39.7. Then, feeling certain that the Romans would move toward Eordaea, he hurried forward to gain the pass, that the Romans might not force the road, which was closed by the narrow entrance.
39.7. inde satis comperto Eordaeam petituros Romanos, ad occupandas angustias, ne superare hostes artis faucibus inclusum aditum possent, praecessit.
39.8. There he threw up hasty fortifications, using sometimes a rampart, sometimes a ditch, sometimes piles of stones to serve as a wall, sometimes cut-down trees, as the nature of the terrain and the material at hand permitted, and, as he thought, rendered a road which was already naturally difficult impassable by the obstacles which he placed in all the open places.
39.8. ibi alia vallo, alia fossa, alia lapidum congerie, ut pro muro essent, alia arboribus obiectis, ut aut locus postulabat aut materia suppeditabat, propere permuniit atque, ut ipse rebatur, viam suapte natura difficilem obiectis per omnes transitus operibus inexpugnabilem fecit.
39.10. There were many forests in the neighbourhood, a great hindrance to the Macedonian phalanx, which was of absolutely no use except where it could thrust, so to speak, a rampart in front of the shields with its very long spears, and for this purpose they needed open country.
39.10. erant pleraque silvestria circa, incommoda phalangi maxime Macedonum, quae nisi ubi praelongis hastis velut vallum ante clipeos obiecit, quod ut fiat libero campo opus est, nullius admodum usus est.
39.11. The Thracians too were impeded by their lances, which were likewise of great length, among the branches which projected in every direction.
39.11. Thracas quoque rumpiae, ingentis et ipsae longitudinis, inter obiectos undique ramos impediebant.
39.12. Only the Cretan contingent was of much service, but even they, since they could only, if there was an attack, direct their arrows against unprotected horses and riders, so against the Roman shields they lacked the power of penetration, and there were left no unexposed parts at which they could aim.
39.12. Cretensium una cohors non inutilis erat; sed ea quoque ipsa, ut, si quis impetum faceret, in patentem vulneri ecum equitemque sagittas conicere poterat, ita adversus scuta Romana nec ad traiciendum satis magnam vim habebat, nec aperti quicquam erat, quod peterent.
39.13. And so, when they perceived that weapons of this kind were ineffective, they harassed the enemy with the stones which lay everywhere through the whole valley. The clash of these against the shields, causing more noise than damage, delayed the advancing Romans for a little while.
39.13. itaque id ut vanum teli genus senserunt esse, saxis passim tota valle iacentibus incessebant hostem. ea maiore cum sonitu quam vulnere ullo pulsatio scutorum parumper succedentis Romanos tenuit.
39.14. Then, scorning these also, part of the Romans, forming a testudo, advanced in face of the enemy, while others, gaining the saddle by a short detour, dislodged the terrified Macedonians from their strong points and outposts, and even killed some of them, since flight was slow in the difficult country.
39.14. deinde, iis quoque spretis, partim testudine facta per adversos vadunt hostis, partim brevi circuitu cum in iugum collis evasissent, trepidos ex praesidiis stationibusque Macedonas deturbant et, ut in locis impeditis difficili fuga, plerosque etiam obtruncant.
40.1. So the pass was won with less trouble than had been anticipated, and the consul marched to Eordaea, and after laying waste the country in all directions, proceeded toward Elimia. Then he made an attack on Orestis and assaulted the town of Celetrum, which lay on a peninsula; a lake surrounds its walls; a narrow tongue of land offers the only approach from the mainland.
40.1. ita angustiae minore certamine, quam quod animis proposuerant, superatae et in Eordaeam perventum, ubi pervastatis passim agris in Elimiam consul se recepit. inde impetum in Orestidem facit et oppidum Celetrum est adgressus in paene insula situm;
40.2. At first the natives, relying on their position, closed the gates and refused the demand to surrender;
40.2. lacus moenia cingit; angustis faucibus unum ex continenti iter est. primo situ ipso freti clausis portis abnuere imperium;
40.3. but when they saw the standards brought forward and the testudo advancing towards the gates and the isthmus filled with a throng of hostile troops, in panic they surrendered before they tried the issue of a battle.
40.3. deinde, postquam signa ferri ac testudine succedi ad portam obsessasque fauces agmine hostium viderunt, priusquam experirentur certamen, metu in deditionem venerunt.
40.4. From Celetrum he proceeded to the land of the Dassaretii and took the city of Pelium by storm. He carried off the slaves from there with the rest of the booty, dismissed the freemen without ransom, and restored the town to them, leaving a strong garrison; for the town was favourably situated as a base for conducting raids into Macedonia.
40.4. ab Celetro in Dassaretios processit urbemque Pelion vi cepit. servitia inde cum cetera praeda abduxit [et], libera capita sine pretio dimisit oppidumque iis reddidit praesidio valido imposito; nam et sita opportune urbs erat ad impetus in Macedoniam faciendos.
40.6. So the consul, having traversed the enemy's country, led his troops back to the peaceful region around Apollonia, whence he had begun the war.
40.6. ita peragratis hostium agris consul in loca pacata ad Apolloniam, unde orsus bellum erat, copias reduxit.
40.7. Philip was distracted by the Aetolians, the Athamanes and the Dardani and so many wars breaking out in one place after another.
40.7. Philippum averterant Aetoli et Athamanes et Dardani et tot bella repente alia ex aliis locis exorta.
40.8. Against the Dardani, who were by this time withdrawing from Macedonia, he sent Athenagoras with the light infantry and the greater part of the cavalry, with orders to press on them from behind as they withdrew, and by nibbling at their rearguard to make them less inclined to move their army from home.
40.8. adversus Dardanos, iam recipientes ex Macedonia sese, Athenagoran cum expeditis peditibus ac maiore parte equitatus misit, iussum instare ab tergo abeuntibus et carpendo postremum agmen segniores eos ad movendos domo exercitus efficere.
40.9. Damocritus, the same president who had caused the delay in declaring war at Naupactus, had, at the next council, stirred up the Aetolians to war after they had heard of the cavalry battle at Ottolobum and the invasion of Macedonia by the Dardani and Pleuratus with the Illyrians, and, in addition, of the arrival of the Roman fleet at Oreus and the naval blockade which threatened so many Macedonian cities on the coast.
