, and a few days later trustworthy messengers and the despatches of the consul reached Rome, which did not so much bring joy after recent fear —for they had ceased to fear the king after his defeat in Aetolia —as on account of his former reputation, since, when they entered upon the war he seemed a dangerous adversary, partly because of his own resources and partly because he had Hannibal as his director of operations.
51.7. dilectibus deinde intra paucos dies — neque enim multi milites legendi erant — perfectis consules praetoresque in provincias proficiscuntur. fama dein de rebus in Asia gestis temere vulgata sine auctore, et post dies paucos nuntii certi litteraeque imperatoris Romam adlatae, quae non tantum gaudium ab recenti metu attulerunt — desierant enim victum in Aetolia metuere — quam a vetere fama, quod ineuntibus id bellum gravis hostis et suis viribus, et quod Hannibalem rectorem militiae haberet, visus fuerat.
51.10. Nevertheless, they decreed that there should be neither any change in the plan to send the consul to Asia nor any diminution in his forces, for fear that he would be compelled to fight with the Gauls.
51.10. nihil tamen aut de consule mittendo in Asiam mutandum aut minuendas eius copias censuerunt metu, ne cum Gallis foret bellandum.
52.1. Not much later Marcus Aurelius Cotta, representing Lucius Scipio, came with the ambassadors of King Antiochus, and King Eumenes and the Rhodians arrived in Rome.
52.1. haud multo post M. Aurelius Cotta legatus L. Scipionis cum Antiochi regis legatis et Eumenes rex Rhodiique Romam venerunt.
52.2. Cotta first in the senate and then before the assembly by order of the senate described what had occurred in Asia. A period of thanksgiving was then proclaimed for three days and forty full-grown victims were ordered sacrificed. Then first of all Eumenes was granted an audience by the senate.
52.2. Cotta in senatu primum, deinde in contione iussu patrum, quae acta in Asia essent, exposuit. supplicatio inde in triduum decreta est, et quadraginta maiores hostiae immolari iussae.
52.3. When he had briefly thanked the Fathers because they had rescued him and his brother from siege and saved his kingdom from the violence of Antiochus, and then congratulated them because success had attended their efforts on land and sea and because they had driven King Antiochus, defeated, routed and stripped of his camp, first out of Europe and then out of Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains, he said next that he preferred that they should hear of his own services from their own commanders and legates than from his relation of them.
52.3. tum omnium primum Eumeni senatus datus est. is cum breviter et egisset gratias patribus, quod obsidione se ac fratrem exemissent regnumque ab iniuriis Antiochi vindicassent, et gratulatus esset, quod terra marique res prospere gessissent, quodque regem Antiochum fusum fugatumque et exutum castris prius Europa, post et Asia, quae cis Taurum montem est, expulissent,
52.5. All applauded this, and bade him lay aside his modesty in this respect and say himself what he thought should properly be given him by the senate and the Roman people:
52.5. sua deinde merita malle eos ex imperatoribus suis legatisque quam se commemorante cognoscere dixit.
52.6. the senate, they said, would act with greater readiness and greater generosity, if it were possible, in accordance with his merits; to this the king replied that if a choice of rewards were offered him by others, he would have been glad, if only the privilege of consulting the Roman senate were granted him, to enjoy the advice of that most distinguished body, that he might not seem either to have conceived immoderate ambitions or to have stated them with too little restraint;
52.6. haec approbantibus cunctis iubentibusque dicere ipsum, omissa in id verecundia, quid sibi ab senatu populoque Romano tribui aequum censeret: propensius cumulatiusque, si quo possit, prout eius merita sint, senatum facturum, ad ea rex, si ab aliis sibi praemiorum optio deferretur, libenter, data modo facultate consulendi senatum Romanum, consilio amplissimi ordinis usurum fuisse, ne quid aut immoderate cupisse aut petisse parum modeste videri posset;
52.8. but in fact, since they themselves were planning to give something to him, so much the more should their generosity to him and his brothers be controlled by their own judgment. The Fathers were not deterred by these words from urging him to speak, and when the argument had continued for some time between generosity on one side and modesty on the other, between men who were leaving the decision to one another with a suavity not more equal in both than difficult to modify, Eumenes left the temple.
52.8. verum enimvero cum ipsi daturi sint, multo magis munificentiam eorum in se fratresque suos ipsorum arbitrii debere esse nihil hac oratione eius patres conscripti deterriti sunt, quo minus dicere ipsum iuberent, et, cum aliquamdiu hinc indulgentia hinc modestia inter permittentis in vicem non magis mutua quam inexplicabili facilitate certatum esset, Eumenes ex templo excessit.
52.10. The senate remained unaltered in the same determination, to the point of saying that it seemed unreasonable that the king should not know with what hopes and aspirations he had come; he himself knew best what was suitable for his kingdom; he was far better acquainted with Asia than the senate; he should therefore be recalled and compelled to say what he wished and what were his opinions.
52.10. senatus in eadem perstare sententia, ut absurdum esse diceret ignorare regem, quid sperans aut petens venerit; quae accommodata regno suo sint, ipsum optime scire; Asiam longe melius quam senatum nosse; revocandum igitur et cogendum, quae vellet quaeque sentiret, expromere.
53.1. The king was therefore brought back into the temple by the praetor, and, being ordered to speak, began thus: “I should have continued, conscript Fathers, in my silence, did I not know that you would presently summon the embassy of the Rhodians and that after they were heard it would be necessary for me to speak.”
53.1. reductus a praetore in templum rex et dicere iussus “perseverassem” inquit “tacere, patres conscripti, nisi Rhodiorum legationem mox vocaturos vos scirem, et illis auditis mihi necessitatem fore dicendi.
53.2. “This discussion, indeed, will be the more difficult because these demands of theirs will be such that they will not only seem to ask nothing which is against my interests, but not even seem to ask for what is particularly their concern.”
53.2. quae quidem eo difficilior oratio erit, quod ea postulata eorum futura sunt, ut non solum nihil, quod contra me sit, sed ne quod ad ipsos quidem proprie pertineat, petere videantur.