40.9. Aetolos Damocritus praetor, qui morae ad decernendum bellum ad Naupactum [auctor] fuerat, idem proximo concilio ad arma conciverat post famam equestris ad Ottolobum pugnae Dardanorumque et Pleurati cum Illyriis transitum in Macedoniam, ad hoc classis Romanae adventum Oreum et super circumfusas tot Macedoniae gentes maritimam quoque instantem obsidionem.
41.1. These causes had reunited Damocritus and the Aetolians with the Romans; and joining Amynander, the king of the Athamanes, they set out and besieged Cercinium. The inhabitants closed its gates, whether willingly or under compulsion, since they had a royal garrison.
41.1. hae causae Damocritum Aetolosque restituerant Romanis; et Amynandro, rege Athamanum, adiuncto profecti Cercinium obsedere. clauserant portas, incertum vi an voluntate, quia regium habebant praesidium.
41.3. But within a few days Cercinium was captured and burned; both the slave and free inhabitants who survived from the great disaster were carried off with the rest of the booty.
41.3. ceterum intra paucos dies captum est Cercinium atque incensum; qui superfuerunt e magna clade, liberi servique, inter ceteram praedam abducti.
41.4. Fear of the same fate drove all the dwellers around the marsh of Boëbe to leave their homes and flee to the mountains.
41.4. is timor omnis, qui circumcolunt Boeben paludem, relictis urbibus montis coegit petere.
41.5. The Aetolians then turned away and began to march toward Perrhaebia, by reason of the shortage of plunder. They captured and ruthlessly destroyed Cyretiae; they received in voluntary surrender and alliance the people of Maloea.
41.5. Aetoli inopia praedae inde aversi in Perrhaebiam ire pergunt. Cyretias ibi vi capiunt foedeque diripiunt; qui Maloeam incolunt, voluntate in deditionem societatemque accepti.
41.6. After Perrhaebia, Amynander made the proposal that they march against Gomphi; Athamania lies close to this town, and it seemed possible to capture it without a great struggle.
41.6. ex Perrhaebia Gomphos petendi Amynander auctor erat; et imminet Athamania huic urbi, videbaturque expugnari sine magno certamine posse.
41.7. The Aetolians sought the fields of Thessaly, rich booty for the pillager, with Amynander following, though he did not approve either the haphazard raids of the Aetolians or their habit of pitching camp wherever chance suggested, without any deliberate choice of position or any care as to defence.
41.7. Aetoli campos Thessaliae opimos ad praedam petiere sequente, quamquam non probante Amynandro nec effusas populationes Aetolorum nec castra, quo fors tulisset loco, sine ullo discrimine aut cura muniendi posita.
41.8. Therefore, lest their rashness and carelessness cause any disaster to himself and his men, when he saw them encamping in the plains, exposed to attack from the town of Pharcado, he occupied a hill a little more than a mile away, that was safe even though weakly fortified.
41.8. itaque ne temeritas eorum neglegentiaque sibi ac suis etiam cladis alicuius causa esset, cum campestribus locis subicientis eos castra Pharcadoni urbi videret, ipse paulo plus mille passuum inde tumulum suis, quamvis levi munimento tutum, cepit.
41.10. When the Aetolians, except that they were plundering, seemed scarcely to remember that they were in hostile territory, some wandering about half-armed, some lying around the unguarded camp, spending days and nights alike in sleeping and drinking, Philip fell upon them unawares.
41.10. cum Aetoli, nisi quod populabantur, vix meminisse viderentur se in agro hostium esse, alii palati semermes vagarentur, alii in castris sine stationibus per somnum vinumque dies noctibus aequarent, Philippus inopinantibus advenit.
41.11. When some frightened fugitives from the fields had brought the news that he was approaching, Damocritus and the other commanders were terrified — for it was about the hour of noon, when most of them lay asleep and heavy with food — men were rousing one another, ordering them to arm, sending out messengers to recall the pillagers who were straggling through the fields, and so great was the panic that some of the cavalry went out without swords and most of them without putting on their breastplates.
41.11. quem cum adesse refugientes ex agris quidam pavidi nuntiassent, trepidare Damocritus ceterique duces—et erat forte meridianum tempus, quo plerique graves cibo sopiti iacebant— , excitare alii alios, iubere arma capere, alios dimittere ad revocandos, qui palati per agros praedabantur; tantaque trepidatio fuit, ut sine gladiis quidam equitum exirent, loricas plerique non induerent.
41.13. Led out in such haste, when they had been able with difficulty to collect six hundred out of the whole number, infantry and cavalry, they encountered the king's cavalry, - superior in numbers, in equipment and in courage.
41.13. ita raptim educti, cum universi sescentorum aegre simul equites peditesque numerum explessent, incidunt in regium equitatum numero, armis animisque praestantem.
41.14. And so at the first shock, barely essaying a battle, they made for the camp in disgraceful rout; those who were cut off by the cavalry were killed and captured.
41.14. itaque primo impetu fusi vix temptato certamine turpi fuga repetunt castra; caesi captique, quos equites ab agmine fugientium interclusere.
42.1. Philip ordered the recall sounded as his men approached the rampart; for men and horses were wearied less by the battle than by the length and especially the excessive speed of the march.
42.1. Philippus iam suis vallo appropinquantibus receptui cani iussit; fatigatos enim equos virosque non tam proelio quam itineris simul longitudine, simul praepropera celeritate habebat.
42.2. So he ordered the cavalry by troops, the companies of light infantry in succession, to go to get water and to take their meal, and kept some on guard under arms, as he awaited the column of infantry which moved more slowly on account of the weight of their equipment.
42.2. itaque turmatim equites, in vicem manipulos levis armaturae aquatum ire et prandere iubet, alios in statione armatos retinet, opperiens agmen peditum tardius ductum propter gravitatem armorum.
42.4. When they arrived, they too were ordered to set up their standards, stack their arms, and take a hasty meal, only two or three from each company at a time being sent for water; meanwhile the cavalry and light infantry stood ready in formation in case the enemy should make any move.