53.3. “For they will plead the cause of the Greek cities, and will say that they should be set free. If this is granted, who doubts that they will deprive us not merely of the states that are to be liberated but of our ancient tributaries as well, while they themselves will ” “have nominally, indeed, allies, bound to them by so great a service, but in reality subject to their dominion and dependent upon it?”
53.3. agent enim causam civitatium Graecarum, et liberari eas dicent debere. quo impetrato, cui dubium est, quin et a nobis aversuri sint non eas modo civitates, quae liberabuntur, sed etiam veteres stipendiarias nostras, ipsi autem tanto obligatos beneficio verbo socios, re vera subiectos imperio et obnoxios habituri sint?
53.5. “And —heaven help us! —while they have their eyes fixed on such power, they will pretend that this is no concern of theirs; they will say only that this is suitable conduct for you and consistent with what you have done in the past.”
53.5. et, si dis placet, cum has tantas opes affectabunt, dissimulabunt ulla parte id ad se pertinere; vos modo id decere et conveniens esse ante factis dicent.
53.6. “That you shall not be entrapped by such reasoning must be your own care, and not only that you shall not unduly hold down some of your allies inequitably and raise up others beyond proper limits, but also that those who have borne arms against you shall not be in better case than your allies and friends.”
53.6. haec vos ne decipiat oratio, providendum vobis erit, neve non solum inaequaliter alios nimium deprimatis ex sociis vestris, alios praeter modum extollatis, sed etiam ne, qui adversus vos arma tulerint, in meliore statu sint, quam socii et amici vestri quod ad me attinet, in aliis rebus cessisse intra finem iuris mei cuilibet videri malim, quam nimis pertinaciter in obtinendo eo tetendisse;
53.7. “So far as I am concerned, I should prefer to seem, in other respects, to have yielded something to anyone, though it was within the limits of my rights, than to have struggled too stubbornly to maintain it; but in a contest of friendship towards you, of goodwill towards you, of respect which is due you, I cannot willingly be overcome.” “This is the greatest inheritance I have received from my father, who first of all the inhabitants of Asia and Greece entered into your friendship and who maintained it with constant and true faith to the very end of his life; nor did he merely assume a pose of being your loyal and well-disposed friend, but he took part in all your wars ” “which you waged in Greece, and he aided you with military and naval forces and all manner of supplies, so that none of your allies can be ranked on an equality with him in any respect; last of all, while he was urging the Boeotians to join your alliance, collapsing in the very midst of his speech, he breathed his last only a little while afterwards.”
53.7. in certamine autem amicitiae vestrae, benevolentiae erga vos, honoris, qui a vobis habebitur, minime aequo animo vinci possum. hanc ego maximam hereditatem a patre accepi, qui primus omnium Asiam Graeciamque incolentium in amicitiam venit vestram eamque perpetua et constanti fide ad extremum vitae finem perduxit; nec animum dumtaxat vobis fidelem ac bonum praestitit, sed omnibus interfuit bellis, quae in Graecia gessistis, terrestribus navalibus, omni genere commeatuum, ita ut nemo sociorum vestrorum ulla parte aequari posset, vos adiuvit;
53.10. “I, following in his footsteps, have not been able to add anything to his good-will, indeed, and his zeal in honouring you —for ” “these are not to be surpassed; that I was able to outdo him in actual accomplishments and services and expenditure of effort for you, fate, the times, Antiochus, and the war waged in Asia have furnished opportunity.”
53.10. postremo, cum Boeotos ad societatem vestram hortaretur, in ipsa contione intermortuus haud multo post exspiravit. huius ego vestigia ingressus voluntati quidem et studio in colendis vobis adicere — etenim inexsuperabilia haec erant — nihil potui;
53.12. “Antiochus, king of Asia and part of Europe, wished to give me his daughter in marriage; he offered to restore at once the cities which had revolted from us;”
53.12. rebus ipsis meritisque et impensis officiorum ut superare possem, fortuna tempora Antiochus et bellum in Asia gestum praebuerunt materiam.
53.13. “he held out great prospects of future enlargement of my kingdom, if I should join him in war upon you.” “I shall not make a boast of the fact that I have done you no wrong; I shall rather relate what is worthy of the very ancient friendship between our house and you. With my army and navy, on such a scale that no one of your allies could equal it, I aided your commanders; I supplied them with provisions on land and sea;”
53.13. rex Asiae et partis Europae Antiochus filiam suam in matrimonium mihi dabat; restituebat extemplo civitates, quae defecerant a nobis; spem magnam in posterum amplificandi regni faciebat, si secum bellum adversus vos gessissem. non gloriabor eo, quod nihil in vos deliquerim; illa potius, quae vetustissima domus nostrae vobiscum amicitia digna sunt, referam.
53.15. “I took part in all the naval battles which were fought in many places; I never spared either my toil or my peril. The most wretched fate in war, siege, I suffered, shut up in Pergamum, to the extreme peril at once of life and throne.”
53.15. pedestribus navalibusque copiis, ut nemo sociorum vestrorum me aequiperare posset, imperatores vestros adiuvi; commeatus terra marique suppeditavi; navalibus proeliis, quae multis locis facta sunt, omnibus adfui; nec labori meo nec periculo usquam peperci.
53.16. “Then, freed from siege, when Antiochus on one side, Seleucus on the other, had their camps around the citadel of my kingdom, I let my own affairs go and with my whole fleet met Lucius Scipio at the Hellespont to aid him in transporting his army across.”
53.16. quod miserrimum est in bello, obsidionem passus sum, Pergami inclusus cum discrimine ultimo simul vitae regnique.
53.17. “After your army arrived in Asia, I never left the consul; no Roman soldier was more constantly in your camp than I and my brothers; no raid, no cavalry engagement, took place without me; I stood in the battle-line and defended that sector in which the consul wished me to be.”
53.17. liberatus deinde obsidione, cum alia parte Antiochus alia Seleucus circa arcem regni mei castra haberent, relictis meis rebus tota classe ad Hellespontum L. Scipioni consuli vestro occurri, ut eum in traiciendo exercitu adiuvarem.
53.18. “I shall not, conscript Fathers, ask: Who can be compared with me in his services in this war? I should not venture to compare myself with anyone, either people or king, whom you hold in great honour.”
53.18. posteaquam in Asiam exercitus vester est transgressus, numquam a consule abscessi; nemo miles Romanus magis adsiduus in castris fuit vestris quam ego fratresque mei; nulla expeditio, nullum equestre proelium sine me factum est;
53.19. “Masinissa was your enemy before he was your ally, nor was it while his kingdom was uninjured and he could bring his own troops to your help, but when he was an exile, banished, with all his resources gone, that he fled with one troop of cavalry to your camp;”
53.19. in acie ibi steti, eam partem sum tutatus, in qua me consul esse voluit. non sum hoc dicturas, patres conscripti: quis hoc bello meritis erga vos mecum comparari potest?
53.20. “nevertheless, because he stood loyally and steadfastly with you in Africa against Syphax and the Carthaginians, you not only restored him to his paternal kingdom but, bestowing upon him the richest part of the realm of Syphax, you made him pre-eminent among the kings of Africa.”
53.20. ego nulli omnium neque populorum neque regum, quos in magno honore habetis, non ausim me comparare.
53.21. “Of what reward and honour, pray, are we then worthy in your sight, who have never been your enemies, always your allies?”
53.21. Masinissa hostis vobis ante quam socius fuit, nec incolumi regno cum auxiliis suis, sed extorris, expulsus, amissis omnibus copiis, cum turma equitum in castra confugit vestra:
53.22. “My father, myself, my brothers, not in Asia alone, but far from home, in the Peloponnesus, in Boeotia, in Aetolia, in the wars with Philip, with Antiochus, with the Aetolians, on land and sea, have borne arms in your cause. But someone may say,' What then do you ask?' ” “As to that, conscript Fathers, (since I must in any case obey your wish that I should speak) if you expelled Antiochus beyond the heights of Taurus with the intention of yourselves holding those lands, there are no neighbours or settlers whom I prefer to you, nor do I expect that my kingdom will be safer or more enduring under any other circumstances;”
53.22. tamen eum, quia in Africa adversus Syphacem et Carthaginiensis fideliter atque impigre vobiscum stetit, non in patrium solum regnum restituistis, sed adiecta opulentissima parte Syphacis regni praepotentem inter Africae reges fecistis. quo tandem igitur nos praemio atque honore digni apud vos sumus, qui numquam hostes, semper socii fuimus?
53.24. “but if it is your purpose to retire and withdraw your armies from there, I should dare to say that no one of your allies is more worthy than I to hold what you have won in war.”
53.24. pater, ego, fratres mei non in Asia tantum, sed etiam procul ab domo in Peloponneso in Boeotia in Aetolia, Philippi Antiochi Aetolico bello, terra marique pro vobis arma tulimus.
53.25. “But there will be protests because it is a fine thing to liberate enslaved cities. Such is my opinion, if they have committed no hostile acts against you; but if they were of Antiochus' party, how much more worthy of your wisdom and justice is it to have regard for well-deserving allies than for ” “enemies?” The speech of the king pleased the Fathers, and it was quite evident that they would deal with the whole matter generously and in a sympathetic spirit. A brief audience was then accorded the delegation from the Zmyrnaeans, since one of the Rhodians had not yet arrived. The Zmyrnaeans were conspicuously lauded because they had preferred to endure all extremities rather than submit to the king, and the Rhodians were introduced. The chief of their embassy, after setting forth the origins of their friendship with the Roman people and the services of the Rhodians, first in the war with Philip and later in the war with Antiochus, continued thus:
53.25. quid ergo postulas? dicat aliquis. ego, patres conscripti, quoniam dicere utique volentibus vobis parendum est, si vos ea mente ultra Tauri iuga emostis Antiochum, ut ipsi teneretis eas terras, nullos accolas nec finitimos habere quam vos malo, nec ulla re alia tutius stabiliusque regnum meum futurum spero; sed si vobis decedere inde atque deducere exercitus in animo est, neminem digniorem esse ex sociis vestris, qui bello a vobis parta possideat, quam me dicere ausim. at enim magnificum est liberare civitates servas. ita opinor, si nihil hostile adversus vos fecerunt; sin autem Antiochi partis fuerunt, quanto est vestra prudentia et aequitate dignius sociis bene meritis quam hostibus vos consulere? “ grata oratio regis patribus fuit et facile apparebat munifice omnia et propenso animo facturos. interposita Smyrnaeorum brevis legatio est, quia non aderat quidam Rhodiorum. collaudatis egregie Smyrnaeis, quod omnia ultima pati quam se regi tradere maluissent, introducti Rhodii sunt. quorum princeps legationis expositis initiis amicitiae cum populo Romano meritisque Rhodiorum Philippi prius, deinde Antiochi bello “ nihil“inquit “nobis tota nostra actione, patres conscripti, neque difficilius neque molestius est, quam quod cum Eumene nobis disceptatio est,
54.5. “Nothing in all our pleading, conscript Fathers, is so difficult for us or so painful as the fact that our difference of opinion is with Eumenes, with whom alone of kings and in preference to all others, both individuals of our community privately and, what moves us more, our state publicly, is in relations of hospitality.” “But it is not our personal feelings, conscript Fathers, which part us, but the nature of things, which is all-powerful, so that we who are free are pleading the cause of liberty for others as well, while kings wish everything to be enslaved and subject to their will.”
54.5. cum quo uno maxime regum et privatim singulis et, quod magis nos movet, publicum civitati nostrae hospitium est. ceterum non animi nostri, patres conscripti, nos, sed rerum natura, quae potentissima est, disiungit, ut nos liberi etiam aliorum libertatis causam agamus, reges serva omnia et subiecta imperio suo esse velint.
54.7. “Yet, however that may be, the fact is rather that it is our respect for the king which stands in our way than that the question itself is either involved for us or likely, as it seems, to cause you any hesitancy in deciding.”