42.4. quod ubi advenit, et ipsis imperatum, ut statutis signis armisque ante se positis raptim cibum caperent binis ternisve summum ex manipulis aquandi causa missis; interim eques cum levi armatura paratus instructusque stetit, si quid hostis moveret.
42.5. The Aetolians — for now even those who had been scattered through the country had returned to camp — stationed armed guards around the gates and wall to defend the fortification, while, themselves in high spirits, they watched from safety their inactive foes.
42.5. Aetoli—iam enim et quae per agros sparsa multitudo fuerat receperat se in castra—ut defensuri munimenta circa portas vallumque armatos disponunt, dum quietos hostes ipsi feroces ex tuto spectabant.
42.6. After the Macedonian standards were moved and the soldiers arrayed and formed for battle began to approach the wall, all suddenly left their posts and fled through the rear part of the camp to the hill and the camp of the Athamanes. Many of the Aetolians were killed or captured in their headlong flight.
42.6. postquam mota signa Macedonum sunt et succedere ad vallum parati atque instructi coepere, repente omnes relictis stationibus per aversam partem castrorum ad tumulum ad castra Athamanum perfugiunt. multi in hac quoque tam trepida fuga capti caesique sunt Aetolorum.
42.7. If enough of the day had remained, Philip could without doubt have driven the Athamanes also from their camp, but having used up the day in fighting and then in plundering the camp, he bivouacked in a nearby plain beneath the hill, intending to attack the enemy at the following dawn.
42.7. Philippus, si satis diei superesset, non dubius, quin Athamanes quoque exui castris potuissent, die per proelium, deinde per direptionem castrorum absumpto sub tumulo in proxima planitie consedit prima luce insequentis diei hostem adgressurus.
42.8. But the Aetolians, still in the grip of the panic in which they had left their own camp, during the ensuing night fled in every direction. Amynander was of the greatest service, under whose leadership the Athamanes who knew the roads led them back to Aetolia over the mountains by paths unknown to the pursuing enemy.
42.8. sed Aetoli eodem pavore, quo sua castra reliquerant, nocte proxima dispersi fugerunt. maximo usui fuit Amynander, quo duce Athamanes itinerum periti summis montibus per calles ignotas sequentibus eos hostibus in Aetoliam perduxerunt.
42.9. Aimless wandering in the disorderly flight threw no large number into the hands of the Macedonian cavalry, whom Philip had sent out to harass the enemy's column when at daybreak he saw the hill deserted.
42.9. non ita multos in dispersa fuga error intulit in Macedonum equites, quos prima luce Philippus, ut desertum tumulum videt, ad carpendum hostium agmen misit.
43.1. At the same time, moreover, Athenagoras, the king's prefect, overtaking the Dardani as they retired into their own country, threw the rear of the column into confusion; then, after the Dardani had faced about and formed their line, there was a regular battle on equal terms.
43.1. per eos dies et Athenagoras regius praefectus Dardanos recipientes se in finis adeptus postremum agmen turbavit;
43.2. When the Dardani had begun again to proceed on their march, the king's forces with their cavalry and light infantry harried the Dardani, who had no such auxiliaries, and were burdened with weapons that were hard to handle; the terrain too favoured the Macedonians.
43.2. dein, postquam Dardani conversis signis direxere aciem, aequa pugna iusto proelio erat. ubi rursus procedere Dardani coepissent, equite et levi armatura regii nullum tale auxilii genus habentes Dardanos oneratosque inmobilibus armis vexabant; et loca ipsa adiuvabant.
43.3. A very few were killed, more wounded, none captured, for it is their way not to leave their ranks rashly, but to fight and give ground in close formation.
43.3. occisi perpauci sunt, plures vulnerati, captus nemo, quia non excedunt temere ordinibus suis, sed confertim et pugnant et cedunt.
43.4. In this way Philip, by checking two nations with timely attacks, undertaken with boldness not merely successful in the result, had recouped the losses sustained in the Roman war. Then another piece of good fortune diminished the number of his enemies in Aetolia.
43.4. ita damna Romano accepta bello duabus per opportunas expeditiones coercitis gentibus restituerat Philippus incepto forti, non prospero solum eventu. minuit deinde ei forte oblata res hostium Aetolorum numerum.
43.5. Scopas, a prominent man among the tribe, sent by King Ptolemy from Alexandria with a great quantity of gold, had transported to Egypt six thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry whom he had hired; nor would he have left a single fighting-man of the Aetolians, if Damocritus, now warning them of the present war, now of the future depopulation of the state, had not by his reproofs kept at home a part of the younger men, though it is uncertain whether his action was due to concern for the state or a desire to thwart Scopas, who had not been generous with gifts to him.
43.5. Scopas, princeps gentis, ab Alexandrea magno cum pondere auri ab rege Ptolomaeo missus, sex milia peditum et quingentos equites mercede conductos Aegyptum vexit; nec ex iuventute Aetolorum quemquam reliquisset, ni Damocritus nunc belli, quod instaret, nunc futurae solitudinis admonens, incertum cura gentis an ut adversaretur Scopae parum donis cultus, partem iuniorum castigando domi continuisset.
44.1. Such were the actions of the Romans and Philip on land during that summer; in the beginning of the same summer, the fleet, under the lieutenant Lucius Apustius, leaving Corcyra and rounding Malea joined King Attalus in the neighbourhood of Scyllaeum in the territory of Hermione.
44.1. haec ea aestate ab Romanis Philippoque gesta terra; classis a Corcyra eiusdem principio aestatis cum L. Apustio legato profecta Maleo superato circa Scyllaeum agri Hermionici Attalo regi coniuncta est.
44.2. Then indeed the Athenian people, whose hatred for Philip had long been restrained by fear, in view of the prospect of aid at hand, gave full vent to their anger.
44.2. tum vero Atheniensium civitas, cui odio in Philippum per metum iam diu moderata erat, id omne in auxilii praesentis spem effudit.
44.3. Tongues ready to incite the mob are never lacking in that city; and this conduct is encouraged by popular applause, not only in free states generally, but especially in Athens, where oratory has greatest influence.
44.3. nec umquam ibi desunt linguae promptae ad plebem concitandam; quod genus cum in omnibus liberis civitatibus, tum praecipue Athenis, ubi oratio plurimum pollet, favore multitudinis alitur.