54.7. utcumque tamen res sese habet, magis verecundia nostra adversus regem nobis obstat, quam ipsa disceptatio aut nobis impedita est aut vobis perplexam deliberationem praebitura videtur.
54.8. “For if in no other way could honour be paid an allied and friendly king and one who had rendered good service in this very war, about whose compensation there was debate, than by your giving free cities into servitude to him, the ” “discussion would be of doubtful issue, lest you either send away a friendly king without his meed of honour or depart from your tradition and stain the glory won in the war with Philip by now enslaving so many cities;”
54.8. nam si aliter socio atque amico regi et bene merito hoc ipso in bello, de cuius praemiis agitur, honos haberi nullus posset, nisi liberas civitates in servitutem traderetis ei, esset deliberatio anceps, ne aut regem amicum inhonoratum dimitteretis, aut decederetis instituto vestro gloriamque Philippi bello partam nunc servitute tot civitatium deformaretis;
54.10. “but from this necessity of either diminishing your recompense to a friend or detracting from your own fame, fortune offers you a splendid escape. For by the bounty of heaven, your victory brings not more glory than riches, and it may easily discharge what you may call your debt.”
54.10. sed ab hac necessitate aut gratiae in amicum minuendae aut gloriae vestrae egregie vos fortuna vindicat. est enim deum benignitate non gloriosa magis quam dives victoria vestra, quae vos facile isto velut aere alieno exsolvat.
54.11. “For Lycaonia and both Phrygias and all Pisidia and the Chersonesus, all of which adjoin Europe, are in your power, and any of ” “these, bestowed upon the king, can greatly enlarge the kingdom of Eumenes, and the gift of them all can make him equal to the greatest of kings.”
54.11. nam et Lycaonia et Phrygia utraque et Pisidia omnis et Chersonesus quaeque circumiacent Europae, in vestra sunt potestate, quarum una quaelibet regi adiecta multiplicare regnum Eumenis potest, omnes vero datae maximis eum regibus aequare.
54.13. “It is possible for you both to enrich your allies with prizes of war and not to depart from your tradition and to remember what banner you displayed before you earlier in the war against Philip and now in the war against Antiochus —what ” “you have done after defeating Philip and what to-day, not more because you did so formerly than because it becomes you to do so, is desired and expected at your hands.”
54.13. licet ergo vobis et praemiis belli ditare socios et non decedere instituto vestro et meminisse, quem titulum praetenderitis prius adversus Philippum, nunc adversus Antiochum belli, quid feceritis Philippo victo, quid nunc a vobis, non magis quia fecistis, quam quia id vos facere decet, desideretur atque expectetur. alia enim aliis et honesta et probabilis est causa armorum:
54.15. “One nation has one and another nation has another just and reasonable cause for taking up arms; those that they may possess lands, these cities, these towns, these harbours and some strip of coast; you have neither desired these things before you had them, nor now, when the world is in your hands, can you desire them.”
54.15. illi agrum, hi vicos, hi oppida, hi portus oramque aliquam maris ut possideant; vos nec cupistis haec antequam haberetis, nec nunc, cum orbis terrarum in dicione vestra sit, cupere potestis.
54.16. “For the sake of standing and fame in the eyes of the whole world, which for long now has regarded your name and empire as next after those of the immortal gods, you have waged your wars. What it was difficult to get and acquire, it may be perhaps still more difficult to keep.”
54.16. pro dignitate et gloria apud omne humanum genus, quod vestrum nomen imperiumque iuxta ac deos immortales iam pridem intuetur, pugnastis. quae parare et quaerere arduum fuit, nescio an tueri difficilius sit.
54.17. “You have undertaken to defend against slavery to a king the liberty of a most ancient people, most famed either from the renown of its achievements or from universal praise of its culture and learning; this championship of a whole people taken under your protection and guardianship it befits you to guarantee for ever.”
54.17. gentis vetustissimae nobilissimaeque vel fama rerum gestarum vel omni commendatione humanitatis doctrinarumque tuendam ab servitio regio libertatem suscepistis; hoc patrocinium receptae in fidem et clientelam vestram universae gentis perpetuum vos praestare decet.
54.18. “The cities which are on the ancient soil are not more Greek than their colonies, which once set out from there for Asia; nor does a change of habitation change race or manners. We have dared to vie in reverent rivalry in every noble art and virtue with our fathers, every city too with its founders.”
54.18. non, quae in solo [modo] antiquo sunt, Graecae magis urbes sunt quam coloniae earum, illinc quondam profectae in Asiam;
54.19. “Many of you have visited the cities of Greece, have visited the cities of Asia; except that we are farther distant from you, we are inferior in no respect.”
54.19. nec terra mutata mutavit genus aut mores. certare pio certamine cuiuslibet bonae artis ac virtutis ausi sumus cum parentibus quaeque civitas et conditoribus suis.
54.20. “The people of Massilia, whom, if inborn nature could be conquered, so to speak, by the temper of a land, so many untamed tribes ” “around them would long ago have barbarized, we hear are held in the same respect and deservedly paid the same honour by you as if they dwelt in the very navel of Greece.
54.20. adistis Graeciae, adistis Asiae urbes plerique: nisi quod longius a vobis absumus, nulla vincimur alia re.
54.21. For they have kept not only the sound of their speech along with their dress and their outward appearance, but, before all, their manners and laws and character pure and free from the corruption of their neighbours.”
54.21. Massiliensis, quos, si natura insita velut ingenio terrae vinci posset, iam pridem efferassent tot indomitae circumfusae gentes, in eo honore, in ea merito dignitate audimus apud vos esse, ac si medium umbilicum Graeciae incolerent.
54.22. “The Taurus mountains are now the limit of your empire; nothing, whatever lies within this boundary, should seem remote to you; where your army had made its way, thither too let your law advance and make its way.”
54.22. non enim sonum modo linguae vestitumque et habitum, sed ante omnia mores et leges et ingenium sincerum integrumque a contagione accolarum servarunt.
54.23. “Let barbarians, to whom the mandates of their lords have ever served as laws, since in that they take delight, have kings; Greeks have their own fortunes, but souls like yours.”
54.23. terminus est nunc imperii vestri mons Taurus; quidquid intra eum cardinem est, nihil longinquum vobis debet videri; quo arma vestra pervenerunt, eodem ius hinc profectum perveniat.
54.24. “Once they even possessed empire, as a result of their own might; now they hope that empire may abide for ever where it now resides; they hold it sufficient to maintain liberty through your arms since they cannot through their own.”
54.24. barbari, quibus pro legibus semper dominorum imperia fuerunt, quo gaudent, reges habeant; Graeci suam fortunam, vestros animos gerunt.
54.25. “But, someone may say, some cities sided with Antiochus.” “True, and others formerly with Philip and the Tarentines with Pyrrhus; not to mention other peoples, Carthage is free and enjoys its own laws. See, conscript Fathers, how much you owe to your own precedent; you will persuade yourselves to refuse to the ambition of Eumenes what you have refused to your own wrath, just as it may be.”
54.25. domesticis quondam viribus etiam imperium amplectebantur; nunc imperium, ubi est, ibi ut sit perpetuum, optant; libertatem vestris tueri armis satis habent, quoniam suis non possunt. at enim quaedam civitates cum Antiocho senserunt. et aliae prius cum Philippo, et cum Pyrrho Tarentini; ne alios populos enumerem, Carthago libera cum suis legibus est.
54.27. “Both in this and in all wars which you waged in our region, we Rhodians leave it to you to judge with what courageous and constant aid we have assisted you.”
54.27. huic vestro exemplo quantum debeatis, videte, patres conscripti; inducetis in animum negare Eumenis cupiditati, quod iustissimae irae vestrae negastis.
54.28. “Now in peace we offer you this counsel, and if you approve it all men will think that you have used your victory more gloriously than you have won it.” This speech seemed well adapted to the high position of Rome.
54.28. Rhodii et in hoc et in omnibus bellis, quae in illa ora gessistis, quam forti fidelique vos opera adiuverimus, vestro iudicio relinquimus. nunc in pace consilium id adferimus, quod si comprobaritis, magnificentius vos victoria usos esse quam vicisse omnes existimaturi sint.” apta magnitudini Romanae oratio visa est.
55.1. After the Rhodians the ambassadors of Antiochus were summoned. In the usual fashion of envoys begging for mercy, they confessed the wrongdoing of the king and implored the conscript Fathers, in arriving at a decision, to pay regard to their own clemency rather than to the error of the king, who had paid a sufficient and more than sufficient penalty; finally, they requested that they would ratify by their authority the peace proposed by Lucius Scipio the commander, on the terms which he had stated.
55.1. post Rhodios Antiochi legati vocati sunt. ii vulgato petentium veniam more errorem fassi regis obtestati sunt patres conscriptos, ut suae potius clementiae quam regis culpae, qui satis superque poenarum dedisset, memores consulerent; postremo pacem datam a L. Scipione imperatore, quibus legibus dedisset, confirmarent auctoritate sua.
55.3. And the senate voted that this treaty of peace should be ratified, and a few days later the assembly so ordered. The treaty was struck on the Capitoline with Antipater the chief of the embassy and likewise the son of the brother of King Antiochus.
55.3. et senatus eam pacem servandam censuit, et paucos post dies populus iussit. foedus in Capitolio cum Antipatro principe legationis et eodem fratris filio regis Antiochi est ictum.
55.4. Then other embassies also from Asia were heard. To all these the same reply was given, that the senate, in the fashion of their forefathers, would send ten commissioners to adjudge cases arising in Asia and to settle differences;
55.4. auditae deinde et aliae legationes ex Asia sunt. quibus omnibus datum responsum decem legatos more maiorum senatum missurum ad res Asiae disceptandas componendasque:
55.5. yet the general principle followed would be this, that on this side of the Taurus mountains the districts which had been within the boundaries of the kingdom of Antiochus should be assigned to Eumenes with the exception of Lycia and Caria as far as the Meander river;
55.5. summam tamen hanc fore, ut cis Taurum montem, quae intra regni Antiochi fines fuissent, Eumeni attribuerentur praeter Lyciam Cariamque usque ad Maeandrum amnem; ea ut civitatis Rhodiorum essent;
55.6. that these should be given to the Rhodian state; that the other cities of Asia which had paid tribute to Attalus should also be tributaries to Eumenes; that those which had been vassals of Antiochus should be independent and free from tribute.
55.6. ceterae civitates Asiae, quae Attali stipendiariae fuissent, eaedem vectigal Eumeni penderent; quae vectigales Antiochi fuissent, eae liberae atque immunes essent.
55.7. They chose these ten commissioners: Quintus Minucius Rufus, Lucius Furius Purpurio, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Appius Claudius Nero, Gnaeus Cornelius Merula, Marcus Junius Brutus, Lucius Aurunculeius, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Aelius Tubero.
55.7. decem legatos hos decreverunt: Q. Minucium Rufum L. Furium Purpurionem Q. Minucium Thermum Ap. Claudium Neronem Cn. Cornelium Merulam M. Iunium Brutum L. Aurunculeium L. Aemilium Paulum P. Cornelium Lentulum P. Aelium Tuberonem.
56.1. In matters pertaining to any discussion to be conducted on the spot, they were given a free hand; as to the chief issue involved, the senate made the decision.
56.1. his, quae praesentis disceptationis essent, libera mandata; de summa rerum senatus constituit.
56.2. All Lycaonia and both Phrygias and Mysia, which King Prusias had taken from him, were restored to the king, as well as the Milyae and Lydia and Ionia with the exception of those cities which had been free on the day when the battle with King Antiochus had been fought, and, by name, Magnesia near Sipylus and Caria which they call Hydrela and the territory of Hydrela which faces Phrygia, and the forts and villages along the Meander river and the towns, except those which had been free before the war;
56.2. Lycaoniam omnem et Phrygiam utramque et Mysiam, regias silvas, et Lydiae Ioniaeque extra ea oppida, quae libera fuissent, quo die cum rege Antiocho pugnatum est, et nominatim Magnesiam ad Sipylum, et Cariam, quae Hydrela appellatur, agrumque Hydrelitanum ad Phrygiam vergentem, et castella vicosque ad Maeandrum amnem et oppida,
56.4. Telmessus also and the camp of the Telmessii, except the land which had belonged to Ptolemy of Telmessus. All these places which have been written down above were given to King Eumenes.