44.4. They immediately proposed and the people passed a motion that all statues of Philip, all representations of him, and their inscriptions, and also those of his ancestors, male and female, should be removed and done away with, that all the feast-days, sacred observances and priesthoods which had been established in honour of him or his ancestors should be abolished;
44.4. rogationem extemplo tulerunt plebesque scivit, ut Philippi statuae, imagines omnes nominaque earum, item maiorum eius virile ac muliebre secus omnium tollerentur delerenturque diesque festi, sacra, sacerdotes, quae ipsius maiorumque eius honoris causa instituta essent, omnia profanarentur;
44.5. even the places in which any memorials or inscriptions in his honour had been set up should be accursed, and that it should not be lawful to place or dedicate in them thereafter anything that could lawfully be placed or dedicated in any unpolluted spot;
44.5. loca quoque, in quibus positum aliquid inscriptumve honoris eius causa fuisset, detestabilia esse, neque in iis quicquam postea poni dedicarique placere eorum, quae in loco puro poni dedicarique fas esset;
44.6. the public priests, as often as they offered prayers on behalf of the people of Athens and their allies, their armies and fleets, should so often curse and execrate Philip, his children and his kingdom, his military and naval forces, and the whole race and name of the Macedonians.
44.6. sacerdotes publicos, quotienscumque pro populo Atheniensi sociisque, exercitibus et classibus eorum precarentur, totiens detestari atque exsecrari Philippum, liberos eius regnumque, terrestres navalesque copias, Macedonum genus omne nomenque.
44.7. It was added to the decree that if anyone thereafter made any proposal that had to do with bringing disgrace or ignominy on Philip, the Athenian people would adopt it in toto; that if anyone said or did anything to lessen his ignominy or increase his honour, any person who slew such an one would be deemed to have slain him lawfully.
44.7. additum decreto, si quis quid postea, quod ad notam ignominiamque Philippi pertineret, ferret, id omne populum Atheniensem iussurum;
44.8. Finally, it was added that all the decrees which had once been passed against the Pisistratidae should be kept in force in the case of Philip.
44.8. si quis contra ignominiam prove honore eius dixisset fecissetve, qui occidisset eum, iure caesurum. postremo inclusum, ut omnia, quae adversus Pisistratidas decreta quondam erant, eadem in Philippo servarentur.
44.9. This was the Athenians' war against Philip, conducted by means of letters and words, which constitute their sole strength.
44.9. Athenienses quidem litteris verbisque, quibus solis valent, bellum adversus Philippum gerebant;
45.1. Attalus and the Romans, putting in first at Piraeus after leaving Hermione, and tarrying there a few days and being loaded down with decrees as effusive in the praise of the allies as those others in condemnation of the enemy, sailed from Piraeus to Andros.
45.1. Attalus Romanique, cum Piraeum primo ab Hermione petissent, paucos ibi morati dies oneratique aeque inmodicis ad honores sociorum, atque in ira adversus hostem fuerant, Atheniensium decretis navigant a Piraeo Andrum.
45.3. And when they had anchored in the harbour which they call Gaurium, sending ashore agents to test the disposition of the people, whether they preferred to surrender the city voluntarily rather than endure an attack, after the citizens replied that the citadel was held by a garrison of the king and that they were powerless, Attalus and the Roman lieutenant landed troops and all the equipment for assaulting cities and approached the city from different directions.
45.3. et cum in portu, quem Gaurion vocant, constitissent, missis, qui temptarent oppidanorum animos, si voluntate tradere urbem quam vim experiri mallent, postquam praesidio regio arcem teneri nec se potestatis suae esse respondebant, expositis copiis apparatuque omni urbium oppugnandarum diversis partibus rex et legatus Romanus ad urbem subeunt.
45.5. The Roman arms and standards, which they had never seen before, and the spirit of the soldiers, so ready to advance to storm the walls, caused no small terror among the Greeks; so they straightway took refuge in the citadel and the enemy possessed the town.
45.5. plus aliquanto Graecos Romana arma signaque non ante visa animique militum tam prompte succedentium muros terruere;
45.6. And after holding the citadel for two days, trusting to the strength of the place rather than to their arms, on the third day they bargained that they and the garrison be transferred to Delium in Boeotia with one garment each, and surrendered the city and the citadel.
45.6. itaque fuga extemplo in arcem facta est, urbe hostes potiti. et in arce cum biduum loci se magis quam armorum fiducia tenuissent, tertio die pacti ipsi praesidiumque, ut cum singulis vestimentis Delium Boeotiae transveherentur, urbem arcemque tradiderunt.
45.7. The Romans gave these to King Attalus; the booty and the ornaments of the city they took for themselves. Attalus, rather than possess a deserted island, persuaded both nearly all of the Macedonians and some of the Andrians to remain.
45.7. ea ab Romanis regi Attalo concessa; praedam ornamentaque urbis ipsi avexerunt. Attalus, ne desertam haberet insulam, et Macedonum fere omnibus et quibusdam Andriorum, ut manerent, persuasit.
45.8. Later on those who had already crossed under the agreement were brought back from Delium by the king's promises, since longing too for their native land increased their inclination to trust him.
45.8. postea et ab Delio, qui ex pacto travecti eo fuerant, promissis regis, cum desiderium quoque patriae facilius ad credendum inclinaret animos, revocati.
45.9. From Andros they proceeded to Cythnos. After spending some days in vain in attacking the city, because it seemed scarcely worth the effort, they departed.
45.9. ab Andro Cythnum traiecerunt. ibi dies aliquot oppugnanda urbe nequiquam absumpti, et, quia vix operae pretium erat, abscessere.
45.10. At Prasiae — this is a place on the Attic mainland — twenty light-draft vessels of the Issaei joined the Roman fleet. These were sent to ravage the territory of the Carystii, while the rest put into Geraestus, a famous port of Euboea, to wait until the Issaei should return from Carystus.
45.10. ad Prasias—continentis Atticae is locus est—Issaeorum viginti lembi classi Romanorum adiuncti sunt. ii missi ad populandos Carystiorum agros; cetera classis Geraestum, nobilem Euboeae portum, dum ab Carysto Issaei redirent, tenuit.