56.4. nisi quae libera ante bellum fuissent, Telmesson item nominatim et castra Telmessium, praeter agrum, qui Ptolemaei Telmessii fuisset —: haec omnia, quae supra sunt scripta, regi Eumeni iussa dari.
56.5. The Rhodians were given Lycia except the same Telmessus and the camp of the Telmessii and the land which had belonged to Ptolemy of Telmessus; this district was made an exception in the case of both Eumenes and the Rhodians.
56.5. Rhodiis Lycia data extra eundem Telmessum et castra Telmessium et agrum, qui Ptolemaei Telmessii fuisset: haec et ab Eumene et Rhodiis excepta.
56.6. Also that part of Caria which is nearer to the island of Rhodes across the Meander river was given to them, and the towns, villages, forts and lands which face Pisidia except those of the towns which had been free the day before the battle had been fought with King Antiochus in Asia.
56.6. ea quoque his pars Cariae data, quae propior Rhodum insulam trans Maeandrum amnem est, oppida, vici, castella, agri, qui ad Pisidiam vergunt, nisi quae eorum oppida in libertate fuissent pridie, quam cum Antiocho rege in Asia pugnatum est.
56.7. When the Rhodians had expressed their thanks for all this, they thus spoke regarding the city of Soli, which is in Cilicia: they also, like themselves, were sprung from Argos; by reason of this kinship there was a fraternal affection between them; they asked this exceptional favour, that they might rescue this city from slavery to the king.
56.7. pro his cum gratias egissent Rhodii, de Solis urbe, quae in Cilicia est, egerunt: Argis et illos, sicut sese, oriundos esse; ab ea germanitate fraternam sibi cum iis caritatem esse; petere hoc extraordinarium munus, ut eam civitatem ex servitute regia eximerent.
56.8. The ambassadors of King Antiochus were summoned, and the question was taken up with them but was not settled, Antipater citing the treaty in opposition to what the Rhodians had said, to the effect that not Soli but Cilicia was their object, and that they were crossing the ridges of Taurus.
56.8. vocati sunt legati regis Antiochi, actumque cum iis est nec quicquam impetratum testante foedera Antipatro, adversus quae ab Rhodiis non Solos, sed Ciliciam peti et iuga Tauri transcendi.
56.9. The Rhodians were recalled to the senate, and when they had explained how forcibly the king's ambassador had argued, they went on to say that if the Rhodians believed that this matter absolutely concerned their national honour, the senate would in every way overcome the resistance of the ambassadors.
56.9. revocatis in senatum Rhodiis, cum quanto opere tenderet legatus regius, exposuissent, adiecerunt, si utique eam rem ad civitatis suae dignitatem pertinere censerent Rhodii, senatum omni modo expugnaturum pertinaciam legatorum.
56.10. Then indeed the Rhodians thanked them more lavishly than before, and said that they would rather yield to the stubbornness of Antipater than offer any reason for disturbing the settlement. So no change was made with respect to Soli.
56.10. tum vero impensius quam ante Rhodii gratias egerunt, cessurosque sese potius arrogantiae Antipatri, quam causam turbandae pacis praebituros dixerunt. ita nihil de Solis mutatum est.
57.1. During the period in which this took place, ambassadors from the Massilienses reported that Lucius Baebius the praetor, who was on his way to Spain, had been surrounded by the Ligures, that a large part of his retinue had been killed and himself wounded, that he with a few attendants but no lictors had taken refuge at Massilia and had died within three days.
57.1. per eos dies, quibus haec gesta sunt, legati Massiliensium nuntiarunt L. Baebium praetorem in provinciam Hispaniam proficiscentem ab Liguribus circumventum, magna parte comitum caesa vulneratum ipsum cum paucis sine lictoribus Massiliam perfugisse et intra triduum exspirasse.
57.3. The senate, on receiving this news, voted that Publius Junius Brutus, who was propraetor in Etruria, should turn over his province and army to whichever of his lieutenants he saw fit, that he himself should set out for Farther Spain and that this should be his province.
57.3. senatus ea re audita decrevit, uti P. Iunius Brutus, qui propraetor in Etruria esset, provincia exercituque traditis uni, cui videretur, ex legatis, ipse in ulteriorem Hispaniam proficisceretur, eaque ei provincia esset.
57.4. This decree of the senate and these despatches were forwarded by the praetor Spurius Postumius to Etruria, and Publius Junius the propraetor departed for Spain.
57.4. hoc senatus consultum litteraeque a Sp. Postumio praetore in Etruriam missae sunt, profectusque in Hispaniam est P. Iunius propraetor.
57.5. In this province, shortly before his successor arrived, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, who afterwards won great glory by the defeat of King Perseus, after fighting unsuccessfully the previous year, collected an emergency army and engaged in pitched battle with the Lusitani. The enemy was routed and put to flight; eighteen thousand armed men were killed; two thousand three hundred were taken prisoners and the camp was captured.
57.5. in qua provincia prius aliquanto, quam successor veniret, L. Aemilius Paulus, qui postea regem Persea magna gloria vicit, cum priore anno haud prospere rem gessisset, tumultuario exercitu collecto signis collatis cum Lusitanis pugnavit.
57.6. The fame of this victory made things quieter in Spain. In the same year, on the third day before the Kalends of January, a Latin colony was established at Bononia by authorization of the senate, by Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Marcus Atilius Serranus and Lucius Valerius Tappo, the board of three appointed for the purpose Three thousand men were placed there; the cavalrymen received seventy iugera each, the rest of the colonists fifty each.