45.11. Then all of them, setting sail for the open sea, went past the island of Scyros to Icos. Being delayed there a few days by strong north winds, as soon as calm weather returned, they sailed past Sciathus, a city recently looted and destroyed by Philip.
45.11. inde omnes velis in altum datis mari medio praeter Scyrum insulam Icum pervenere. ibi paucos dies saeviente Borea retenti, ubi prima tranquillitas data est, Sciathum traiecere, vastatam urbem direptamque nuper a Philippo.
45.13. The soldiers, wandering around the country, brought to the ships the grain and whatever food-stuffs they found; of booty there was none, nor had the Greeks done anything to deserve being plundered.
45.13. per agros palati milites frumentum et si qua alia usui esse ad vescendum poterant ad naves rettulere; praedae nec erat quicquam, nec meruerant Graeci, cur diriperentur.
45.14. Thence, on their way to Cassandrea, they held their course first for Mendaeus, the seaport of that city. Then, when they had rounded the promontory and were trying to bring the fleet up close to the city walls, a violent storm arising and the ships having been almost buried under the waves or scattered, they escaped to the shore with the loss of a great part of their rigging. This storm at sea was an omen of their fortunes on land.
45.14. inde Cassandream petentes primo ad Mendaeum, maritimum civitatis eius vicum, tenuere. inde cum superato promunturio ad ipsa moenia urbis circumagere classem vellent, saeva coorta tempestate prope obruti fluctibus, dispersi, magna ex parte amissis armamentis in terram effugerunt.
45.15. For when, after re-assembling the ships and landing the troops, they attacked the city, they were repulsed with considerable loss — there was a strong royal garrison there — and retiring after the failure of their enterprise they steered for Canastraeum in Pallene. Thence sailing around the cape of Torona they made for Acanthus. There they first plundered the country and then captured and sacked the town.
45.15. omen quoque ea maritima tempestas ad rem terra gerendam fuit. nam conlectis in unum navibus expositisque copiis adgressi urbem, cum multis vulneribus repulsi—et erat validum ibi regium praesidium—irrito incepto regressi ad Canastraeum Pallenes traiecere. inde superato Toronae promunturio navigantes Acanthum petiere.
45.16. They went no farther — for by now the ships were laden with booty — but returned to Sciathos and thence to Euboea by the way they had come.
45.16. ibi primo ager vastatus, deinde ipsa urbs vi capta ac direpta. nec ultra progressi—iam enim et graves praeda naves habebant—retro, unde venerant, Sciathum et ab Sciatho Euboeam repetunt.
46.1. There they left the fleet and with ten light vessels entered the Malian gulf for a conference with the Aetolians regarding the plan of campaign.
46.1. ibi relicta classe decem navibus expeditis sinum Maliacum intravere ad colloquendum cum Aetolis de ratione gerendi belli.
46.2. Pyrrhias the Aetolian was the head of the embassy Which came to Heraclea to discuss plans with the king and the Roman lieutenant.
46.2. Pyrrhias Aetolus princeps legationis eius fuit, quae ad communicanda consilia Heracleam cum rege et cum Romano legato venit.
46.3. Attalus was asked to furnish one thousand soldiers in accordance with the treaty; for he was bound to supply that number for the armies fighting against Philip.
46.3. petitum ex foedere ab Attalo est, ut mille milites praestaret; tantum enim numerum bellum gerentibus adversus Philippum debebat.
46.4. This was refused the Aetolians because they had previously objected to marching out to devastate Macedonia, - at the time when they might have compelled Philip, who was burning everything sacred and profane around Pergamum, to withdraw through concern for his own property.
46.4. id negatum Aetolis, quod illi quoque gravati prius essent ad populandam Macedoniam exire, quo tempore, Philippo circa Pergamum urente sacra profanaque, abstrahere eum inde respectu rerum suarum potuissent.
46.5. So the Aetolians were dismissed with hopes rather than actual assistance, the Romans making lavish promises; Apustius with Attalus returned to the fleet.
46.5. ita Aetoli cum spe magis, Romanis omnia pollicentibus, quam cum auxilio dimissi; Apustius cum Attalo ad classem redit.
46.6. The question of an attack on Oreus was next discussed. The city was defended both by walls and, because it had been attacked before, by a strong garrison. After the capture of Andros twenty Rhodian ships, all decked, under command of Agesimbrotus, had joined the fleet.
46.6. inde agitari de Oreo oppugnando coeptum. valida ea civitas et moenibus et, quia ante fuerat temptata, firmo erat praesidio. coniunxerant se iis post expugnationem Andri cum praefecto Agesimbroto viginti Rhodiae naves, tectae omnes.
46.7. They were left on guard off Zelasium — this promontory in Phthiotis occupied a very strategic position beyond Demetrias — to watch if any movement from there was made by the Macedonian fleet.
46.7. eam classem in stationem ad Zelasium miserunt—Phthiotidis super Demetriadem promunturium est peropportune obiectum—, ut, si quid inde moverent Macedonum naves, in praesidio essent.
46.8. Heraclides, the king's prefect, was in command of the fleet there, intending to take advantage of any opportunity which was offered by the enemy's negligence rather than to undertake anything by open force.
46.8. Heraclides, praefectus regius, classem ibi tenebat, magis per occasionem, si quam neglegentia hostium dedisset, quam aperta vi quicquam ausurus.
46.9. The Romans and King Attalus attacked Oreus from opposite sides, the Romans by way of the maritime citadel, the king's troops up the valley lying between the two citadels, where the city was guarded by a wall as well.
46.9. Oreum diversi Romani et rex Attalus oppugnabant, Romani a marituma arce, regii adversus vallem inter duas iacentem arces, qua et muro intersaepta urbs est.
46.10. And as they occupied different places, so they fought in different ways: the Romans by moving against the walls the mantlets, and sheds and battering-ram, the king's troops hurling missiles and huge stones with balistae, catapults, and every sort of artillery; they dug tunnels too, and whatever else had proved useful in the former siege.
46.10. et ut loca diversa, sic dispari modo etiam oppugnabant: Romanus testudinibus et vineis et ariete admovendo muris, regii ballistis catapultisque et alio omni genere tormentorum tela ingerentes et pondere ingenti saxa; faciebant et cuniculos et quidquid aliud priore oppugnatione expertum profuerat.
46.11. But the Macedonians defending the city and citadels were not only more numerous than before, but they fought with greater courage, mindful at once of the king's rebuke for their former error and also of his threats and promises for the future. Accordingly, when more time than was expected was being spent there, and a blockade and siege-works held out more hope than a sudden assault, the lieutenant, thinking that something else should be done in the meantime, leaving what seemed a sufficient force to complete the works, crossed to the nearest part of the mainland, to Larisa — this is not the famous Larisa in Thessaly, but another, which they call Cremaste — and by a surprise attack captured everything but the citadel.
46.11. ceterum non plures tantum Macedones quam ante tuebantur urbem arcesque, sed etiam praesentioribus animis, et castigationis regis in admissa culpa et simul minarum, simul promissorum in futurum memores. itaque cum praeter spem tempus ibi traheretur, plusque in obsidione et in operibus quam in oppugnatione celeri spei esset, interim et aliud agi posse ratus legatus, relictis quot satis videbantur ad opera perficienda, traicit in proxima continentis Larisamque—non illam in Thessalia nobilem urbem, sed alteram, quam Cremasten vocant—subito adventu praeter arcem cepit.
46.13. Attalus too took Pteleum when the citizens were fearing nothing of the sort, while the siege of the other city was going on.
46.13. Attalus quoque Pteleon nihil minus quam tale quicquam in alterius oppugnatione urbis timentibus oppressit.
46.14. And now not only were the siege-works completed around Oreus, but the garrison which was inside was exhausted by continuous toil, by watchfulness day and night alike, and by wounds.
46.14. et iam cum opera in effectu erant circa Oreum, tum praesidium, quod intus erat, labore adsiduo, vigiliis diurnis pariter nocturnisque et vulneribus confectum.
46.15. Parts of the wall, moreover, fell in several places under the blows of the battering-ram; and the Romans, entering through the breaches by night penetrated to the citadel which is above the harbour. Attalus at daybreak, when the signal was given by the Romans from the citadel, also assailed the city, large parts of the wall having collapsed;
46.15. muri quoque pars ariete incusso subruta multis iam locis prociderat; perque apertum ruina iter nocte Romani in arcem, quae super portum est, perruperunt.
46.16. the garrison and the townspeople fled to the other citadel, where they surrendered two days later. The city was given to the king, the prisoners to the Romans.
46.16. Attalus luce prima signo ex arce dato ab Romanis et ipse urbem invasit stratis magna ex parte muris; praesidium oppidanique in arcem alteram perfugere, unde biduo post deditio facta. urbs regi, captiva corpora Romanis cessere.
47.1. The autumnal equinox was now at hand, and the Euboean gulf, which they call Coela, is dangerous to mariners. So, wanting to get away from there before the winter storms, they returned to Piraeus, whence they had set out on the campaign.
47.1. iam autumnale aequinoctium instabat; et est sinus Euboicus, quem Coela vocant, suspectus nautis. itaque ante hiemales motus evadere inde cupientes Piraeum, unde profecti ad bellum erant, repetunt.
47.2. Apustius left thirty ships there and sailed past Malea to Corcyra. The king waited for the day of the mysteries of Ceres, that he might take part in the ceremonies; after the celebration he too departed for Asia, having previously sent Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians home.
47.2. Apustius triginta navibus ibi relictis super Maleum navigat Corcyram. regem statum initiorum Cereris, ut sacris interesset, tenuit; secundum initia et ipse in Asiam se recepit Agesimbroto et Rhodiis domum remissis.
47.3. This is the record of the actions of this summer on land and sea performed against Philip and his allies by the Roman consul and lieutenant with the aid of King Attalus and the Rhodians.
47.3. haec ea aestate terra marique adversus Philippum sociosque eius ab consule et legato Romanis adiuvantibus rege Attalo et Rhodiis gesta.
47.4. The other consul, Gaius Aurelius, having arrived in his province and found the campaign finished, made no secret of his anger at the praetor for having fought in his absence.
47.4. consul alter C. Aurelius ad confectum bellum cum in provinciam venisset, haud clam tulit iram adversus praetorem, quod absente se rem gessisset.
47.5. Sending him accordingly to Etruria, he himself led the legions into the enemy's country, and, laying it waste, carried on the war with more booty than glory.
47.5. misso igitur eo in Etruriam ipse in agrum hostium legiones induxit populandoque cum praeda maiore quam gloria bellum gessit.
47.6. Lucius Furius, partly because there was nothing for him to do in Etruria, partly because he was ambitious for a triumph over the Gauls, which he thought he could more easily obtain in the absence of the angry and jealous consul, when he had unexpectedly appeared in Rome, summoned the senate in the temple of Bellona, gave an account of his achievements and asked that he be allowed to enter the city in triumph.
47.6. L. Furius, simul quod in Etruria nihil erat rei, quod gereret, simul Gallico triumpho imminens, [quem] absente consule irato atque invidente facilius impetrari posse ratus Romam inopinato cum venisset, senatum in aede Bellonae habuit expositisque rebus gestis, ut triumphanti sibi in urbem invehi liceret, petit.
48.1. On many of the senators he made a favourable impression, because of the greatness of his achievements and through his personal influence.
48.1. apud magnam partem senatus et magnitudine rerum gestarum valebat et gratia.
48.2. The older members were for refusing the triumph, - partly because he had fought with an army legally under another's command, partly because he had left his province as a result of his ardent desire to petition for a triumph when the opportunity offered itself; but this conduct was unprecedented;
48.2. maiores natu negabant triumphum, et quod alieno exercitu rem gessisset et quod provinciam reliquisset cupiditate rapiendi per occasionem triumphi; id vero eum nullo exemplo fecisse; consulares praecipue expectandum fuisse consulem censebant;
48.4. the senators of consular rank especially urged that he should have waited for the consul; for he might, while defending the colony by locating his camp near the city, without committing himself to a decisive engagement, have delayed matters until the consul's arrival;
48.4. potuisse enim castris prope urbem positis tutanda colonia ita, ut acie non decerneret, in adventum eius rem extrahere; quod praetor non fecisset, senatui faciendum esse, ut consulem expectaret;
48.5. the senate's proper conduct would be to wait for the consul, as the praetor had not done; when they had heard consul and praetor debating face to face, they would, they said, judge more fairly concerning the issue.