57.6. fusi fugatique hostes; caesa decem octo milia armatorum; duo milia trecenti capti et castra expugnata. huius victoriae fama tranquilliores in Hispania res fecit. eodem anno ante diem tertium Kal. Ianuarias Bononiam Latinam coloniam ex senatus consulto L. Valerius Flaccus M. Atilius Serranus L. Valerius Tappo triumviri deduxerunt.
57.8. The land had been taken from the Gallic Boii; the Boii had expelled the Etruscans. In the same year many distinguished men sought the censorship.
57.8. tria milia hominum sunt deducta; equitibus septuagena iugera, ceteris colonis quinquagena sunt data. ager captus de Gallis Bois fuerat; Galli Tuscos expulerant.
57.9. As if it contained within itself too little cause for rivalry, it gave rise to a far greater controversy. The candidates were Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, who had defeated Antiochus and the Aetolians at Thermopylae.
57.9. eodem anno censuram multi et clari viri petierunt. quae res, tamquam in se parum magni certaminis causam haberet, aliam contentionem multo maiorem excitavit.
57.10. Towards him particularly, because he had distributed many largesses, by which he had placed a large part of the voters under obligation, the support of the people inclined.
57.10. petebant T. Quinctius Flamininus P. Cornelius Cn. F. Scipio L. Valerius Flaccus M. Porcius Cato M. Claudius Marcellus M'. Acilius Glabrio, qui Antiochum ad Thermopylas Aetolosque devicerat.
57.11. When so many nobles were angered that a new man should be so far preferred to them, Publius Sempronius Gracchus and Gaius Sempronius Rutilus, tribunes of the people, laid an accusation against him, that some of the king's money and much of the booty taken in the camp of Antiochus had neither been displayed by him in the triumph nor turned in to the treasury. Conflicting evidence was given by his lieutenants and military tribunes. Marcus Cato was conspicuous as a witness before the rest; but the honour gained in the whole course of his life was diminished by his candidate's dress.
57.11. in hunc maxime, quod multa congiaria habuerat, quibus magnam partem hominum obligarat, favor populi se inclinabat. id cum aegre paterentur tot nobiles, novum sibi hominem tantum praeferri, P. Sempronius Gracchus et C. Sempronius Rutilus, tribuni plebis, ei diem dixerunt, quod pecuniae regiae praedaeque aliquantum captae in Antiochi castris neque in triumpho tulisset, neque in aerarium rettulisset.
57.13. In his testimony he said that vessels of gold and silver which he had seen in the captured camp along with the rest of the royal booty he had not seen in the triumph.
57.13. varia testimonia legatorum tribunorumque militum erant. M. Cato ante alios testis conspiciebatur; cuius auctoritatem perpetuo tenore vitae partam toga candida elevabat.
57.14. Finally, in order chiefly to make Cato unpopular, Glabrio said that he would drop his candidature, since, while the nobles kept silent, though indignant, it was attacked with detestable perjury by one who was as much a new man as himself.
57.14. is testis, quae vasa aurea atque argentea castris captis inter aliam praedam regiam vidisset, ea se in triumpho negabat vidisse. postremo in huius maxime invidiam desistere se petitione Glabrio dixit, quando, quod taciti indignarentur nobiles homines, id aeque novus competitor intestabili periurio incesseret.
58.1. The fine proposed was one hundred thousand asses; the case was twice argued; the third time, since the defendant had ceased to be a candidate and the people was unwilling to cast a ballot regarding the fine, the tribunes too dropped the case.
58.1. centum milium multa irrogata erat; bis de ea certatum est; tertio, cum de petitione destitisset reus, nec populus de multa suffragium ferre voluit, et tribuni eo negotio destiterunt.
58.2. Titus Quinctius Flamininus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus were chosen censors.
58.2. censores T. Quinctius Flamininus M. Claudius Marcellus creati.
58.3. About this time Lucius Aemilius Regillus, who with his fleet had conquered the prefect of King Antiochus, having been granted an audience by the senate in the temple of Apollo outside the City, when they had heard his achievements, with how great fleets of the enemy he had fought and how many of their ships he had sunk or captured, with the complete approval of the Fathers was granted a naval triumph.
58.3. per eos dies L. Aemilio Regillo, qui classe praefectum Antiochi regis devicerat, extra urbem in aede Apollinis cum senatus datus esset, auditis rebus gestis eius, quantis cum classibus hostium dimicasset, quot inde naves demersisset aut cepisset, magno consensu patrum triumphus navalis est decretus.
58.4. He triumphed on the Kalends of February. In that triumph forty-nine golden crowns were displayed, money in no wise comparable to the magnificence of the triumph, to wit, thirty-four thousand two hundred Attic four-drachma pieces and one hundred thirty-two thousand three hundred cistophori.
58.4. triumphavit Kal. Februariis. in eo triumpho undequinquaginta coronae aureae translatae sunt, pecunia nequaquam [tanta] pro specie regii triumphi, tetrachma Attica triginta quattuor milia ducenta, cistophori centum triginta duo milia trecenti.
58.5. Then there were supplications decreed by the senate because Lucius Aemilius had administered affairs successfully in Spain. Not long thereafter Lucius Scipio came to the City;
58.5. supplicationes deinde fuerunt ex senatus consulto, quod L. Aemilius in Hispania prospere rem publicam gessisset.
58.6. and, that he might not be inferior to his brother in the matter of names, he requested that he be saluted as Asiaticus. Both in the senate and before the assembly he made speeches about his accomplishments.
58.6. haud ita multo post L. Scipio ad urbem venit; qui ne cognomini fratris cederet, Asiaticum se appellari voluit. et in senatu et in contione de rebus ab se gestis disseruit.
58.7. There were some who tried to make out that that war had been magnified by rumour beyond its actual difficulty: that it had been brought to a conclusion by a single noteworthy battle, and that the glory of that victory had been robbed of distinction beforehand at Thermopylae.
58.7. erant qui fama id maius bellum quam difficultate rei fuisse interpretarentur: uno memorabili proelio debellatum, gloriamque eius victoriae praefloratam ad Thermopylas esse.