48.5. ubi coram disceptantis consulem et praetorem audissent, verius de causa existimaturos esse.
48.6. A great part of the senate thought that the senators should consider only his record, and whether he had fought during his term of office and under his own auspices.
48.6. magna pars senatus nihil praeter res gestas, et an in magistratu suisque auspiciis gessisset, censebant spectare senatum debere.
48.7. When one of the two colonies which had been established as, so to speak, barriers to restrain Gallic uprisings had been sacked and burned, and the flames were about to leap over to the other, so close at hand, as from one building to another in a continuous row, what, pray, was the praetor to do?
48.7. ex duabus coloniis, quae velut claustra ad cohibendos Gallicos tumultus oppositae fuissent, cum una direpta et incensa esset, traiecturumque id incendium velut ex continentibus tectis in alteram tam propinquam coloniam esset, quid tandem praetori faciendum fuisse?
48.8. For if it was improper to take any action without the consul, either the senate was at fault for entrusting an army to the praetor — for it would have been possible to order by senatorial decree that nothing should be done by the praetor, but only by the consul, if it had been desired that the consul's army and not the praetor's should do the fighting — or else the consul was at fault, who had not joined the army at Ariminum, when he had ordered it to move from Etruria to Gaul, to participate in a war which could not be legally - conducted without him.
48.8. nam si sine consule geri nihil oportuerit, aut senatum peccasse, qui exercitum praetori dederit—potuisse enim, sicut non praetoris sed consulis exercitu rem geri voluerit, ita finire senatus consulto, ne per praetorem sed per consulem gereretur— aut consulem, qui non, cum exercitum ex Etruria transire in Galliam iussisset, ipse Arimini occurrerit, ut bello interesset, quod sine eo geri fas non esset.
48.10. The emergencies of war, they argued, do not wait for the delays and postponements of commanders, and sometimes you must fight, not because you wish it, but because the enemy compels it.
48.10. non expectare belli tempora moras et dilationes imperatorum, et pugnandum esse interdum, non quia velis, sed quia hostis cogat.
48.11. The battle itself and its results should be considered. The enemy had been routed and slaughtered, their camp captured and plundered, the siege of the colony raised, the prisoners from the other colony recovered and restored to their friends, the war finished in a single battle.
48.11. pugnam ipsam eventumque pugnae spectari debere. fusos caesosque hostis, castra capta ac direpta, coloniam liberatam obsidione, alterius coloniae captivos recuperatos restitutosque suis, debellatum uno proelio esse.
48.12. Not only had men rejoiced at that victory, but also a three-day period of thanksgiving had been decreed to the immortal gods, because Lucius Furius the praetor had conducted affairs, not poorly and rashly, but well and successfully. Finally, Gallic wars were by the will of fate, so to speak, entrusted to the Furii.
48.12. non homines tantum ea victoria laetatos, sed diis quoque immortalibus per triduum supplicationes habitas, quod bene ac feliciter, non quod male ac temere res publica a L. Furio praetore gesta esset. data fato etiam quodam Furiae genti Gallica bella.
49.1. Through speeches of this kind, delivered by the praetor and his friends, the prestige of the consul, who was absent, was outweighed by the personal influence of the praetor, who was present, and a full session voted a triumph to Lucius Furius.
49.1. huius generis orationibus ipsius amicorumque victa est praesentis gratia praetoris, absentis consulis maiestas, triumphumque frequentes L. Furio decreverunt.
49.2. Lucius Furius the praetor triumphed over the Gauls while still in office, and deposited in the treasury three hundred and twenty thousand asses of bronze, and one hundred thousand five hundred pieces of silver.
49.2. triumphavit de Gallis in magistratu L. Furius praetor et in aerarium tulit trecenta viginti milia aeris, argenti centum milia quingentos neque captivi ulli ante currum ducti neque spolia praelata neque milites secuti.
49.3. There were no captives led before his chariot, no spoils displayed, no soldiers in his train.
49.3. omnia praeter victoriam penes consulem esse apparebat.
49.4. Everything but the victory was in possession of the consul. Next the games which had been vowed by Publius Cornelius Scipio during his consulship in Africa were celebrated with great splendour.
49.4. ludi deinde a P. Cornelio Scipione, quos consul in Africa voverat, magno apparatu facti.
49.5. It was also decreed, regarding lands for his soldiers, that each should receive two iugera of land for each year of their service in Spain or Africa; the decemvirate should make the distribution.
49.5. et de agris militum eius decretum, ut, quot quisque eorum annos in Hispania aut in Africa militasset, in singulos annos bina iugera agri acciperet; eum agrum decemviri adsignarent.
49.6. Also, a commission of three was created to fill up the number of colonists for the people of Venusia, because the strength of that colony had been diminished in the Hannibalic war. The commissioners chosen were Gaius Terentius Varro, Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Publius Cornelius Scipio, the son of Gnaeus, and they enrolled the colonists for Venusia.
49.6. triumviri item creati ad supplendum Venusinis colonorum numerum, quod bello Hannibalis attenuatae vires eius coloniae erant, C. Terentius Varro, T. Quinctius Flammininus, P. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio. hi colonos Venusiam adscripserunt.
49.7. In the same year Gaius Cornelius Cethegus, who as proconsul was governing Spain, defeated a large hostile force in the territory of the Sedetani. According to report, fifteen thousand Spaniards were killed in this battle and seventy-eight standards captured.
49.7. eodem anno C. Cornelius Cethegus, qui proconsul Hispaniam obtinebat, magnum hostium exercitum in agro Sedetano fudit. quindecim milia Hispanorum eo proelio dicuntur caesa, signa militaria capta octo et septuaginta.
49.8. Gaius Aurelius the consul, when he returned from the province to Rome to hold the elections, did not make the complaint that they had anticipated, that the senate had not waited for him nor given the consul an opportunity to debate with the praetor, but he did protest that they had decreed the triumph in such a way that they had heard the testimony of no one except the man who was to
49.8. C. Aurelius consul, cum ex provincia Romam comitiorum causa venisset, non id, quod animis praeceperant, questus est, non expectatum se ab senatu, neque disceptandi cum praetore consuli potestatem factam, sed ita triumphum decresse senatum, ut nullius nisi eius, qui triumphaturus esset, et non eorum, qui bello interfuissent, verba audiret.
49.10. triumph, and not of those who had been present at the battle. Their ancestors had ordained that the lieutenants, tribunes, centurions, and even the common soldiers should attend a triumph, to the end that the Roman people might see the witnesses to the deeds of the man to whom so signal an honour was given. Was there no one from the army which had fought against the Gauls, no camp-follower at least, if there was no soldier, whom the senate could ask how much truth or untruth there was in the praetor's report?
49.10. maiores ideo instituisse, ut legati, tribuni, centuriones, milites denique triumpho adessent, ut testes rerum gestarum eius, cui tantus honos haberetur, populus Romanus videret. ecquem ex eo exercitu, qui cum Gallis pugnaverit, si non militem, lixam saltem fuisse, quem percunctari posset senatus, quid veri praetor vanive adferret?
49.12. He then announced the date of the elections, at which Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Publius Villius Tappulus were chosen consuls. Then Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Lucius Villius Tappulus, and Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus were elected praetors.
49.12. comitiis deinde diem edixit, quibus creati sunt consules L. Cornelius Lentulus, P. Villius Tappulus. praetores inde facti L. Quinctius Flamininus, L. Valerius Flaccus, L. Villius Tappulus, Cn. Baebius Tamphilus.
50.1. Also, grain was very cheap this year; a great quantity of grain which was brought from Africa was distributed to the people at two asses per modius by the curule aediles Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Sextus Aelius Paetus.
50.1. annona quoque eo anno pervilis fuit; frumenti vim magnam ex Africa advectam aediles curules M. Claudius Marcellus et Sex.
50.2. They also celebrated the Roman Games with great magnificence; they repeated one day's performance; they set up in the treasury five bronze statues out of the money collected as fines.
50.2. Aelius Paetus binis aeris in modios populo diviserunt. et ludos Romanos magno apparatu fecerunt; diem unum instaurarunt; signa aenea quinque ex multaticio argento in aerario posuerunt. plebeii ludi ab aedilibus L. Terentio Massiliota et Cn. Baebio Tamphilo, qui praetor designatus erat, ter toti instaurati.
50.4. The Plebeian Games were thrice repeated entire by the aediles Lucius Terentius Massiliota and Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, who had been chosen praetor.
50.4. et ludi funebres eo anno per quadriduum in foro mortis causa M. Valeri Laevini a Publio et Marco filiis eius facti, et munus gladiatorium datum ab iis; paria quinque et viginti pugnarunt. M. Aurelius Cotta decemvir sacrorum mortuus;
50.5. Funeral games lasting four days were exhibited in the forum in commemoration of the death of Marcus Valerius Laevinus, by his sons Publius and Marcus, and a gladiatorial show was given by them; twenty-five pairs of gladiators fought. Marcus Aurelius Cotta, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, died; in his stead Manius Acilius Glabrio was appointed.
50.5. in eius locum M'. Acilius Glabrio suffectus. comitiis aediles curules creati sunt forte ambo, qui statim occipere magistratum non possent. nam C. Cornelius Cethegus absens creatus erat, cum Hispaniam obtineret provinciam;
50.7. It happened that both the curule aediles chosen at the election were men who could not be inaugurated at once. For Gaius Cornelius Cethegus was elected in his absence, since he was engaged in administering the province of Spain; Gaius Valerius Flaccus, who was present when he was elected, could not take the oath to observe the laws because he was the flamen of Jupiter, and no magistrate was allowed to hold office for more than five days unless he had taken that oath.
50.7. C. Valerius Flaccus, quem praesentem creaverant, quia flamen Dialis erat, iurare in leges non poterat; magistratum autem plus quinque dies, nisi qui iurasset in leges, non licebat gerere. petente Flacco, ut legibus solveretur, senatus decrevit, ut, si aedilis, qui pro se iuraret, arbitratu consulum daret, consules, si iis videretur, cum tribunis plebis agerent, uti ad plebem ferrent. datus, qui iuraret pro fratre, L. Valerius Flaccus, praetor designatus. tribuni ad plebem tulerunt, plebesque scivit, ut perinde esset, ac si ipse aedilis iurasset.
50.10. At the request of Flaccus that he be exempted from the operation of the law, the senate decreed that if the aedile could find someone, approved by the consuls, who would take the oath on his behalf, the consuls, if it seemed wise to them, should request the tribunes to bring a resolution before the assembly.
50.10. et de altero aedile scitum plebi est factum; rogantibus tribunis, quos duos in Hispaniam cum imperio ad exercitus ire iuberent, ut C. Cornelius aedilis curulis ad magistratum gerendum veniret, et L.
50.11. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, the praetor-elect, was proposed to take the oath in his brother's place. The tribunes proposed and the people voted, that it should be as if the aedile himself had sworn. Regarding the other aedile, the assembly passed a decree; when the tribunes put the question what two men they would order to go to the armies in Spain, in order that Gaius Cornelius the curule aedile might come to enter upon his office, and that Lucius Manlius Acidinus might be relieved of his province after many years, the assembly ordered Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Stertinius to exercise authority in Spain with the rank of proconsuls. The consuls and praetors, having entered upon their offices on the Ides of March, drew lots for the provinces. The result gave Italy to Lucius Lentulus, Macedonia to Publius Villius, while of the praetors, the city jurisdiction fell to Lucius Quinctius, Ariminum to Gnaeus Baebius, Sicily to Lucius Valerius, and Sardinia to Lucius Villius.
50.11. Manlius Acidinus decederet de provincia multos post annos, plebes Cn. Cornelio Lentulo et L. Stertinio pro consulibus imperium esse in Hispania iussit. consules praetoresque, cum idibus Martiis magistratum inissent, provincias sortiti sunt. L. Lentulo Italia, P. Villio Macedonia, praetoribus L. Quinctio urbana, Cn. Baebio Ariminum, L. Valerio Sicilia, L. Villio Sardinia evenit.