58.8. But to one who judges aright the battle at Thermopylae was with the Aetolians rather than the king; for with what part of his own forces had the king fought there? In Asia the strength of all Asia from the farthest parts of the east and of all nations stood as his assembled army.
58.8. ceterum vere aestimanti Aetolicum magis ad Thermopylas bellum quam regium fuit: quota enim parte virium suarum ibi dimicavit Antiochus? in Asia totius Asiae steterunt vires ab ultimis Orientis finibus omnium gentium contractis auxiliis.
59.1. Justly, therefore, was both all possible honour paid to the immortal gods because they had made this notable victory even easy, and a triumph awarded to the general.
59.1. merito ergo et diis immortalibus, quantus maximus poterat, habitus est honos, quod ingentem victoriam facilem etiam fecissent, et imperatori triumphus est decretus.
59.2. He triumphed during the intercalary month on the day before the Kalends of March. This triumph was more dazzling to the eyes than that of his brother Africanus, but in the recollection of what had transpired and in the judgment of the danger and struggle no more to be compared with it than if you were to put side by side general with general or Antiochus with Hannibal as a commander.
59.2. triumphavit mense intercalario pridie Kal. Martias. qui triumphus spectaculo oculorum maior quam Africani fratris eius fuit, recordatione rerum et aestimatione periculi certaminisque non magis comparandus, quam si imperatorem imperatori aut Antiochum ducem Hannibali conferres.
59.3. He carried in the triumph two hundred and twenty-four military standards, representations of towns to the number of one hundred and thirty-four, of ivory tusks one thousand two hundred and thirty-one, two hundred and thirtyfour golden crowns, one hundred and thirty-seven thousand four hundred and twenty pounds of silver, two hundred and twenty-four thousand Attic fourdrachma pieces, three hundred and twenty-one thousand seven hundred cistophori, one hundred and forty thousand gold coins of Philip, one thousand four hundred and twenty-three pounds of silver vases —all were embossed —and one thousand and twenty-three pounds of vases of gold.
59.3. tulit in triumpho signa militaria ducenta viginti quattuor, oppidorum simulacra centum triginta quattuor, eburneos dentes mille ducentos triginta unum, aureas coronas ducentas triginta quattuor, argenti pondo centum triginta septem milia quadringenta viginti, tetrachmum Atticorum ducenta viginti quattuor milia, cistophori trecenta viginti unum milia septuaginta, nummos aureos Philippeos centum quadraginta milia, vasorum argenteorum —
59.5. Also thirty-two royal generals, prefects and nobles, were led before his car. To the soldiers twenty-five denarii each were given, twice that amount to each centurion, thrice to each trooper.
59.5. omnia caelata erant — mille pondo et quadringenta viginti tria, aureorum mille pondo viginti tria. et duces regii, praefecti, purpurati duo et triginta ante currum ducti.
59.6. And double the pay and rations of a soldier were given them after the triumph; after the battle was fought in Asia he had given them the double allowance. He triumphed about a year after he had retired from the consulship.
59.6. militibus quini viceni denarii dati, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti. et stipendium militare et frumentum duplex post triumphum datum; proelio in Asia facto duplex dederat. triumphavit anno fere post, quam consulatu abiit.
60.1. About the same time both the consul Gnaeus Manlius arrived in Asia and the praetor Quintus Fabius Labeo came to the fleet.
60.1. eodem fere tempore et Cn. Manlius consul in Asiam et Q. Fabius Labeo praetor ad classem venit.
60.2. Now a cause for war upon the Galatians was not lacking to the consul. The sea was peaceful after the defeat of Antiochus, and as Fabius reflected as to what occupation he should choose by preference, lest he have a year of idleness in office, it seemed best to cross to the island of Crete.
60.2. ceterum consuli non deerat cum Gallis belli materia; mare pacatum erat devicto Antiocho. cogitanti Q. Fabio, cui rei potissimum insisteret, ne otiosam provinciam habuisse videri posset, optimum visum est in Cretam insulam traicere.
60.3. The people of Cydonia were waging war on the Gortynians and Gnosians, and a great number of prisoners, both Romans and men of the Italian race, were said to be in slavery throughout the whole island.
60.3. Cydoniatae bellum adversus Gortynios Gnosiosque gerebant, et captivorum Romanorum atque Italici generis magnus numerus in servitute esse per totam insulam dicebatur.
60.4. Setting out with the fleet from Ephesus, as soon as he landed on the Cretan coast, he sent messengers around to the cities to tell them that they should lay down their arms and should restore the prisoners, gathered up by each in his own city and lands, and should send ambassadors to him to treat of matters which concerned equally the Cretans and the Romans.
60.4. classe ab Epheso profectus cum primum Cretae litus attigit, nuntios circa civitates misit, ut armis absisterent captivosque in suis quaeque urbibus agrisque conquisitos reducerent, et legatos mitterent ad se, cum quibus de rebus ad Cretensis pariter Romanosque pertinentibus ageret.
60.5. The Cretans did not pay much attention to this: none of them restored the prisoners except the Gortynians.
60.5. nihil magnopere ea Cretenses moverunt; captivos praeter Gortynios nulli reddiderunt.
60.6. Valerius Antias wrote that four thousand prisoners were given back from the whole island because they feared the threat of war; and. that this was the explanation of the fact that Fabius, although he had done nothing else, received a naval triumph from the senate.
60.6. Valerius Antias ad quattuor milia captivorum, quia belli minas timuerint, ex tota insula reddita scripsit; eamque causam Fabio, cum rem nullam aliam gessisset, triumphi navalis impetrandi ab senatu fuisse.
60.7. From Crete Fabius returned to Ephesus; thence he sent three ships to the coast of Thrace and ordered the garrisons of Antiochus withdrawn from Aenos and Maronea, that these states might be at liberty.
60.7. a Creta Ephesum Fabius redit; inde tribus navibus in Thraciae oram missis ab Aeno et Maronia praesidia Antiochi deduci iussit, ut in libertate eae civitates essent.